Suchergebnisse

The subject of the article is Russian-Ukrainian relations, taken in the range from the recent past to the foreseeable future through political analysis. It is emphasized that in the considered short historical period of time there have been substantial and qualitative changes in these relations. The latter are arranged in a phased series: fraternal, good-neighbourhood, forced-neighbourhood and hostile. There are given descriptions of relations between states, elites and nations of Russia and Ukraine. The article reveals causes of political phenomena and processes that caused the negative dynamics of these relations. The research is based on the methodology of the Polish political scientist Jerzy Wiatra.

After the Byelorussian presidential elections in 2020, there was a turning point in the Ukrainian- Byelorussian relations, but there were almost no changes in the sphere of economic cooperation. In the first half of 2020, Byelorussia and Ukraine actively cooperated in the economic sphere. Minsk's resistance to integration with Russia was supported by Ukraine. Kiev also depended on fuel supplies from Byelorussia. Despite the political confrontation that began in August 2020, Minsk and Kiev have maintained stable economic relations. In the first half of 2021, political antagonism intensified. However, this situation did not have a clear negative impact on the economic relations between Byelorussia and Ukraine.

Guest editors' preface to the articles of this issue on the topic of language, identity, and ideology in Ukrainian media.

Trotz friedensstiftenden Bemühungen zwischen der Ukraine und Polen ist der Konflikt zwischen den beiden Nationen, der im 20. Jahrhundert seinen gewaltsamen Höhepunkt erreichte, ungelöst. Mit Blick auf Andrei Sheptyts'kyi, ukrainisch griechisch-katholischer Metropolit zwischen 1901 und 1944, sowie Erkenntnissen aus der qualitativen Forschung mit zeitgenössischen Vertretern derselben Kirche wird argumentiert, dass Sheptyts'kyi als Friedensstifter betrachtet werden muss und dass Vertreter der ukrainisch griechisch-katholischen Kirche, seinem Beispiel folgend, einzigartig positioniert sind, um im polnisch-ukrainischen Konflikt friedensstiftend zu wirken. Abschließend schlägt die Autorin mehrere Wege für solche Friedensarbeit vor.

This paper examines legal proceedings in the court of first instance for civil cases in Ukraine. Using ethnographic methodology, it demonstrates that a large part of a court judgement is predetermined by the institutional infrastructure and by practices established more widely in Ukrainian society. By observing case hearings and interviewing litigants and judges, the paper reveals that an unbridgeable gap separates a legal case, as constructed through documentary files, from the reality of life. This affects the very meaning of 'evidence' and the way that judicial decisions are made. The paper also illustrates the benefits of viewing a lower-level civil courtroom as a microcosm of a society, demonstrating that it provides rich insights into different layers of that society.

As a result of globalization, interpersonal relations are now being constructed across borders, cultures, and languages. Concurrent with this trend runs the emergence of English as the lingua franca. In the present study, the patterns of language use are examined in Norwegian-Ukrainian multilingual couples residing in Norway. The overarching objective of the project was to explore how these couples create their private lingua franca and engage in building their shared linguistic culture. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with five couples. Most of them had adopted a pragmatic attitude to language choice, employing English as the strongest and fairest shared language and having recourse to code-switching when necessary. The process of common linguistic culture building in the participating couples is characterized by linguistic relaxedness.intercultural couple

The current state of the Russian-American relations causes concerns. The economic sanctions the US introduced after the reunification with Crimea; the deliberate destruction of the Russian-American negotiation structure up to and including G-8 and the RF-US Presidential Commission and finally, megaphone diplomacy instead of the Moscow-Washington dialogue look too much as another bout of the Cold War relegated to the refuge heap of history. There is a more or less concerted opinion in Russia and other countries that another Cold War should be better avoided, it remains to be seen whether the Cold War which ended at the turn of the 1990s can be re-started. Here, Batyuk examines whether the Ukrainian crisis will end in another Cold War. Adapted from the source document.

Survival as Victory is the first anthropological study of daily life in the Soviet forced labor camps as experienced by Ukrainian women prisoners. Oksana Kis pulls from the written and oral histories of over 150 survivors to bring to life the gendered strategies of survival, accommodation, and resistance to the dehumanizing effects of the Gulag.

On September 30 2007, Ukrainian's went to the polls for the fifth time since independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. The pre-term parliamentary elections were called far ahead of schedule by President Viktor Yushchenko in March 2007 -- elections were not due until spring 2010 -- in a bid to break the latest round of political deadlock that had dogged the country since the formation of the coalition of 'National Unity' comprising the Party of the Regions, the Socialist party & the Communist Party in August 2006. Political instability & a series of short-lived governments had bedevilled Ukraine since the Orange Revolution of 2004, & the elections of 2007 were not expected to lead to a significant shake-up of the new Ukrainian parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, would very closely resemble its predecessor. Adapted from the source document.

The article is devoted to the consideration of the methodological problem of modern scientific humanitarian discourse in Ukraine - the relationship between the concepts of "Ukrainian philosophy" / "philosophy in Ukraine" in the days of the USSR. Based on a brief historical digression on the history of the philosophical process in Ukraine and the Diaspora, the author shows how difficult it is to assign certain philosophical theories, ideas and figures of thinkers to one of these categories. The article analyzes the existing developments on this issue, as well as proposes the author's version of its solution. It is also proposed to focus on the approach developed by Vilen Horsky in addressing the issue of correlating the concepts of "Ukrainian philosophy" / "philosophy in Ukraine" in the days of the USSR.
The conclusions emphasize that, despite the fact that the issue of "Ukrainian philosophy" / "philosophy in Ukraine" of the Soviet period is in some way set out and resolved even at the level of philosophy textbooks, it still remains open. But, obviously, we will never have a "final and irreversible" solution to this dilemma, in part because of a certain conditionality of such a division, which still makes sense as a symbolic definition of extreme positions in the development of philosophy in these lands in the USSR, as well as the whole humanitarian culture in general. As for the search for criteria for assigning a certain phenomenon or figure to Ukrainian philosophy, it should certainly continue, taking into account the principle of correlation of a number of criteria that will ultimately assess a certain philosophical phenomenon as a whole in terms of expanding the Ukrainian cultural circle through deepening its selfreflection.

The article explores Ukrainian periodicals of Ternopil region during the period of the national liberation struggle of Ukrainian people in 1918–1919, outlines historical background of the press rise in Ternopil region during this period, it figures out that the time in Ternopil region, as well as in Ukraine in general, is characterized by an increase in the printing press intensity. During February 1918 — December 1919 in the territory of the region, alternately twelve periodicals were published, six of them — official («Golos Podilia», «Vistnyk Derzhavnogo Sekretariatu Viyskovyh Sprav», «Ukrayinskyi Golos» — all three were being printed in Ternopil, «Berezhanskyi Vistnyk», «Borshchivskyy Golos», «Zbarazhske Slovo»), three — military («Strilets» Ternopil –Borshchiv, «Kozatskyi Golos» Ternopil, «Smix i Gore Sichovogo Striltsia» Kremenets), three — socio-political («Ukrayinski Visty» Ternopil, «Nasha Zemlya» and «Chortkivskyi Vistnyk» — both were published in Chortkiv). All above mentioned publications were published less than a year, mostly one or two months, rarely from three to five months. Only two military journals («Strilets» and «Kozatskyi Golos») were published eleven and ten months respectively. The size of the indicated journals mostly was 2–4 pages, only a few numbers were larger (up to 6–8 pages). All periodicals published in the region during this period, stood on the position of statehood establishment, independence of Ukraine. Official materials, fronts messages, publications on land issues, materials about Ukrainian national identity, relations with Poles and bolsheviks, etc were often published on the pages of the newspapers. Newspapers, that were published in cities with traditions of Ukrainian press-printing (Ternopil, Berezhany), were more informative, among their publications prevailed own materials on actual socio-political themes and also their polygraphic design was more qualitative. It is proved that the press of the period of the national liberation struggle of Ukrainians in 1918–1919 has ...

The views of & participation by Ukrainian citizens in the Orange Revolution are considered from six perspectives, to show that several events simultaneously occurred to create an environment ripe for revolution. A historical narrative describes the four year political crisis of the country, 2000-2004, & the poisoning of Yuschenko. The author also discusses popular notions of the illegitimacy of the oligarchy's wealth, the preference of the oligarchy for bandit capitalism over a transition to democratic rule, & the belief that the elite were out of touch with reality. The creation of a young oppositional base was supported by the stark "good verses evil" image that caricatured Yanukovych's criminal history & lack of intelligence, as well as popular displeasure in maintaining the status quo. Finally, the importance of "Back to Europe!" civic nationalism is addressed and the miscalculation that Russophones would vote based on on a Russian language preference is discussed. Tables, y. J. Harwell

This paper is devoted to clarifying the essence of the political regime that emerged in Ukraine as a result of the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections. The author concludes that the current political regime in Ukraine is a classic example of delegative democracy, as it emerged as a result free, competitive and transparent elections, but after the election all state power was concentrated in the hands of the president, with significant violations of generally accepted standards of democratic of governance and norms and procedures of Ukrainian legislation. He emphasizes that the value of the concept of delegative democracy lies in the fact that it illustrates one of the contradictions in the democratic development of many countries that lack democratic traditions – the contradiction between the electoral legitimacy of government and generally accepted standards of democratic governance. Delegative democracies are by its nature the populist regimes, the emergence of which is caused by the belief of citizens in improving their lives under the leadership of a charismatic person. It is noted that delegative regime as a result of growing public dissatisfaction with both its domestic and foreign policies are democracy has three development trends: 1) comparable endurance; 2) the transformation to autocracy; 3) the removal of the president from power as a result of subsequent elections or mass protests. The author believes that all these alternatives can theoretically be inherent in the current regime of delegative democracy in Ukraine, but the endurance is the least likely of them. The transformation of delegative democracy into autocracy or the elimination of the Zelensky regime as a result of growing public dissatisfaction with both its domestic and foreign policies are more likely.