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Background: The importance of engaging people who use drugs in drug policy development is increasingly acknowledged including in recent UN documents. Little scholarly attention has been paid to 'drug user representation' in the global drug policy setting of the UN such as the Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND). This paper examines 'drug user representation' in key UN drug policy processes over three decades. Method: A mapping process was undertaken using a corpus of publicly available documents from the UNGASS on Drugs and associated CND processes to identify relevant policy processes from 1987 to 2019 (n = 15) which were then assess for presence/absence of 'drug user representation'. Those processes with positive evidence of 'drug user representation' (n = 9) were critically interrogated across three co-constitutive domains of the subjects, objects and forms of 'drug user representation'. Results: Our analysis shows that despite calls for greater involvement, dominant UN drug policy discourses and other practices delimit both the political subjectivities available to people who use/have used drugs and their capacity to bring their voices to bear in this context. The analysis also highlights that human rights-based discourses, employed by 'drug user representatives', have emerged as an important practice of resistance against the problematic and delimiting power effects of existing UN discourses, governing practices and modes of engagement. Conclusions: In addition to the practices of resistance being undertaken by 'drug user representatives', we suggest there is a need to improve how 'drug user representation' is being made possible and done in the sites of UN drug policy deliberation and, that these sites should be opened for questioning. This we argue will not only have a positive impact on political legitimacy for 'drug user representation', but on the health and human rights of people who use/have used drugs.

The purpose of the following article is to sustain the view that accepting the basic notions of political liberalism does not necessarily lead to a minimalistic concept of global justice as that developed by John Rawls in The Law of Peoples. In opposition to his explicit opinion, I shall hold that –within the global political field– contemporary liberal democracies can publicly hold egalitarian ideals and a robust conception of human rights in order to justify some of the features of their foreign policy. I shall try to demonstrate that this is not incompatible with the required tolerance and respect toward nations that conspicuously embrace ways of life and belief systems incompatible with some of the most relevant liberal values. ; La meta del presente artículo es defender la tesis de que la aceptación de las ideas fundamentales del liberalismo político no conducen necesariamente a una concepción de la justicia global minimalista como la que desarrolló John Rawls en The Law of Peoples. Sostendré, contra lo que el filósofo explícitamente afirma, que las democracias liberales contemporáneas pueden apelar públicamente, en la esfera política global, a los ideales igualitarios y a una concepción robusta de los derechos humanos como justificación de ciertos aspectos de su política exterior. Intentaré demostrar que ello no resulta incompatible con el requisito de asumir una posición de tolerancia y de respeto con las naciones que suscriben mayoritariamente formas de vida y sistemas de creencias incompatibles con algunos de los valores liberales más significativos.

Contents: 1965 victims must be rehabilitated -- Indonesia ratifies two rights conventions -- Masterminds of Munir's murder are beyond the law -- Give peace a chance -- Peace in Aceh one month on -- First phase of prisoner reintegration -- Growing intolerance amongst religious groups -- Second Bali bombing atrocity -- Economy in deep trouble -- Tribal Council rejects special autonomy law -- Historic language in US bill - Abepura killers escape justice -- Yusak Pakage statement -- Pastor leads struggle for peace and justice -- Tanjung Priok acquittals a travesty -- Historic Balibo house restored -- Book review: A not-so-distant horror.

This article examines the most common accounts of multicultural reform in Latin America as well as the principal analyses of the Indian movement in this same region. The positions adopted by three generations of native informants regarding official assimilation (1920-1980) and diversity (2000-2010) policies are described on the basis of an historical and ethnographic survey carried out in a rural area of Mexico, Milpa Alta, where the population has been identified as descended from pre-Columbian inhabitants. The article argues that multicultural policies, international human rights legislation and, often, native political discourse are in tension with national systems of alterity. In the case studied here, multicultural policies are grafted on to a configuration which situates native populations in an archetypal position of alterity. It is, however, an endogenous alterity since it is imagined to be a constitutive part of a larger national 'us' conceived of as uniformly mestizo. Its specificity notwithstanding, the Mexican example allows us to consider the importance of the exogenous or endogenous character of alterity in discussing the consensus today enjoyed by the multicultural model. ; Siège des Nations unies, New York, 13 septembre 2007. L'assemblée générale des Nations unies émet une résolution par laquelle elle adopte une Déclaration sur les droits des peuples autochtones qui, sans définir ce qu'est un peuple autochtone et sans être contraignante pour les États, établit deux principes novateurs : les différentes manifestations de la culture des peuples autochtones sont un patrimoine enrichissant pour les États et pour l'humanité entière ; une des fonctions de l'État est de garantir leur développement et leur respect. Cette résolution reconnaît aussi aux autochtones le droit à l'autodétermination et à l'autonomie territoriale, politique et administrative au sein des États-nations contemporains. Elle défend également leur « droit de ne pas subir d'assimilation forcée » (Article 8). [Premier paragraphe de l'article]

This article examines the most common accounts of multicultural reform in Latin America as well as the principal analyses of the Indian movement in this same region. The positions adopted by three generations of native informants regarding official assimilation (1920-1980) and diversity (2000-2010) policies are described on the basis of an historical and ethnographic survey carried out in a rural area of Mexico, Milpa Alta, where the population has been identified as descended from pre-Columbian inhabitants. The article argues that multicultural policies, international human rights legislation and, often, native political discourse are in tension with national systems of alterity. In the case studied here, multicultural policies are grafted on to a configuration which situates native populations in an archetypal position of alterity. It is, however, an endogenous alterity since it is imagined to be a constitutive part of a larger national 'us' conceived of as uniformly mestizo. Its specificity notwithstanding, the Mexican example allows us to consider the importance of the exogenous or endogenous character of alterity in discussing the consensus today enjoyed by the multicultural model. ; Siège des Nations unies, New York, 13 septembre 2007. L'assemblée générale des Nations unies émet une résolution par laquelle elle adopte une Déclaration sur les droits des peuples autochtones qui, sans définir ce qu'est un peuple autochtone et sans être contraignante pour les États, établit deux principes novateurs : les différentes manifestations de la culture des peuples autochtones sont un patrimoine enrichissant pour les États et pour l'humanité entière ; une des fonctions de l'État est de garantir leur développement et leur respect. Cette résolution reconnaît aussi aux autochtones le droit à l'autodétermination et à l'autonomie territoriale, politique et administrative au sein des États-nations contemporains. Elle défend également leur « droit de ne pas subir d'assimilation forcée » (Article 8). [Premier paragraphe de ...

In Stakeholding and New Labour , Rajiv Prabhakar examines two core claims. Firstly, that stakeholding furnishes the centre-left with a set of 'Third Way' principles of public policy that differ from those previously deployed by the Labour and Conservative parties. Secondly, Prabhakar contends that while explicit references to stakeholding have been scaled down by New Labour, the concept remains important for understanding the ideology and the policies of New Labour in government

This article attempts to clarify the controversies Charles Taylor's thoughts on group rights and identity politics have generated by exploring the constitutional and normative dimensions of Taylor's approach to the problem of political fragmentation, what he calls "deep diversity." In doing so, it makes a qualified defence of Taylor against his critics while also sketching an alternative route to deep diversity. The latter responds to the critics' concerns about the actual forms of accommodation or recognition that Taylor's thought sanctifies while preserving the normative core of his model.

Cover; Half Title; Series; Title; Copyright; Contents; List of contributors; List of figures; List of tables; Acknowledgements; Introduction; 1 Development obligations in Canada: the experience in four provinces; 2 Developer obligations in the US; 3 Developers' obligations as a land value capture tool: practice and lessons from Colombia; 4 Charging building rights as nonƯnegotiable developer obligations: the case of Brazil; 5 The progressive acceptance of developer obligations in Chile, 1990-2017

chapter 1 INDIVIDUALISM AND CLASSICAL LIBERALISM -- chapter 2 ETHICS AND FREE WILL -- chapter 3 HUMAN ACTION AND THE NATURE OF MORAL EVIL -- chapter 4 WHY OBJECTIVE ETHICAL CLAIMS APPEAR SUBJECTIVE -- chapter 5 A DEFENSE OF PROPERTY RIGHTS AND CAPITALISM -- chapter 6 AMERICA'S FOUNDING PRINCIPLES AND MULTICULTURALISM -- chapter 7 RADICAL FEMINISM AS UNIFORMITARIANISM -- chapter 8 HUMAN RIGHTS REAFFIRMED -- chapter 9 DO ANIMALS HAVE RIGHTS? -- chapter 10 10Politics and generosity -- chapter 11 11Understanding Eastern European developments -- chapter 12 12Individual rights and the common good: the case of the environment -- chapter 13 13Individualism and political dialogue -- chapter 14 14Individualism versus its critics -- chapter 15 15Reason, individualism, and capitalism: the moral vision of Ayn Rand.

The landmark book that established Robert Reid-Pharr as one of America's most exciting and challenging left intellectualsAt turns autobiographical, political, literary, erotic, and humorous, Black Gay Man spoils our preconceived notions of not only what it means to be black, gay and male but also what it means to be a contemporary intellectual. Both a celebration of black gay male identity as well as a powerful critique of the structures that allow for the production of that identity, Black Gay Man introduced the eloquent voice of Robert Reid-Pharr in cultural criticism. At once erudite and readable, the range of topics and positions taken up in Black Gay Man reflect the complexity of American life itself. Treating subjects as diverse as the Million Man March, interracial sex, anti-Semitism, turn of the century American intellectualism as well as literary and cultural figures ranging from Essex Hemphill and Audre Lorde to W.E.B. DuBois, Frantz Fanon and James Baldwin, Black Gay Man is a bold and nuanced attempt to question prevailing ideas about community, desire, politics and culture. Moving beyond critique, Reid-Pharr also pronounces upon the promises of a new America

This Handbook addresses the role of women in communism as a global, social and political movement for the first time, exploring their lives, forms of activism, political strategies and transnational networks. Comprising twenty-five chapters, based on new and primary research, the book presents the lives of self-identified communist women from a truly international perspective and outlines their struggles against fascism and colonialism, and for women's emancipation and national liberation. By using the lens of transnational political biography, the chapters capture the broader picture of these women's lives, unpacking the links between the so-called public and private, the power structures and inequalities of their societies, the formal networks and politics in which they were involved, and the informal connections and friendships that supported their activism both at the national and international level. Challenging androcentric and Eurocentric narratives about communism, this Handbook reveals the active and significant roles of women in nineteenth- and twentieth-century communist movements and regimes, and highlights the importance of communist women in shaping the agenda for women's rights worldwide

This Handbook addresses the role of women in communism as a global, social and political movement for the first time, exploring their lives, forms of activism, political strategies and transnational networks. Comprising twenty-five chapters, based on new and primary research, the book presents the lives of self-identified communist women from a truly international perspective and outlines their struggles against fascism and colonialism, and for women's emancipation and national liberation. By using the lens of transnational political biography, the chapters capture the broader picture of these women's lives, unpacking the links between the so-called public and private, the power structures and inequalities of their societies, the formal networks and politics in which they were involved, and the informal connections and friendships that supported their activism both at the national and international level. Challenging androcentric and Eurocentric narratives about communism, this Handbook reveals the active and significant roles of women in nineteenth- and twentieth-century communist movements and regimes, and highlights the importance of communist women in shaping the agenda for women's rights worldwide

This article explores issues of authenticity, legal discourse, and local requirements of belonging by considering the recent surge of indigenous recognitions in northeastern Brazil. It investigates how race and ethnicity are implicated in the recognition process in Brazil, based on a successful struggle for indigenous identity and access to land by a group of African-descended rural workers. This article argues that the relationship between two processes – law making and indigenous identity formation – is crucial to understanding how the notion of mixed heritage is both reinforced and disentangled. It illustrates how these two processes interact over time and how that interaction can open up possibilities for the production of political subjectivities for African-descended people who can successfully make claims as indigenous. Finally, this article reconfigures and clarifies the heated contemporary debate over mestizaje (ethnoracial and cultural mixing) in Spanish-speaking Latin America by broadening it to include the Brazilian experience.

The article analyzes the nature of perversion at local level in the absence of poll, controversy and conflict in local transition of Nepal at the present context. It also argues that the absence of elections at micro democratic institutions, right to vote and elect own representatives remain on paper, poor service delivery and no service delivery, the relation between the state and the citizens have further widened due to legacy of exclusionary politics. At the end, political parties are the creator of democracy; they lack a common vision to lead the society and how to live together. Federalism a new political order, is going to start; the coming days will show whether it will bring stability or instability in such society.Journal of Political Science. Vol. 17, 2017, Page: 63-81

From Seascapes of extinction to seascapes of confidence. Territorial Use Rights in Fisheries in Chile: El Quisco and Puerto Oscuro by Gloria Gallardo Fernandés is an important contribution to our understanding of the multifaceted challenges underlying sustainable solutions to ecological fisheries, the book describes how, in Chile, indiscriminate harvest of the edible shellfish Concholepas concholepas (false abalone or Loco), has been threatening not only the living of small-scale artisan fishers but also the ecosystem. In an attempt to strengthen the fishers' livelihoods and at the same time recuperate the fish, the Chilean government introduced the regulatory measure: Management and Exploitation Areas for Benthic Resources (MEABRs), locally known as Management Areas (MAs) and internationally as Territorial Use Rights in Fisheries (TURFs).