Suchergebnisse

John Dewey on the Horror of Making
his Poetry Public



This April's Fools interview is a preview for 'The Return of the Theorists: Dialogues with Great Thinkers in International Relations' (ed. Ned Lebow, Peer Schouten & Hidemi Suganami), now available at Palgrave.









After
various rounds of experimentation, two youthful IR scholars (the editor-in chief of this venture and Christian Bueger) bend space-time and
access an alternate reality with the ambition to conduct an interview for Theory
Talks with John Dewey. Dewey (1859-1952) was an American thinker often associated
with a school of thought that has become known as American pragmatism. He is today
largely known for his contributions to education studies, philosophy of science,
and the theory of democracy. In this Talk, the young scholars sound out Dewey
on what thinking tools his original worldview would provide for IR—after
resolving a small embarrassment.







TT Dear Mr. Dewey. Thank you so much for your
willingness to participate in this Talk. Theory
Talks is an open-access journal that contributes to International Relations
debates by publishing interviews with cutting-edge theorists. It is not often
that Theory Talks is able to overcome
space-time limitations and conduct a Talk with a departed theorist.



I am sorry—I think I have to interrupt you there…



TT Well, all right?



Yes, yes, the fact of the matter is that I am not a
theorist and refuse to be associated with that label! To purify theory out of
experience as some distinct realm, sirs, is to contribute to a fallacy that I
have dedicated my life to combat! I am afraid that this venture of yours, of
involving me in this Theory Talks, is
stillborn.



TT Dear Professor Dewey—with all due respect, we are
running ahead of matters here a little. The reason why we invited you is exactly
for you to expound your ideas—and reservations—regarding theory, practice, and
international relations. Would you be willing to bracket your concern for a
minute? We promise to get back to it.



Well my dear sirs—it is that you insist on a
dialogue—that restless, participative and dramatic form of inquiry that leads
to so much more insight than books—and that you have travelled from far by
means that utterly fascinate me, so I will give you the benefit of the doubt.



TT Thank you. And let us from the outset emphasize
that by interviewing you for Theory Talks, we don't necessarily want to reduce
your contribution to thought to the practice of theorizing. Isn't it also
correct you have written poetry?



Now I am baffled a second time! I have never publicly
attempted my hand at the noble art of the poetic!



TT It has to be said, Mr. Dewey, that the problem of
what is and isn't public has perhaps shifted a bit since your passing away. That's
something we'd like to discuss, too, but the fact of the matter is that what
you have consistently consigned to the trashcan of your office at Columbia
University has been just as meticulously recovered by 'a janitor with a long
view'.



Oh heavens! You tell me I have been uncovered as a
versifier? What of my terrible scribbling has been uncovered you say?



TT Well, perhaps you recognize the one that starts
like:



I hardly
think I heard you call

Since
betwixt us was the wall

Of sounds
within, buzzings i' the ear

Roarings
i' the vein so closely near…



… 'That I was captured in illusion/Of outward things
said clear…' I well remember—a piece particularly deserving of oblivion. I
wrote that in the privacy of lonely office hours, thinking the world would have
the mercy not to allow a soul to lay its eyes on it!



TT We are sorry to say that besides this one, a total
of 101 poems has been recovered, and published in print—and you know, given
some advances in technology, circulation of text is highly accelerated, meaning
that one could very well say your poetry is part of the public domain.



So there I am, well half a decade after my death,
subject to the indirect effects of advances in technology interacting with the
associations I myself carelessly established between roses, summer days, and
all too promiscuous waste bins! Sirs, in the little time we have conversed, I
see the afterlife hasn't brought me any good. Hades takes on a bleaker shade…



TT Well, in reality, the future has been good to you:
you are firmly canonised as one an authentic American intellectual, and stand firmly
on a pedestal in the galleries occupied by the notables of modern international
social thought. So why don't we explore a little bit why that is, within the
specific domain of political theory? Theory
Talks actually poses the same first three questions to every interviewee,
followed by a number of questions specific to your thought. The first question
we always pose is: What, according to you, is the biggest challenge or central
debate in International Relations and what is your position vis-à-vis that
challenge/debate?



I think that while it must have been noted by other
interviewees that in fact this question is two separate questions—one about
real-world challenges and another about theoretical debates—I would be the last
to do so, and I am happy you mix concerns of theory and practice. I have always
fought against establishing such a fictional separation between seemingly distinct
domains of thought and practice. It is a dangerous fiction on top of it. The
same goes for International Relations—while I have not dedicated myself to the
study of the international as a discrete field of action, I do think that this domain
does not escape some of the general observations I have made regarding society
and its politics.



I hold that "modern society is many societies more or
less loosely connected" by all kinds of associations. As I explain in The Public and its Problems, a
fundamental challenge of modern times is that the largely technically mediated associations
that constitute societies have outstretched the social mechanisms that we had
historically developed on the human scale of the village to mitigate their
indirect effects on others. During my life, I witnessed the proliferation of
railway, telegraph, radio, steam-driven shipping, and car and weapon
industries—thoroughly extending the web of association and affectedness within
and across borders. This means action constantly reaches further. People close
by and in far-off places are suddenly confronted with situations that they have
to relate to but which are out of their control. This automatically makes them
part of interested publics, with a stake in the way these mechanisations work. Now
this perhaps seems abstract but consider: the spread of a new technology—I see
you both looking on some small device with a black mirrored screen nervously
every 5 minutes—automatically involves users as a 'stakeholder'. Your actions
are mediated by them. You become affected by their design and
configuration—over which you have little control. In that regard, you are part
of a concerned public, but you have no way to influence the politics
constitutive of these technologies.



I would say the largest challenge is to amplify
participation and to institutionalize these fleeting publics. The proliferation
of technologies and institutions as conduits for international associations has
rendered publics around the globe more inchoate, while seemingly making it
easier than ever before to influence—for good or ill—large groups through the
manipulation of these global infrastructures of the public. We sowed
infrastructures, we reap fragilities and more diffusely affected publics: each
new technological expansion of the possibility to form associations leads to
concomitant insecurities.



TT How did you arrive where you currently are in your
thinking?



I have had the sheer luck or fortune to be engaged in
the occupation of thinking; and while I am quite regular at my meals, I think
that I may say that I would rather work, and perhaps even more, play, with
ideas and with thinking than eat. I was born in the wake of the Civil War, and
in times of a profound acceleration of technology as a vehicle of social,
economic, and political development. Perhaps, as in your own times, upheaval
and change was the status quo, stability a rare exception. My studies at Johns
Hopkins with people such as Peirce had tickled an intellectual curiosity as of
yet unsatisfied. I subsequently went to the University of Chicago for a decade
in which my commitment to pragmatist philosophy consolidated. Afterwards at
Columbia, and at the New School which I founded with people such as Charles A. Beard
and Thorsten Veblen, this approach translated into a number of books. In these I
applied my pragmatist convictions to such disparate issues as education, art,
faith, logic and indeed politics, the topic of your question. For me, these are
all interdependent aspects of society. This interdependence and inseparability
of the social fabric means that skewed economic or political interests will
reverberate throughout. But I am an optimist in that I also believe in the
fundamental possibility and promise of science and democracy to curb radical
change and reroute it into desirable directions for those affected. Good things
are also woven through the social and we should amplify those to lessen the
effects of negative associations.



TT What would a student require to become a specialist
in International Relations or to see the world in a global way?



A question dear to my heart. You might know that
throughout my entire life I have striven for transforming our understanding and
practice of education. Human progress is dependent on education, and as I have
learned during my travels to Russia, reform is not to be had by revolution but
by gradual education. Education is training in reflective thinking. The quality
of democracy depends on education.



Towards the end of my life I witnessed the creation of
the United Nations. This was a clear signal to me that "the relations between
nations are taking on the properties that constitute a public, and hence call
for some measure of political organization". Having this forum implied that we
saw the end of the complete denial of political responsibility of how the
policies in one national unit affect another as we find in the doctrine of
sovereignty. That the end of this doctrine is within reach means that we
require global education which will ensure the rise of informed global publics
which can develop the tools required to respond to global challenges.



In a more substantive fashion, I would insist that
students hold on to the essential impossibility to separate out experience as
it unfolds over time. The divisions and preferences that have come to dominate
academic knowledge in its 20th century 'maturing' are for me a loss
of rooting of knowledge in experience.



TT We're sorry, but isn't the task of social sciences
to offer universal or at least objective analytical categories to make sense of
the muddle of real-world experience? What you seem to be proposing is the
opposite!



I align with Weber in lamenting the acceleration of
the differentiation of understanding in society. This has made it difficult for
your generations to address social, political and economic challenges head on
while avoiding getting lost in one of its details or facets. Isn't the economic
and the political, constantly encroaching on everyday life? In the end, this
perhaps explains my insistence on democracy and schooling as the pivots of good
society: democracy to reconstruct and defend publics, and schooling to defend
individuals against (mis)understanding the world in ways that cannot be reduced
to their own lived experience. If students could only hold on to this holistic
perspective and eschew isolating subject matters from their social contexts.



TT Throughout your 70 years of active scholarship you
have written over a thousand articles and books. One commentator of your work
suggested that your body of writing is an "elaborate spider's web, the
junctions and lineaments of which its engineer knows well and in and on which
he is able to move about with great facility. But for the outsider who seeks to
traverse or map that territory there is the constant danger of getting stuck."
Many find your work difficult to navigate—what advice would you give the
reader?



Sirs why would anyone want to engage in a quest of
mapping all of my writings? You have to understand that thought always proceeds
in relations. A web, perhaps, yes. A spider's web certainly not. A spider that
spins a web out of himself, produces a web that is orderly and elaborate, but
it is only a trap. That is the goal of pure reasoning, not mine. The scientific
method of inquiry is rather comparable to the operations of the bee who
collects material within and from the world, but attacks and modifies the
collected stuff in order to make it yield its hidden treasure. "Drop the
conception that knowledge is knowledge only when it is a disclosure and
definition of the properties of fixed and antecedent reality; interpret the aim
and test of knowing by what happens in the actual procedures of scientific
inquiry". The occasion of thinking and writing is the experience of problems
and the need to clarify and resolve them. Everything depends on the problem,
the situations and the tools available. Inquiry does not rely on a priori
elements or fixed rules. I always attempted to start my work by understanding in
which problematic situations I aimed at intervening. Philosophy and academic,
but also public life, in my time was heading in wrong directions that called
upon me to initiate inquiry to resolve issues—in media res, as it were. When I
wrote Logic, I tried to rebut
dogmatic understandings. Now it appears that I am on the verge of becoming a
dogma myself. In a sense, the most tragic scenario would be if people develop a
"Deweyan" perspective or theory. Now I am curious, what problem brought you
actually to converse with me? 



TT Well, we are here today because we have been asked
to contribute to an effort to collect the views of a number of different
theorists, who, like you, live in different space-time. Now that we are here,
could we ask you to tell us how you use the term 'inquiry'? It is one of your core
concepts and in our conversation you already frequently referred to it. It is
often difficult to understand what you mean by this term and how it provides
direction and purpose for science…



It's a simple one, provided you have not been
indoctrinated by logical positivists. You, me, all of us, frequently engage in
inquiry. There is little distinction between solving problems of everyday life
and the reasoning of the scientist or philosopher. Most often habit and routine
will give you satisfaction. Yet when these fail or give you unpleasant
experience, then reasoning begins. Without inquiry, sirs, most likely you
wouldn't have been able to speak to me today! You will have to explain later
how you bended time and space and which technology allowed you to travel through
a black hole. But Albert was right, time travel is possible! Could we converse
today without Einstein's fabulous inquiry that led him to the realization of
space-time? Until the promulgation of Einstein's restricted theory of
relativity, mass, time and motion were regarded as intrinsic properties of
ultimate fixed and independent substances. Einstein questioned this on the
basis of experimentation and an investigation of the problem of simultaneity,
that is, that from different reference frames there can never be agreement on
the simultaneity of events.



Reflection implies that something is believed in (or
disbelieved in), not on its own direct account, but through something else
which stands as witness, evidence, proof, voucher, warrant; that is, as ground
of belief. At one time, rain is actually felt or directly experienced without
any intermediary fact; at another time, we infer that it has rained from the
looks of the grass and trees, or that it is going to rain because of the
condition of the air or the state of the barometer. The fact that inquiry intervenes
in ever-shifting contexts demands us to restrain from eternal truths or absolutistic
logic. Someone believing in a truth such as "individualism", has his program
determined for him in advance. It is then not a matter of finding out the
particular thing which needs to be done and the best way, and the
circumstances, of doing it. He knows in advance the sort of thing which must be
done, just as in ancient physical philosophy the thinker knew in advance what
must happen, so that all he had to do was to supply a logical framework of
definitions and classifications.



When I say that thinking and beliefs should be
experimental, not absolutistic, I have in mind a certain logic of method. Such
a logic firstly implies that the concepts, general principles, theories and
dialectical developments which are indispensable to any systematic knowledge are
shaped and tested as tools of inquiry. Secondly, policies and proposals for
social action have to be treated as working hypotheses. They have to be subject
to constant and well-equipped observations of the consequences they entail when
acted upon and subject to flexible revision. The social sciences are primarily
an apparatus for conducting such investigations.



TT Doesn't such a form of reasoning mean we'll just
muddle through without ever reaching certainty?



Absolutely correct! Arriving at one point is the
starting point of another. Life flowers and should be understood as such; experimental
reasoning is never complete. I can imagine the surprise you must feel at sudden
unforeseen events in international political relationships when you hold on to
fixed frames of how these relationships do and ought to look. That we will never
reach certainty does not imply to give up the quest of certainty, however. We
have to continuously improve on our tools of scientific inquiry…



TT Sorry to interrupt you here. Now it sounds as if
you have a sort of methods fetish. Do you imply that everything can be solved
by the right method and all that we have to do is to refine our methods? That's
something that our colleagues running statistics and thinking that the problems
of international can be solved by algorithms argue as well.



It might be that mathematical reasoning has well
advanced since my departure, and that the importance granted to the economy and
economic thinking as the sole conditioning factor of political organisation has
only increased, but you haven't fully grasped what I mean by 'tools'. Tell your
stubbornly calculating colleagues that inquiry is embedded in a situation,
hence there cannot be a single method which would fix all kinds of problems.
Second, while I admire the skill of mathematicians, what I mean by tools goes
well beyond that. A tool can be a concept, a term, a theory, a proposal, a
course of action, anything that might matter to settle a particular situation.
A tool is however not a solution per se. It is a proposal. It must be tested
against the problematic material. It matters only in so far as it is part of a
practical activity aimed at resolving a problematic situation.  



TT You emphasize that language is instrumental and reject
the idea of a private language. You also spent quite some energy to demolish
the "picture theory" of language. These arguments form the basis of
what we call today "constructivism", yet they are mainly subscribed to the Philosophical
Investigations of the later Ludwig Wittgenstein.



Earhh, I am aware of this fellow. He is an analytical
philosopher, so develops his argument from a different background. I started to
work on the social and cultural aspects of language use from around 1916. I
don't know whether Wittgenstein actually read my work when he set out to write
Philosophical Investigations, but you are quite right, there are obvious
parallels. I think my own term of "conjoint activity" expresses pretty much the
same, perhaps less eloquently, what Wittgenstein termed language games. I am
pleased to hear, however, that the instrumental view on language, that objects
get their meanings within a language in and by conjoint community of functional
use, has become firmly established in academia. I'd have reservations about the
term, 'constructivism'. It might be useful since it reminds us of all the
construction work that the organization of politics and society entails. Indeed
I have frequently stressed that instrumentalist theory implies construction. If
constructivism doesn't mean post-mortem studies of how something has been
constructed, but is directed towards production of better futures, I might be
fine with the term. But perhaps I would prefer 'productivism'.



TT That is a plausible term, but we are afraid, the
history of science has settled on constructivism. And you are right, the tendencies
you warn us of are significantly present in our discipline.



Sirs, if you permit. I have to attend to other
obligations. I
wish you safe travels back. Make sure you pick up something from the gift shop
before you leave.

A vital and underappreciated dimension of social interaction is the way individuals justify their actions to others, instinctively drawing on their experience to appeal to principles they hope will command respect. Individuals, however, often misread situations, and many disagreements can be explained by people appealing, knowingly and unknowingly, to different principles. On Justification is the first English translation of Luc Boltanski and Laurent Thévenot's ambitious theoretical examination of these phenomena, a book that has already had a huge impact on French sociology and is likely to h

What should be seen in pornography? Reproduction and recognition of gender representation. The criticism and willingness to limit the dissemination of pornographic representations has long been dominated by the respect of a certain moral view of 'morality', this criticism has for many years been taken up from a feminist and progressive perspective. It is therefore essentially a question of considering that those representations reproduce a certain amount of violence against women and of denouncing the gendered game and distribution of sexual roles represented in that way, in so far as they prevent effective civic equality for men and women, and thus correspond to sexuality deemed degrading and morally condemned in that regard. In the United States, where the First Amendment allows any opinion to be expressed unless it amounts to a violent act, the challenge is to show that violent representations are in themselves a degradation of women. In France, where the Penal Code condemns incitement to violence, the challenge is to show that exposure to these representations causes a certain propensity to act in a degrading manner towards women. Such tactics are intended to induce and found a prohibition on pornographic representations in so far as they necessarily mean that they are degrading. Against such a view, which prohibits any reinvestment or re-ownership of these performances by their viewers, Judith Butler proposes a different perspective: disrupt their media reception in order to make them mean other than as trade marks of a ; International audience ; What should be seen in pornography? Reproduction and recognition of gender representation. The criticism and willingness to limit the dissemination of pornographic representations has long been dominated by the respect of a certain moral view of 'morality', this criticism has for many years been taken up from a feminist and progressive perspective. It is therefore essentially a question of considering that those representations reproduce a certain amount of ...

In the context of research into the relationship between secularism and multiculturalism in contemporary India, this paper points to their specific interrelatedness and the distinctive Indian approach to secularism through the idea of a principled distance as a way to adjust to religious pluralism that has a close affinity with multiculturalism. Contrary to opinions that secularism is alien to the Indian civilisation, by a selection of instances through Indian history, the paper illustrates the broader meaning of "Indian" religious and secular thinking and also points to the significance of interaction among various religious cultures and subcultures, particularly between Hinduism and Islam/Sufism. However, the paper focuses on the analysis of Indian constitutional secularism and legally warranted multiculturalism. Debates on multiculturalism follow two distinct directions: the first examines multiculturalism as a state policy in the form of federalisation of its political system, whereas the second is concerned with the meaning of multiculturalism and its implications for the issues of individual and group rights, culture, religion, and secularism. It also touches upon the influence of the British colonial rule on the shaping of interreligious relations in independent India. The last section questions the ascendancy of Hindu nationalism, particularly in view of the rise to power of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2014, its appropriation of the new "idea" of India, especially the Hindu nationalist narrative, which endangers India's official ideology of secularism, as well as the position of the minorities, in particular of the Muslim minority. The article is divided into seven sections. The Introduction outlines, in general, the main distinction between secularism and multiculturalism and their relationship, referring to the two principal approaches to secularism: (1) neutrality between different religions, and (2) prohibition of religious associations in state activities. Indian secularism tends to emphasise neutrality in particular rather than prohibition in general. The second section, Traces of the Indian Secular Thought through History, examines the view, particularly pervasive among Hindutva supporters, that secularism is alien to the Indian civilisation from the perspectives of history and philosophy, which both provide evidence that "the constituents of secularism which make up the concept are not alien to Indian thought" (Thapar, 2013: 4). In this context, the most evoked name in connection with religious tolerance is that of Ashoka Maurya, who in his edicts called not only for the co-existence of all religious sects but also for equal respect for those who represented them. Many centuries later, Moghul Emperor Akbar supported dialogue across adherents of different religions, including atheists. He laid the formal foundations of a secular legal structure and religious neutrality of the state. The paper here also points to the significance of interaction among various religious cultures and subcultures, the more so between Hinduism and Islam/Sufism. It focuses on extending the meaning of "Indian" religion in the sense that it includes multiple religions, such as Brahmanism, Buddhism, Jainism, Bhakti, Shakta, Islam/ Sufism, Guru-Pir tradition, which, but for Brahmanism, challenge orthodoxy by giving greater weight to social ethics rather than to prescriptive religious texts. The third section, Multiculturalism in Indian Context, refers to the Indian legally warranted multiculturalism and relating debates followed by two distinct directions. The first examines multiculturalism as a state policy in the form of federalisation of its political system; a process which involves the political accommodation of ethnic identities, which remains the most effective method of management and resolution of conflicts. The second direction is concerned with the meaning of multiculturalism and its implications for the issues of individual and group rights, culture, religion, secularism. According to Rajeev Bhargava (1999: 35, 2007), cultural particularity might undermine the "common foundation for a viable society", and might also lessen individual freedom, thus invalidating the values of liberal democracy. From there follows the question of constitutional protection of personal laws of religious communities, which is, in a way, in collision with the primary secular identity, that of a citizen (Thapar, 2010, 2013). The fourth section, Characteristics of Indian Secularism, analyses in some detail the Articles of the Indian Constitution concerned with the basic understanding of secularism, i.e., that religion must be separated from the state "for the sake of religious liberty and equality of citizenship." The analysis indicates that, while some Articles (Indian Constitution, Articles 25–26) depart from the mainstream western secularism, others are close to the Western liberal leanings, like those stipulating that the state will have no official religion (constitutional amendment 42) or that no religious instruction will be allowed in educational institutions maintained wholly out of state funds, as well as that no person attending any educational institution receiving financial aid from state funds shall be required to take part in compulsory attendance at religious instruction or worship (Articles 27–28/1/). But, more specifically, the idea of a principled distance from religious pluralism points to India's highly contextual, thus distinctively Indian, version of secularism. The fifth section, The Question of Indian Identity, argues that, with the inauguration of democracy in India, multiculturalism was adopted as a policy of recognising and respecting diversity, guaranteeing the protection and rights of minorities and positive discrimination for the historically marginalised, and emphasising intergroup equality, while leaving the issue of intragroup equality somewhat aside. In the last section, Challenges of Hindu Nationalistic Ideology, the author points to some manifestations of the current ascendency of Hindu nationalism, particularly resulting from the Bharatiya Janata Party coming to power in 2014, such as the increasing identification of state leaders with Hindu cultural symbols and, at the same time, decreasing official support for the public festivals of minorities, Mus lims and Christians in the first place. According to Hindu nationalists, most Muslims and Christians are converts from Hinduism and should therefore recognise the precedence of the Hindu culture in India. Anti-Muslim prejudice in India stems not from the ideas of their racial or cultural differences but, above all, from questioning their loyalty to India. Here emerges the question of the "secular nationalism" of the Congress Party as opposed to the "Hindu nationalism" of the Bharatiya Janata Party, which insists on Hinduism as the essential token of the Indian national identity, implying cultural and political pre-eminence of Hindus in India. The Conclusion summarises some of the main points regarding the relationship between secularism and multiculturalism in the Indian context, indicating that despite the present challenges that Hindu nationalism poses to both, "…the Indian experience suggests that some form of moderate secularism will continue to remain necessary as a state framework to check the advance of religious majoritarianism" (Bajpai, 2017: 224). The author assumes that the article offers some constructive avenues for future studies on secularism and multiculturalism, which should not only provide further insights into the Indian case but also enhance the understanding of the varieties of secular trajectories worldwide, as well as their implications for democracy.

The transformations of the Chilean Welfare State, following the political-economic restructuration after the military dictatorship (1973-1990), have been the core of an intense debate. However, the transformations taking place since 1973 in the relationship between the State, the market, and civil society, regarding the access to rights, lie in a structure of unequal distribution of rights forged throughout the 20th century. This philosophy of the Welfare State and its relation to individuals is characterized by the classification of beneficiaries: the bearers of rights and the recipients of assistance. This system is organized based on the configuration of two mechanisms of access to social protection, with the direct participation of the market, and which is characterized by the privatized dimension of the solidarity conception, either through the family or through the philanthropy. The neo-liberalization process introduces three changes to this model: the liberalization of the social sectors, which improves the public-private collaboration system; the technocratic development of the decision-making process and the intervention process; and the change of targeting as a mechanism of social justice. Thus, the model of unequal distribution of rights, enhanced by the establishment of a residual state during the dictatorship and then by the sophistication of targeting policies during the democratic period, takes shape, particularly, in terms of the social management of childhood. The policies of health, education, and specialized protection, crystallize a model of continuity and neoliberal inflections. This is the reconfiguration of the Welfare State as a tension: the strong regulatory role that accompanies the liberalization of the social sectors is gradually anchored on a discourse of social rights that reflects the processes of democratization experienced by the country since 1990. The objective of this research is to reflect on the forms that the Welfare State adopts from the political-economic restructuration of the country and to trace these transformations in a socio-political and historical framework. In this way, this study seeks to analyze the reconfigurations of social and political process, from an empirical regard, discussing the studies of social policies towards the childhood. ; Las transformaciones del Estado social de Chile luego de la restructuración político-económica realizada por la dictadura militar (1973-1990), ha sido objeto de un intenso debate. Sin embargo, las transformaciones realizadas desde 1973 en la relación entre el Estado, el mercado y la sociedad civil respecto al acceso a los derechos, se sitúan en una estructura de distribución desigual de derechos, forjada a lo largo del siglo XX. Esta filosofía del Estado social y su relación con los individuos, se caracteriza por la clasificación de beneficiarios: de un lado los portadores de derechos y del otro, los receptores de asistencia. Este sistema se organiza a partir de la configuración de dos vías de acceso a la protección, en relación directa con la participación en el mercado, y se caracteriza por la dimensión privatizada de la concepción de la solidaridad, sea a través de la familia o de la filantropía. El proceso de neo-liberalización introducirá tres inflexiones a ese modelo: la liberalización de los sectores sociales, que perfeccionará el sistema de colaboración público-privada; la tecnocratización de la toma de decisiones y de la intervención; el cambio en la naturaleza de la focalización, en tanto mecanismo de justicia social. De esta manera, el modelo de distribución desigual de derechos, aumentado por la implementación del Estado residual en dictadura, y luego por la sofisticación de la focalización en democracia, toma forma especialmente en el plano de la gestión social de la infancia. Las políticas de salud, educación y protección especializada, reflejan tanto este modelo de continuidad como las inflexiones neoliberales. Se trata de una reconfiguración del Estado social bajo tensión: el rol fuertemente regulador que acompaña la liberalización de los sectores sociales, está anclado progresivamente en un discurso sobre los derechos sociales que hace eco de los procesos de democratización vividos por el país desde 1990. El objetivo de esta investigación es reflexionar sobre las formas que adopta el Estado social a partir de la restructuración político-económica del país, tanto como trazar esas transformaciones en un marco político-histórico. De esta manera, nos interesamos al análisis sobre las reconfiguraciones de lo social y lo político en el nuevo escenario, a partir del estudio de las políticas de infancia. ; Les transformations de l'État social au Chili, suite à la restructuration politico-économique consubstantielle à la dictature militaire (1973-1990), ont fait l'objet d'un intense débat. Cependant, les transformations survenues depuis 1973 dans la relation entre l'État, le marché et la société civile, concernant l'accès aux droits, sont à situer dans une structure de distribution inégale des droits qui s'est forgée tout au long du XXe siècle. Cette philosophie de l'État social, et son rapport aux individus, se caractérise par la classification des bénéficiaires : des porteurs de droits et des récepteurs de l'assistance. Ce système s'organise à partir de la configuration de deux voies d'accès à la protection, en relation directe avec la participation au marché et se caractérise par la dimension privatisée de la conception de la solidarité, soit à travers la famille soit à travers la philanthropie. Le processus de néo-libéralisation introduira trois inflexions dans ce modèle : la libéralisation des secteurs sociaux qui va perfectionner le système de collaboration public-privé ; la technocratisation de la prise de décisions et de l'intervention ; le changement de la nature du ciblage comme mécanisme de justice sociale. Ainsi, le modèle de distribution inégale des droits, majoré par la mise en place de l'État résiduel pendant la dictature puis par la sophistication des politiques de ciblage pendant la démocratie, va prendre forme, notamment sur le plan de la gestion sociale de l'enfance. Les politiques de la santé, de l'éducation et de la protection spécialisée reflètent ce modèle de continuité et les inflexions néolibérales. Il s'agit de la reconfiguration de l'État social sous tension : le rôle fort régulateur qui accompagne la libéralisation des secteurs sociaux est ancré progressivement dans un discours des droits sociaux qui fait écho aux processus de démocratisation vécus par le pays, à partir de 1990. L'objectif de cette recherche est de réfléchir sur les formes que l'État social adopte à partir de la restructuration politico-économique du pays ainsi que de retracer ces transformations dans un cadre sociopolitique et historique. De cette façon, nous nous consacrerons à l'analyse des reconfigurations du social et du politique dans la nouvelle donne, à partir de l'étude des politiques sociales menées envers l'enfance.

The transformations of the Chilean Welfare State, following the political-economic restructuration after the military dictatorship (1973-1990), have been the core of an intense debate. However, the transformations taking place since 1973 in the relationship between the State, the market, and civil society, regarding the access to rights, lie in a structure of unequal distribution of rights forged throughout the 20th century. This philosophy of the Welfare State and its relation to individuals is characterized by the classification of beneficiaries: the bearers of rights and the recipients of assistance. This system is organized based on the configuration of two mechanisms of access to social protection, with the direct participation of the market, and which is characterized by the privatized dimension of the solidarity conception, either through the family or through the philanthropy. The neo-liberalization process introduces three changes to this model: the liberalization of the social sectors, which improves the public-private collaboration system; the technocratic development of the decision-making process and the intervention process; and the change of targeting as a mechanism of social justice. Thus, the model of unequal distribution of rights, enhanced by the establishment of a residual state during the dictatorship and then by the sophistication of targeting policies during the democratic period, takes shape, particularly, in terms of the social management of childhood. The policies of health, education, and specialized protection, crystallize a model of continuity and neoliberal inflections. This is the reconfiguration of the Welfare State as a tension: the strong regulatory role that accompanies the liberalization of the social sectors is gradually anchored on a discourse of social rights that reflects the processes of democratization experienced by the country since 1990. The objective of this research is to reflect on the forms that the Welfare State adopts from the political-economic restructuration of the country and to trace these transformations in a socio-political and historical framework. In this way, this study seeks to analyze the reconfigurations of social and political process, from an empirical regard, discussing the studies of social policies towards the childhood. ; Las transformaciones del Estado social de Chile luego de la restructuración político-económica realizada por la dictadura militar (1973-1990), ha sido objeto de un intenso debate. Sin embargo, las transformaciones realizadas desde 1973 en la relación entre el Estado, el mercado y la sociedad civil respecto al acceso a los derechos, se sitúan en una estructura de distribución desigual de derechos, forjada a lo largo del siglo XX. Esta filosofía del Estado social y su relación con los individuos, se caracteriza por la clasificación de beneficiarios: de un lado los portadores de derechos y del otro, los receptores de asistencia. Este sistema se organiza a partir de la configuración de dos vías de acceso a la protección, en relación directa con la participación en el mercado, y se caracteriza por la dimensión privatizada de la concepción de la solidaridad, sea a través de la familia o de la filantropía. El proceso de neo-liberalización introducirá tres inflexiones a ese modelo: la liberalización de los sectores sociales, que perfeccionará el sistema de colaboración público-privada; la tecnocratización de la toma de decisiones y de la intervención; el cambio en la naturaleza de la focalización, en tanto mecanismo de justicia social. De esta manera, el modelo de distribución desigual de derechos, aumentado por la implementación del Estado residual en dictadura, y luego por la sofisticación de la focalización en democracia, toma forma especialmente en el plano de la gestión social de la infancia. Las políticas de salud, educación y protección especializada, reflejan tanto este modelo de continuidad como las inflexiones neoliberales. Se trata de una reconfiguración del Estado social bajo tensión: el rol fuertemente regulador que acompaña la liberalización de los sectores sociales, está anclado progresivamente en un discurso sobre los derechos sociales que hace eco de los procesos de democratización vividos por el país desde 1990. El objetivo de esta investigación es reflexionar sobre las formas que adopta el Estado social a partir de la restructuración político-económica del país, tanto como trazar esas transformaciones en un marco político-histórico. De esta manera, nos interesamos al análisis sobre las reconfiguraciones de lo social y lo político en el nuevo escenario, a partir del estudio de las políticas de infancia. ; Les transformations de l'État social au Chili, suite à la restructuration politico-économique consubstantielle à la dictature militaire (1973-1990), ont fait l'objet d'un intense débat. Cependant, les transformations survenues depuis 1973 dans la relation entre l'État, le marché et la société civile, concernant l'accès aux droits, sont à situer dans une structure de distribution inégale des droits qui s'est forgée tout au long du XXe siècle. Cette philosophie de l'État social, et son rapport aux individus, se caractérise par la classification des bénéficiaires : des porteurs de droits et des récepteurs de l'assistance. Ce système s'organise à partir de la configuration de deux voies d'accès à la protection, en relation directe avec la participation au marché et se caractérise par la dimension privatisée de la conception de la solidarité, soit à travers la famille soit à travers la philanthropie. Le processus de néo-libéralisation introduira trois inflexions dans ce modèle : la libéralisation des secteurs sociaux qui va perfectionner le système de collaboration public-privé ; la technocratisation de la prise de décisions et de l'intervention ; le changement de la nature du ciblage comme mécanisme de justice sociale. Ainsi, le modèle de distribution inégale des droits, majoré par la mise en place de l'État résiduel pendant la dictature puis par la sophistication des politiques de ciblage pendant la démocratie, va prendre forme, notamment sur le plan de la gestion sociale de l'enfance. Les politiques de la santé, de l'éducation et de la protection spécialisée reflètent ce modèle de continuité et les inflexions néolibérales. Il s'agit de la reconfiguration de l'État social sous tension : le rôle fort régulateur qui accompagne la libéralisation des secteurs sociaux est ancré progressivement dans un discours des droits sociaux qui fait écho aux processus de démocratisation vécus par le pays, à partir de 1990. L'objectif de cette recherche est de réfléchir sur les formes que l'État social adopte à partir de la restructuration politico-économique du pays ainsi que de retracer ces transformations dans un cadre sociopolitique et historique. De cette façon, nous nous consacrerons à l'analyse des reconfigurations du social et du politique dans la nouvelle donne, à partir de l'étude des politiques sociales menées envers l'enfance.

ABSTRACT "Recovering Jelinek for the English-Speaking Stage – Problems of Inter-Cultural Transfer in Elfriede Jelinek's Plays and Theatrical Strategies to Fill the 'Gap of Translation'" is a research project in the field of Theatre Performance. The thesis consists of three parts. Parts I and III are a written dissertation. Part II is a production of Elfriede Jelinek's Princess Dramas: "Snow White", "Sleeping Beauty" and "Jackie" (Part II). The production took place at Red Stitch Actors Theatre in Melbourne (8 June – 2 July 2011). Footage of the production is available on two DVDs that are included in the thesis. The research project aims to understand the reasons behind the near absence of the Austrian Nobel Prize (2004) winner's plays on English-speaking stages and adopts a 'poetics of an arriving artist' as theoretical foundation for the first staging of one of Jelinek's works in Australia. The written dissertation of the project touches on issues of literary theory, inter-, multi- and transculturality and post-colonial studies, translation studies and performance theory. The thesis relies on the metaphor of the palimpsest as a hinge between its diverse parts. It uses the notion of 'palimpsesting' in order to describe a core strategy for meaning making and exploits 'the palimpsest' as a figure of thought for elaborating a series of productive theatrical strategies. The proposal of cultural bridging strategies and their realisation within the context of staging Princess Dramas in Melbourne (Australia) is one important focus of this project. It concerns mainly the area of aesthetics and artistic poetics. In addition, the project has a strong ethical and political focus. It scrutinises the ethical dangers implied in the post-structuralist foundations of its poetics and discusses the dilemma of unbound (ethical) freedom that can turn into boundless (physical) violence. It examines various scenarios where strategies of empowerment can lead to effects of disempowerment and links this discussion to the problematic essentialisms of current Australian discourses of indigeneity. Discussing the image and/or function of the artist in modernity against the background of a range of theories such as the German Romantic concept of 'Bildung', Niklas Luhmann's concept of art as a social system and several legal and political theories such as Jeremy Waldron's study on Law and Disagreement, the thesis comes up with a series of strategies that aim to ensure responsible artistic action within the parameters of a liberal democracy. Part I (Before the Staging) is dedicated to "The Aesthetics (or Poetics) of Staging a Play". It is the shorter part of the written dissertation and consists of four condensed chapters. They introduce the situation of the near absence of Elfriede Jelinek's plays on English-speaking stages and establish the idea of homesickness as a productive motor for cultural transfer. They introduce Elfriede Jelinek's complex writing strategies and name the deconstructive and mythoclast agenda behind Jelinek's work as one of the main motivations for my staging of Princess Dramas in Australia. The re-thinking of the structuralist version of the 'palimpsest' (Gérard Genette) against the background of post-structuralist theories (mainly Roland Barthes and Julia Kristeva) takes an important share of this part which also connects the theoretical discussion to some episodes of my arrival in Australia as theatre maker and researcher. The last chapter explores the productivity of terms such as 'palimpsesting', 'palimpsestic' and 'palimpsestuous' for the requirements of staging theatre plays. It proposes a dramaturgy of palimpsestic approximation in order to deal with Jelinek's overly dense work and invites to scrutinize the foundations and borderlines of national-cultural categories. Casting an Indigenous actress in the part of Jackie is suggested as a strategy of naturalising Jelinek as a meaningful Austr(al)ian author. Part II (The Production) consists of the production of Elfriede Jelinek's Princess Dramas: "Snow White", "Sleeping Beauty" and "Jackie" at Red Stitch Actors Theatre in Melbourne. The thesis comprises two DVDs that provide footage of the production. DVD 1 presents a full run of the production and DVD 2 offers additional material. The material consists of twelve extract clips that are mostly shot from a closer angle than the full shot angle of DVD 1. Part III (After the Staging) is dedicated to "The Ethics (and Politics) of Staging a Play". It presents the major share of the written dissertation and is divided into three subdivisions. Subdivision I ("Staging Jelinek's Princess Dramas in Australia – Dangerous Decisions and Multiple Circumstances") deals with a range of aspects linked to the ethics of staging Princess Dramas in Australia. The six chapters touch on issues of decision-making and artistic responsibility versus post-structural aesthetics, discuss different concepts of 'mise-en-scène'/'staging'/'Inszenierung' and 'violence' as part of the circumstance(s) of staging a play, and relate these discussions to cultural policy debates in Australia. John L. Austin's notion of 'appropriate circumstances' of an utterance is introduced and Janelle Reinelt's recent demand for embracing a new artistic responsibility in an increasingly globalising world is considered an important theoretical framework of this part of the thesis. Key issues are the relationship between theatre and 'radical democracy', (self-)censorship and 'political correctness'. The theoretical discussion is linked to our/my decisions made during the process of staging Princess Dramas in Australia and to the choice of casting an Indigenous actress for the role of Jackie. Important issues of agency, ethical responsibility and guilt are revised by comparing different conceptions of artistic processes and aesthetic products in the realm of theatre in both languages, English and German. In a similar manner, the cultural relativity of concepts of violence and a loose typology of different kinds of violence is discussed by putting a particular focus on the notion of 'structural violence' and 'violence of categories' (Maryrose Casey after Emmanuel Levinas). The last chapter of this subdivision deals with questions of art and aesthetics with regard to the material needs and/or financial dependencies of art producers and discusses concepts of 'inter-, multi- and transculturality'. Subdivision II ("'The Artist' As (Civilising) Leader or (Moral) Outlaw – My Self-Image As Theatre Maker at the Intersection of Philosophy, Law and Politics") discusses the function of the artist in society and related questions of artistic licence against the background of legal and political theories. It links the theoretical discussion to the concrete case of staging Princess Dramas in Australia. The two chapters touch on issues of artistic relevance and the social authority of artists, censorship, the concept of 'Bildung' (Franz-Josef Deiters after Friedrich Schlegel et al.), the notion of art as a social system (Niklas Luhmann) and a series of intersections between art practice and legal/political systems (Jeremy Waldron, J.M. Balkin, Sanford Levinson and others). Subdivision III ("A Conclusion and an Afterthought – Arriving as Palimpsestuous Process, Or Accepting the Artist as Phenomenon and Signifier") offers a general conclusion about the artists' rights and obligations which is based on the artists' proposed function in a liberal democracy. It also spells out the consequences that this position has for our/my staging of Princess Dramas in Australia. The ethics of artistic practice is linked to an unavoidable decision in favour of one possible belief system – in my case, liberal democracy. Being conscious of the aporias of liberal democracy, in the afterthought I formulate a challenging question that must guide the entire project: How can I act in this country that I like for its easy-going (or reckless?) celebrations of 'beach, chardonnay and sun' without pushing you, the Other (the Indigenous) – who obviously only exists as a hollow conceptual carcass – ever more to its borders? It is suggested that withstanding the contradictions between (rich) phenomena and (necessary) concepts by raising, again and again, the question of the fine line between German and non-German (or Austrian), Australian and non-Australian, and Indigenous and non-Indigenous as a first step in my quest of and for arriving in Australia be an apposite strategy to avoid an endless repetition of the 'First Step' (or arrival of the First Fleet) and its concomitant ideology of terra nullius.

Das Dissertationsprojekt untersucht das Zusammenspiel von Klängen, materieller Kultur, Rassismus und Polizeigewalt in Brasilien aus dekolonialer Perspektive. Dazu nutzt diese Arbeit Theorien aus den Kulturwissenschaften beziehungsweise den Sound Studies, um kontingente Auseinandersetzungen zu analysieren, bei denen Designobjekte und -verfahren als materiell-diskursive Knotenpunkte für die Normalisierung und Fortschreibung rassifizierter Gewalt dienen. Um sich mit den Bedingungen dafür zu befassen, wird Design – sowohl als wissenschaftliches Feld als auch Praxis – in dieser Arbeit als ein materiell-diskursiver Apparat betrachtet, der nicht nur die Ergebnisse eines Forschungsprojektes, sondern auch seine Voraussetzungen einbezieht. Der Schwerpunkt dieser Dissertation ist die Auseinandersetzung mit "listening anxieties" (Hörängsten). Ein solcher Begriff taucht mit den Aspekten von politischem Konsens, Überwachung und Regelverhalten auf. Die Zusammenfügung dieser drei Begriffe in institutionellen, designerisch gestalteten wie auch alltäglichen Verfahren wird hier mit "Apparatus of Auditory Governance" (Apparat der akustischen Machtführung) bezeichnet. Im engeren Sinne werden akustische Machtführungen an drei Beispielen aus dem 21. Jahrhundert Brasiliens in den Blick genommen: als Erstes wird die von der staatlichen Parallelmacht der Militärpolizei geführte Kriminalisierung von Jukeboxes in einer der sogenannten pazifizierten Favelas in Rio de Janeiro untersucht; anschließend, wie der Aufbau einer sieben Kilometer langen akustischen Mauer in Rio als ein Stadt- und Rassentrennungsmittel betrachtet werden muss. In der letzten Fallstudie wird analysiert, wie der polizeiliche Einsatz von Knallgranaten zur Erzeugung von Nachtruhe in den benachteiligten Nachbarschaften in São Paulo Rassengewalt erzeugt. Dabei leistet diese Arbeit auch einen Beitrag zum designhistorischen Diskurs,,indem die kolonialen Grundvoraussetzungen des Designfeldes untersucht werden, wobei gleichzeitig eine dekolonisierende und klangorientierte Methodik für Designforschung und Sound Studies genutzt/entwickelt wird. So kann nachgewiesen, wie materielle Bedingungen der Klanggewalt, beispielsweise durch Architekturgestaltung, temporäre Klangobjekte bis hin zur Entwicklung von speziellen Soundwaffen, einer Art von ontologischem Design (Anne-Marie Willis) zuarbeiten, auch wenn das koloniale und rassifizierte Ethos der designten Klanggewalt sowohl diskursiv als auch materiell weitgehend unsichtbar gemacht wird. Um eine solche ontologische Verfasstheit letztlich überhaupt zu erkennen, wird gefordert, dass sich Designer_innen als Produzent_innen rassifizierter, kolonialer Phänomene in ihrer Praxis betrachten. ; This dissertation attends to the intersection of sound, material culture, racism, and police violence in Brazil from a decolonizing perspective. With a focus on theories informed by cultural and sound studies, it unravels the contingent arrangements through which certain designed objects and practices function as material-discursive nodes for the normalization and perpetuation of racialized violences. To explore these ideas, it reads design—a field of knowledge and a set of practices—as a material-discursive apparatus, accountable for not only the results but also the conditions of possibility for any research endeavor. The main driving force of this work is the identification and evincing of 'listening anxieties.' These emerge through enactments of political consensus, policing, and compliance; the articulation of these three in institutional, designerly, as well as everyday practices is what this research identifies as the Apparatus of Auditory Governance (or AAG). More specifically, I look at three manifestations of these auditory governances in contemporary Brazil—from the early 2000s to the judiciary Coup d'Etat of late 2016. These range from the criminalization of jukeboxes by a Military Police acting outside the scope of written law in so-called 'pacified' neighborhoods in Rio de Janeiro, to the construction of a seven kilometer-long acoustic barrier in the city as a device for urban segregation, to the deployment of sound bombs as devices for the enforcement of silence by the same police force in São Paulo. The articulation of auditory governances, however, is not fixed; rather, it shifts and mutates to account for distinct and diverse experiences of listening. These shifts are what this work calls earviews: a conceptual orientation which determines the "listening point" where narratives and perceptions of auditory reality unfold from. The AAG, articulated and deconstructed at the intersection of distinct and conflicting earviews, forms the main method of this dissertation, and is of particular interest for sound and design studies. By understanding the earview as an asset of and for designing, it is possible to interrogate the role of design in the enforcement, reproduction, and normalization of sonic violences, and the erasure of other(ed) narratives of listening. Rather than simply evincing the hegemony of normative—qua racialized—earviews, I intervene by reading them through first-person accounts and storytelling stemming from fieldwork with artists and activists in Brazil, as well as from two movies by Brazilian directors—O Som ao Redor (2012) and Branco Sai, Preto Fica (2014). These intersections are further complemented by a semi-fictional narrative created throughout five collective pedagogical sessions fusing designing and fabulation. This format, named "Yarn Sessions," is my methodological proposition for design research in this work. This research started out by posing three broad questions relating to the connection between auditory practices—i.e. sounds and their social, cultural, and political engagements—and the design of listening devices. It asked: what is the contribution of design to the politics of mediated listening and its devices? What might be the possible, probable and/or preferable enactments of the political agency of designed listening devices? These initial questions are all addressed by this work, and have shifted from their initial form as a general investigation on the entanglement of design and listening, to offer an inquiry and an intervention on violences enacted with and through sound. This work thus participates in a re-historicization of the colonial underpinnings of design, while at the same time offering a decolonizing methodological proposition for design research and design studies with a sound and listening-oriented locus. It demonstrates that the material conditions of sonic violence—from architectural planning to transitional/illegalized sound objects to the development of weaponry—are a form of ontological design (cf. Anne-Marie Willis) which succeeds by making its own colonial and racialized ethos discursively and materially invisible. This ontological enunciation demands the accountability of the designer as both producer and reproducer of racialized/colonial phenomena in the making of their own practices. Yet this research does not align itself completely with discourses from the "ontological turn" or "new materialisms" in philosophy (cf. Karen Barad), insofar as these often undermine and erase the role played by coloniality and "racialized assemblages" (cf. Alexander Weheliye) to the constitution of its own ontologies and epistemologies. My proposition for design understands the field to constitute in itself an ontoepistemology (cf. Willis, Gloria Anzaldúa), albeit reading such ontological alignments through decolonial and critical race studies. In so doing, it opens up a new field of inquiry in which sound studies and decolonial thought inform designerly inquiries into material culture not only for the evincing of specific material-discursive phenomena (e.g. sonic violences), but also for intervening on them with intersectional and decolonizing frameworks.

[spa] El presente trabajo de investigación tiene como objeto el análisis del Capitalismo contemporáneo de los últimos treinta años como sistema económico, social y de pensamiento que configura de forma determinante la realidad en la que vivimos a modo de sistema-mundo orgánico, así como también el realizar propuestas normativas de actuación para su posible desarrollo futuro. La convicción e hipótesis de partida de este estudio es que el Capitalismo no puede ser analizado sólo desde una perspectiva exclusivamente economicista. Necesita un conjunto de miradas interdisciplinares ante la complejidad de su formación, desarrollo y consecuencias no sólo económicas sino también sociales o personales. Se adopta de este modo una perspectiva Macrofilosófica que es transversal y multidisciplinar (psicología, historia, sociología, derecho, economía, etc.) y se realiza un análisis estructurado de la dinámica actual del Capitalismo a través de un modelo macrofilosófico: de sus influencias ideológicas, teóricas y culturales; así como de sus consecuencias económicas, personales y sociales. La tesis principal del trabajo que va a desarrollarse e intentar demostrarse, es que tras la reciente crisis de los últimos siete años, el Capitalismo como sistema-mundo de desarrollo orgánico no va a desaparecer: es un sistema que puede autoreproducirse y evolucionar a otros tipos a través de sus recurrentes crisis. Además consideramos también, que no existe un sistema alternativo que sea capaz de gestionar la creciente complejidad, ahora ya cada vez más globalizada, y su constatada mayor creación de riqueza, respetando la libertad individual como valor fundamental. Consecuentemente, y tras el análisis de la reciente evolución de este Capitalismo orgánico contemporáneo, constatamos como característica actual fundamental que actúa en contra de lo humano y que caracterizaremos conceptualmente como Capitalismo dislocativo: las consecuencias sociales y personales de la dinámica Capitalista no permiten el desarrollo de gran parte de los proyectos de vida lastrados por la precariedad, la desigualdad o la exclusión que produce la flecha de expansión Capitalista. Asimismo y también como una serie de conclusiones previas postulamos todo será económico o no será: la economía seguirá dominando la construcción de la realidad social y que se tenderá hacía una mayor convergencia e inestabilidad global. Se hace necesario de nuevo realizar intervenciones de tipo político configurando el desarrollo del Capitalismo, como cortafuegos del incendio social que las consecuencias sociales de esa dinámica tienen, y que devuelvan al Capitalismo el rostro humano que aún puede volver a tener. Abogamos en definitiva, por la protección de una vida que merezca la pena ser vivida: sostenida en una estructura socioeconómica que proporcione las capacidades de desarrollo a todos los seres humanos y sostenida también, por un posicionamiento ético y político propio desde el sentido que cada uno es libre de poder construir. Se finaliza con unas conclusiones que caracterizan el fenómeno del Capitalismo contemporáneo y con la realización de una serie de propuestas de actuación normativas a modo de pensamiento operativo para conseguir ese redefinición del Capitalismo contemporáneo desde: 1) el ámbito teórico: devolver la economía a la Filosofía moral; 2) desde el ámbito político: repolitizar la realidad social y 3) desde el ámbito personal: cuidar de sí mismo y de los demás. ; [eng] This research aims to analyze the contemporary Capitalism over the last thirty years as an economic, social and thought system that decisively set reality in which we live as an organic world system; as well as make policy proposals for possible future development of Capitalism. The conviction and hypothesis of this study is that Capitalism cannot be analyzed only from purely economic terms. It is needed a set of interdisciplinary looks at the complexity of its formation, development, and consequences not only economic but also social and personal ones. Thus it is adopted a Macrophilosophical perspective, that is transversal and multidisciplinary (psychology, history, sociology, law, economics, etc.) and also is performed a structured analysis of current dynamics of Capitalism through a Macrophilosophic model: its ideological influences theoretical and cultural; and their economic, personal and social consequences. The main thesis of the research work that will be developed and will try to be proved, is that after the recent crisis in the last seven years, Capitalism as a world system of organic development will not disappear: it is a system that can reproduce itself and evolve to other types through its recurrent crisis. In addition, we also consider that there is no a global alternative system capable of managing the growing complexity, now even more globalized, and its greater proven wealth creation, including the respect for individual freedom as a fundamental value. Consequently, and after the analysis of the recent developments in this contemporary organic Capitalism, we find as a fundamental current characteristic: that it acts against humanity, we conceptualize this as Dislocative Capitalism: social and personal consequences of Capitalist dynamics does not allow the development of much of life projects burdened by insecurity, inequality and exclusion that it is produced by the arrow Capitalist expansion. Also, and as a number of previous conclusions, we postulate that everything will be economic or not will be: the economy will continue to dominate the construction of social reality and we would tend towards a greater convergence and global instability. It is again necessary interventions of a political nature setting the development of Capitalism, as firewalls for the social fires that consequences of these dynamics have, returning to a Capitalism with a human face, that we believe can still have again. Definitely we plead for the protection of a life worth being lived: sustained in a socioeconomic structure that provides development capabilities to all human beings and also sustained by its own ethical and political positioning from the sense that each one is free to construct. We end with several conclusions that characterize the phenomenon of contemporary Capitalism and the realization of a series of action policy proposals as an operational thinking for the redefinition of contemporary Capitalism: 1) from a theoretical level: the economy should return to moral philosophy; 2) from the political sphere: we should repoliticize social reality and 3) from the personal sphere: take care of yourself and others.

We seem to be watching a new elite consensus view being formed. As ever, it's wrong, wholly wrong, but it is, we think, very fun indeed. In that forehead slapping, "No, really, they're not trying this are they?" definition of fun.So, Ireland: At the core of it were a number of key propositions. Ireland would have to embrace the idea of free trade, which meant encouraging competition and ending the protectionism that had been the hallmark of Irish economic policy under Lemass's predecessor Éamon de Valera (whose economic philosophy had once been satirised as: "Burn everything English except their coal"). Most importantly, though, the strategy required that, henceforth, Ireland would have to be welcoming to foreign capital, which essentially meant being nice to multinationals – giving them generous tax breaks, assistance in finding locations for building and generally bending over backwards to attend to their needs.Whitaker's was a bold strategy, but it worked.Ireland got rich by being standardly classical liberal sensible. OK.There's a massive shortage of affordable housing and an associated homelessness crisis: nearly 12,000 people in emergency accommodation and average monthly rents of €1,468;But there's a problem associated with those riches. Hmm. The source for this is: The national budget surplus – essentially the difference between the amount of money coming in and going out in day-to-day expenditure – is forecast to add up to €65.2bn (£56.3bn) over the next four years.Loadsamoney - Ireland is rich. This has made Ireland an "outlier", according to Prof Barrett, who pointed out more than 25% of tax revenue in the Republic of Ireland comes from corporation tax – compared an average figure of less than 10% across Europe.The money's made by stinging the capitalists. Rather a Laffer Curve there in fact - low rates means lots of capitalists and so beaucoup de revenue. Could be a plan for more countries really. Nationwide, the touchstone social and political issue is housing.Homelessness in Ireland is at a record high – with the most recent figures showing 12,600 people were in emergency accommodation in June.But the housing shortage is having wider effects.Ah, housing. So, The Observer and the BBC agree here, and that is one of those elite consensi forming. Obviously. Ireland's got rich because low taxes on corporations but this cannot be allowed - we can't have an example of actual classical liberalism working now, can we - because housing.And where the argument becomes, in the local argot, a bit of a cute hoor: Rent controls are a fiscal policy that governments around the globe incorporate to control and regulate the amount that a landlord can charge for a lease of a property. The challenge lies in finding a balance between the rights of sitting tenants, new tenants and landlords. Rent regulation that is too strict can have a negative impact on the market, but complete deregulation can also have negative effects as it will push people into home ownership even where it is not feasible.And: Government measures to control rents have backfired and in many cases have led to an increase in rents, a new report has claimed.The study by economist Jim Power suggests that rent pressure zones (RPZs), introduced in 2016 to limit rent price increases, have resulted in significant "rent rigidities" and an inefficient two-tier system where the proper maintenance of rental properties is no longer economically viable.Rent controls are not a classical liberal policy. Rent controls are what are screwing the Irish rental property market. Which is where that argument becomes so fun, isn't it? Classical liberalism makes a place rich. Not classical liberalism on rents makes housing expensive. But as the argument - that elite consensus view - is becoming it's the bit that works, the stinging the capitalists for the costs of running the state that must go and it's the idiocy of rent controls which is unquestioned and so presumably should stay.Well, it would be a fun argument if it wasn't palpably so damn stupid an argument.

The purpose of the article is look into historical features and to determine the formation stages and the current state of the library specialists' education system and its level in Latin American countries.
The methodology. There were used historical-genetic and systemic-structural approaches. It made it possible to establish the main stages periodization of the higher education levels in Library Studies' origin and development in the leading countries of Latin America. The study proved the influence of North American and European traditions on the development of the training of highly qualified library personnel system in the founding countries of graduate library education on the continent. A comparative and content analysis of the bachelor's, master's and Doctoral Degrees' educational programs in the specialty "Library and Information Sciences" provided by leading universities in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, made it possible to determine the general and specific aspects of the specialists training for the information industry, to establish the peculiarities of cognitive and institutional components of bachelor's and master's educational programs, justify the objective necessity of strengthening their interdisciplinarity and flexibility.
The results. It has been established that Argentina was the first among Latin American countries to establish a training school for librarians in the structure of the Philosophy and Literature Faculty of the University of Buenos Aires back in 1922. In the 1940s and 1950s, universities opened Library Studies (Schools) in Panama (1941), Brazil (1942), Peru (1943), Uruguay (1943), Mexico (1945, 1956), Chile (1949), Costa Rica (1950) and Colombia (1956). The system of post-graduate library education began to take shape in the 1970s, when in 1972 the first post-graduate program in the field of "Library and Information Science" was opened in Brazil at the School of Communication and Arts of the University of São Paulo, and in 1980 — the doctoral program as well. Currently, in the countries of Latin America, only the leading metropolitan universities have educational programs of master's and Doctoral levels. It is due to the low scientific qualification of graduate departments and the insufficient number of professors who can carry out qualified supervision of master's and Doctoral thesis research.
The current state of the library and information education system development on the Latin American continent is demonstrated by the following statistics: Brazil has 47 universities with their structure including schools or departments for the library specialists training, Argentina has 16 of such universities, Mexico — 13, Colombia — 6, Chile — 4, Cuba — 3, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Peru, Venezuela — 2 universities each, Bolivia, Ecuador, Panama, Paraguay, Uruguay, Jamaica — 1 university each.
The scientific topicality. The formation of the higher library education levels system on the Latin American continent took place in several stages: the genesis stage (1920–1930s), the stage of active development (1940–1960s), the stage of starting post-graduate training of library specialists at the postgraduate level, and later — master's and Doctoral studies (1970–1990s); the stage of strengthening the interdisciplinary integration of educational program profiles (2000 — present). The results of the educational programs (EPs) content analysis of various levels of training in the specialty "Library and Information Sciences" made it possible to establish a certain conservatism of their profiling, to determine that the promising directions for their modernization are interdisciplinary and strengthening of the digital and information and communication components with, for example, such relevant EPs as "Communication, organization, management of information and knowledge", "Sociocultural, political and economic configurations of information".
The practical significance. The research results can be used by Ukrainian institutions of higher education in the process of improving master's and Doctoral educational programs in the specialty 029 "Information, Library and Archival Affairs". The introduction of the best foreign training practices of library specialists will improve their quality and competitiveness at the global information market.

The article is dedicated to study the status of legal regulation of legal institution "Democratic civil control over activity of security and defense sector of Ukraine" and to substantiate the theoretical recommendation as regards improvement of military and security legislation. It has been proved that uncontrollable military organizations and law enforcing bodies of the state bring potential danger both individuals and society's humanistic values. They are dangerous because of unbalanced mechanism of the democratic civil control. Disruption of containment mechanism and counterbalance in the power separation system in the state, usurpation of power by one person or group of people can paralyze not only power itself but other institutions of society. Subjects of state segments for democratic civil control turn to be the attendant bodies of political will by one person, the certain cover-up and justification of unlawful violation. Under those conditions the civil monitoring of institutions in the security and defense sector of Ukraine becomes inefficient. Their subjects experience limitations: such as access to information of law-enforcement authorities and military formations; implementation of freedom of expression. Most of substantial reactions are left unattended by state jurisdiction and military administration. Their legal status also remains imperfect and deprived of real impact gears on the objects under control. It has been proved that in order to ensure efficiency of openness and transparency in activity of Security and Defense Sector it is required to implement the complex of organizational and legal measures such as an active elucidative campaign for the purpose of bringing to essentiality, goal, form and tools of public control over SDS and to consolidate new philosophy where the civil control will take leading place. The certain declaratory of the most mechanisms of civil control institution have been deduced herein. The means to improve situation in this field are proposed to be developed by participation of interested subjects both public administration, members of public monitoring and subsidiary objects of new special law. By its developing the negative and positive experience of civil control has to be taken into consideration. The other way to secure the effective mechanism of democratic civil control over SDS is to specify statutory norms for SDS in the law of Ukraine. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню стану правової регламентації правового інституту «демократичного цивільного контролю за Сектором безпеки і оборони України», обґрунтувань теоретичних рекомендацій щодо вдосконалення війського та безпекового законодавства. Доведено, що неконтрольовані воєнні організації та правоохоронні органи держави представляють потенційну загрозу окремо взятим людям, та гуманістичним цінностям суспільства. Небезпечними вони є за умов розбалансованості механізму демократичного цивільного контролю. Руйнація механізму стримувань та противаг в системі поділу влади в державі, узурпація влади особою чи групою осіб паралізують не тільки владу, а і інші інститути суспільства. Суб'єкти державного сегменту демократичного цивільного контролю стають обслуговуючими органами політичної волі однієї особи, певним прикриттям, виправданням неправомірного застосування сили. За цих умов неефективним виявляється і громадський нагляд над інституціями Секторі безпеки і оборони України. Його суб'єкти переживають обмеження: у доступі до інформації про діяльність правоохоронних органів та військових формувань; реалізації свободи слова. Більшість суттєвих реагувань залишаються поза увагою органів державної влади та військового управління. Недосконалим, позбавленим механізмів реального впливу на об'єкти контролю, залишається їх правовий статус. Аргументовано, що з метою забезпечення дієвості принципу відкритості та прозорості в діяльності СБО необхідним є проведення комплексу організаційних та правових заходів: активної роз'яснювальної компанії з метою доведення сутності, мети, форм та інструментів громадського нагляду; повністю модернізувати інститут демократичного цивільного контролю над СБО з метою закріплення нової філософії, за якої громадському нагляду відвести чільне місце. Робиться висновок про певну декларативність більшості механізмів інституту цивільного контролю. Шляхами виправлення ситуації в цій сфері пропонується розробити, за участі зацікавлених суб'єктів, як органів державного управління, представників громадського сектору нагляду так і підконтрольних об'єктів нового спеціального закону. При його розробці має бути враховано як негативний так і позитивний досвід цивільного контролю. Інший шлях закріплення в нормах установчих для суб'єктів СБО законів України ефективного механізму демократичного цивільного контролю над СБО. В умовах інтенсивної модернізації СБО другий варіант видається більш реальним.

The relevance of the study of sociocultural transformations more and more often manifest themselves not only in a change in the outlook of a person, but also often in the transformation of the political, economic, social life of society, where axiological attitudes are devalued, which formed the basis of the European community, and as a result, everything that was considered an ideal, which was the basis of life not only in general society, but also a specific person, loses its essence, turning into an illusion and arises as a kind of "metanarative", which creates norms, in turn deprives a person of the right to real freedom. Together with the "metanarative", the person himself dies out, whose image is destroyed under the influence of world outlook and socio-cultural transformations. In the modern world, the human problem is one of the key issues in philosophy, because it is the alpha and omega of philosophical discourse. The purpose and objectives of the article are to study the features social program of postmodernism through the prism of its opposition to the social project of modernity and in the development of a scientific and methodological basis for the systematization of scientific ideas in order to create a new society, which in turn will create the basis for the formation of a modern and updated social consciousness. On the basis of the stated prescriptions, we consider it necessary to consider postmodernism as a result of the established views and templates of modernism and, on the basis of the findings, to determine its influence on the formation of modern society. Scientific novelty: in the article, the main idea is that a person in the modern sense is not an eternal ontological given, but an ideological concept of the paradigm of modernity, which was formed as a result of the liberation of Western European society from external compulsion. The main attention is focused on the fact that a person is not the alpha and omega of the world, he acts as a secondary link in the world and a deterministic phenomenon with incompatible elements. The destructive role of the social project of modernity is emphasized, because it is aimed at revealing the "death of a person", which in turn turns a person into a dividual. ; Актуальність дослідження соціокультурні трансформації частіше за все проявляються не лише у зміні світовідчуття людини, а й зачасту в перетворенні політичного, економічного, соціального життя суспільства, де знецінено аксіологічні установки, що становили основу європейської спільноти, а в результаті все, що вважалося ідеалом, який становив основу життя не лише загалом суспільства, але й конкретної людини, втрачає свою сутність, перетворюючись на ілюзію та постає своєрідним «метанаративом», що створює норми, що в свою чергу позбавляє людину права на реальну свободу. Разом із «метанаративом», вимирає сама людина, образ якої, руйнується під впливом світоглядних та соціокультурних трансформацій. В сучасному світі проблема людини є однією з ключових в філософії, адже є альфою і омегою філософського дискурсу. Мета і завдання статті полягають у вивченні особливостей соціальної програми постмодернізму крізь призму його протиставлення соціальному проекту модерну та у розробці науково-методологічної бази для систематизації наукових ідей з метою створення нового суспільства, що у свою чергу створить підґрунтя для формування сучасної та оновленої суспільної свідомості. На основі заявлених приписів вважаємо необхідним розглянути постмодернізм як результат на сталі погляди і шаблони модернізму та на основі отриманих висновків визначити його вплив на становлення сучасного суспільства. Наукова новизна: у статті основна думка полягає в тому, що людина в сучасному розумінні – це не вічна онтологічна даність, а світоглядний концепт парадигми модерну, який утворився у наслідок звільнення західноєвропейського суспільства від зовнішнього примусу. Основну увагу зосереджено на тому, що людина не є альфою і омегою світу, вона виступає вторинною ланкою щодо світу і детермінованим явищем з не сумісними між собою елементами. Підкреслено деструктивну роль соціального проекту модерну, адже він спрямований виявити «смерть людини», що в свою чергу перетворює людину в дивідуума.

The specifications of subjectivity are cumbersome and sometimes contradictory. A large part of contemporary philosophy has set itself the task of de-substantialising and de-anthropologising the subject, of questioning its supremacy and its founding function. The importance of this critique in Deleuze's work is evident from his research on empiricism and continues to be so until his last writings with Guattari. The present work is first and foremost a conceptual and systematic reconstruction of what is scattered throughout Deleuze's work. This has involved restoring contexts, clarifying hypotheses, uncovering the implicitness of the discourse and the unwritten controversies. But the dissertation also pursues a goal of its own. First of all theoretical, of course: to show that it is logically possible to support the downfall of the ego. Then practical: to describe our singular existences, both in their material and spiritual aspects, in a different way than that of the subject. For this reason, we were gradually led to a series of ethical and political considerations, especially in the era of globalisation and infinite extension of capitalism. Faced with the ruin of classical spiritual expressions, with the unravelling of the symbolic institution, with ecological catastrophe, Deleuze and Guattari ask themselves how to produce future subjectivities without falling into the archaic return to the old systems of conviction. How can we account for the creation of modes of existence that emerge within the dominant forms, and against these forms? If the answer to this question must consider the respective dangers of humanism and anti-humanism, it seemed to us that it should also depend on the mapping of the equipment (individual as well as collective) producing subjectivity. In the final analysis, the search for a life that would go beyond the bonds of subjectivity remains an apprenticeship that is both difficult and dangerous, and explains the ambiguity - consciously maintained - of Gilles Deleuze's work in this respect. ; Le cahier des charges de la subjectivité est lourd et parfois contradictoire. Une grande part de la philosophie contemporaine s'est donnée pour tâche de désubstantialiser et de désanthropologiser le sujet, de remettre en question sa suprématie et sa fonction fondatrice. L'importance de cette critique chez Deleuze apparaît en pleine lumière dès ses recherches sur l'empirisme et perdure jusqu'aux derniers écrits avec Guattari. Le présent travail constitue d'abord une restitution systématique de ce qui, conceptuellement, se présente de manière éparse dans l'œuvre de Deleuze. Cela a impliqué de restituer les contextes, préciser les hypothèses, mettre au jour l'implicite du discours et les controverses qu'il mène en sous-main. Mais la thèse poursuit aussi un but propre. D'abord théorique bien sûr : montrer qu'il est possible logiquement de soutenir la perte de l'ego. Ensuite pratique : décrire autrement que par le sujet nos existences singulières, tant dans leur aspect matériel que spirituel. Ce pourquoi, nous étions peu à peu amenés à une série de considérations éthiques et politiques, en particulier à l'époque de la mondialisation et de l'extension infinie du capitalisme. Face à la ruine des expressions spirituelles classiques, face à l'effilochement de l'institution symbolique, face à la catastrophe écologique, Deleuze et Guattari se demandent comment produire des subjectivités de demain sans tomber dans le retour archaïque aux anciens systèmes de conviction. Comment rendre compte de la création des modes d'existence qui émergent au sein des formes dominantes, et contre ces formes ? Si la réponse à cette question doit considérer les dangers respectifs de l'humanisme et de l'antihumanisme, elle nous a semblé devoir dépendre aussi de la cartographie des équipements producteurs de subjectivité, équipements individuels autant que collectifs. En dernière instance, la recherche d'une vie qui dépasserait les carcans de la subjectivité reste un apprentissage à la fois difficile et dangereux, et explique l'ambiguïté – consciemment maintenue – de l'œuvre de Gilles Deleuze à cet égard. ; (ISP - Institut supérieur de philosophie) -- UCL, 2021

The article considers issues relevant to contemporary social philosophy regarding theoretical approaches to the study of the urban space phenomenon. The authors show how the social phenomenology of the city is studied within the socio-economic, socio-cultural, socio-ecological and urbanistic approaches. An analysis of the works of representatives of these approaches has made it possible to distinguish several dimensions of the city as a social phenomenon and the trend issues of relevant scientific research. Thus, within the framework of the spatial dimension, the city should be studied as the interaction of physical and social space, giving various configurations of the cultural and spiritual standard of living; the political and administrative dimension focuses the researcher on the study of the activity and interaction of formal organizations and administrative structures in terms of meeting a wide range of human needs. The economic dimension of the city allows considering it as a place of concentration of constantly operating markets, leading to an increase in consumption and the development of a consumer culture of social communities and groups; communication dimension shows it as a synergistic system of intersecting flows of information, under the influence and on the basis of which, complex interaction of social individuals, social institutions and groups is conducted with the aim of producing, using and distributing material and spiritual benefits. From the socio-cultural perspective, the city appears as a symbolic level of the existence of collective ideas, values, social, cultural codes; the so-called "urban myth" is of particular importance here. ; В статье рассматриваются актуальные для современной социальной философии вопросы, касающиеся теоретических подходов к исследованию феномена городского пространства. Авторы показывают, каким образом социальная феноменология города изучается в пределах социально-экономического, социокультурного, социально-экологического и урбанистического подходов. Анализ работ представителей названных подходов позволил выделить несколько измерений города как социального феномена и трендовую проблематику соответствующих научных исследований. Так, в рамках постранственного измерения город должен изучаться как взаимодействие физического и социального пространства, дающее различные конфигурации культурно-духовного уровня жизни людей; политико-административное измерение нацеливает исследователя на изучение деятельности и взаимодействия формальных организаций и административных структур в части удовлетворения широкого круга человеческих потребностей. Экономическое измерение города позволяет рассматривать его как место концентрации постоянно действующих рынков, приводящих к росту потребления и развитию потребительской культуры социальных общностей и групп; коммуникационное – как синергетическую систему пересекающихся потоков информации, под воздействием и на основе которых осуществляется комплексное взаимодействие социальных индивидов, социальных институтов и групп с целью производства, использования и распределения материальных и духовных благ. В социокультурном ракурсе город предстает как символический уровень существования коллективных представлений, ценностей, социальных, культурных кодов и особое значение здесь имеет так называемый «городской миф». ; У статті розглядаються актуальні для сучасної соціальної філософії питання, що стосуються теоретичних підходів до дослідження феномену міського простору. Автори показують, яким чином соціальна феноменологія міста вивчається в межах соціально-економічного, соціокультурного, соціально-екологічного та урбаністичного підходів. Аналіз робіт представників названих підходів дозволив виділити кілька вимірів міста як соціального феномена і трендову проблематику відповідних наукових досліджень. Так, в рамках посторового виміру місто має вивчатися як взаємодія фізичного та соціального простору, що дає різні конфігурації культурно-духовного рівня життя людей; політико-адміністративний вимір націлює дослідника на вивчення діяльності і взаємодії формальних організацій і адміністративних структур в частині задоволення широкого кола людських потреб. Економічний вимір міста дозволяє розглядати його як місце концентрації постійно діючих ринків, що призводять до зростання споживання і розвитку споживчої культури соціальних спільнот і груп; комунікаційний – як синергетичну систему пересічних потоків інформації, під впливом і на основі яких здійснюється комплексна взаємодія соціальних індивідів, соціальних інститутів і груп з метою виробництва, використання та розподілу матеріальних і духовних благ. У соціокультурному ракурсі місто постає як символічний рівень існування колективних уявлень, цінностей, соціальних, культурних кодів і особливе значення тут має так званий «міський міф.