Suchergebnisse

Der Beitrag geht der Frage nach, wie die Generation der 60er- und 70er-Jahre in den letzten Jahrzehnten die empirische Politikforschung ausgebaut hat. Welche Schwerpunkte wurden dabei gesetzt? Welche Herausforderungen folgen aus diesen Entwicklungen für die jüngeren Generationen? Zur Beantwortung dieser Fragen werden zunächst die wichtigsten Themen der empirischen Politikwissenschaft betrachtet sowie die Einflussfaktoren, welche zu ihrer Anpassung und Neudefinition beigetragen haben. Der Autor zeigt, dass der Versuch, eine verhaltensorientierte empirische Politikwissenschaft aufzubauen, eine weithin akzeptierte Integration der allgemeinen Politikwissenschaft verhindert hat. Die starke Fragmentierung der deutschen Politikwissenschaft ist auch heute noch wirksam. Die wichtigste Herausforderung stellt für den Autor nicht nur die Integration der nächsten Generationen in die eigenen Netzwerke und Institutionen dar, sondern deren Öffnung für Kollegen anderer Schulen und Disziplinen. (ICA2)

Governments in democratic systems are expected to respond to the issue preferences of citizens. Yet we have a limited understanding of the factors that cause levels of responsiveness to vary across time and between countries. In this article, the authors suggest that political contestation is the primary mechanism driving policy responsiveness and that this, in turn, is mediated by political institutions and government popularity. To test this proposition, the authors analyze the responsiveness of executive policy promises (speeches) and policy actions (public expenditure) in Britain, Denmark, and the United States in the period from 1970 to 2005. These time-series analyses show that higher levels of political contestation are associated with more responsive executives. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2008.]

This accessible book introduces students to the basic concepts in political science. The first part of the book provides a historical overview of the manner in which various political structures emerged. The second part deals with successive constitutions in Sri Lanka, and their failure to uphold political principles in response to changing political situations. Short and insightful, this book will be an invaluable guide to students seeking understanding and analysis of ideas and issues in politics

Putting the press into perspective -- The meanings of the press -- Working on the law : employers, journalists, and the legal framework -- A sense of doubt : the origins and history of self-regulation up to 1972 -- Nothing resolved : self-regulation, 1972-98 -- Organising and defining self-regulation -- Self-regulation at work : an overview -- The problem of accuracy in the UK press in the 1980s and 1990s -- The distorting mirror : the problem of misrepresentation in the press in the 1980s and 1990s -- Privacy and self-regulation -- Rights and responsibilities : the need for reform

THE SOUTHERN STATE OF OAXACA, which is poor and which has extremely unequal income distribution, shows particularly high levels of political factionalism. The present chapter is part of a three-section study on Oaxaca that identifies the main causes of APF. The initial part of this chapter examines Oaxaca's social and economic structures and assesses the quality of its political and electoral institutions. Subsequently, the chapter describes the main instances of APF occurring in Oaxaca during the period 2000–2006 and locates these phenomena in each of the state's sociocultural regions.

The article examined that in the light of the 3rd millennium the Nigerian woman is still debased by some practices that invariably hinder her attainment to the highest political office in Nigeria. The practices include but not limited to the setting up of different laws for men and women under the Sharia Penal Code, the requirement of a written consent from the husband of a woman to obtain her international passport, the illicit trade in women as abound in most parts of Nigeria, the Igbo customary law of inheritance based on the principle of primogeniture as in other parts of Nigeria, and lack of access to courts by the rural women majority. Books, articles in journals, newspapers, unpublished materials and relevant internet materials have been utilized. The Nigerian environment is fraught with cultural, institutional and legal constraints that limit the potencies of the Nigerian Women. This is in spite of the fact that her contributions to the Social, economic, cultural and political sphere of Nigeria has been enormous, amidst her negatively prevailing environment against the backdrop of changes taking place in the global world. Reservations of certain elective post and affirmative action as is been done in certain parts of the globe remains a viable option for the enhancement of the political aspirations of the Nigerian Women.

A growing chorus of scholars laments the apparent decline of political participation in America, and the negative implications of this trend for American democracy. This article questions this position – arguing that previous studies misdiagnosed the sources of political change and the consequences of changing norms of citizenship for Americans' political engagement. Citizenship norms are shifting from a pattern of duty-based citizenship to engaged citizenship. Using data from the 2005 'Citizenship, Involvement, Democracy' survey of the Center for Democracy and Civil Society (CDACS) I describe these two faces of citizenship, and trace their impact on political participation. Rather than the erosion of participation, this norm shift is altering and expanding the patterns of political participation in America.

The objective of this paper is to extensively analyse if there is adequate political will to eradicate corruption in South Africa using existing literature. There has been a huge increase in the level of attention paid to corruption, measures to curb it as well as its socio-economic consequences. In South Africa, corruption has been at the focal point of development an obstruction and impediment of genuine improvement in the general public service delivery. South Africa's public procurement system has been filled with corrupt practices, making the country to be one of the most degenerate on the continent of Africa. In the event that Africa is to be spared from this disease, the endemic presence of corrupt practices must be managed appropriately by the executive of the state. This paper addressed the concept of political will and normalized corruption in South Africa and proposed a route forward for the coveted change. We feel that corruption should be classified in the same category as crimes like treason, murder and rape and heavy sentences have to accompany corruption as a crime. A qualitative method was adopted in this study.

Economies - and the government institutions that support them - reflect a moral and political choice, a choice we can make and remake. Since the dawn of industrialization and democratization in the late eighteenth century, there has been a succession of political economic frameworks, reflecting changes in technology, knowledge, trade, global connections, political power, and the expansion of citizenship. The challenges of today reveal the need for a new moral political economy that recognizes the politics in political economy. It also requires the redesign of our social, economic, and governing institutions based on assumptions about humans as social beings rather than narrow self-serving individualists. This Element makes some progress toward building a new moral political economy by offering both a theory of change and some principles for institutional (re)design.