How and why did students at Kabul University engage in political activism or refrained from it between 1964 and 1992? Based on oral history interviews with former students, this book reveals how they - as many others around the world at the same time - were galvanized by and disappointed with promises of progress dominating local and international politics. During the 1960s, the international influences on campus encouraged students' engagement with competing political ideologies. Collective student protest against the monarchy turned into hostilities between opposing political groups within the student body claiming to lead Afghanistan towards independence and prosperity. After the coup d'état by the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) in 1978, none of the ideologies which had previously incited students provided hope for a better future anymore. Many students who had fought for the PDPA earlier were repelled by the government's violence and those who stood up against the regime were persecuted and fled the country. Overall, the dynamics of political activism at Kabul University reflect the deep intertwinement of the Global Cold War and local struggles for inclusion and independence
This book discusses the theological views of Abū Isḥāq al-Ṣaffār d. 534/1139), within the framework of his comments on the meanings of Allah's names, provided in his work titled Talkhīṣ al-adilla. Abū Isḥāq al-Ṣaffār is one of the Ḥanafite-Māturīdite scholars in the 6th/12th century. In his work titled Talkhīṣ al-adilla li-qawāʿid al-tawḥīd on kalām, he spared extensive space for al-asmāʾ al-husnā. Approximately one third of this work, published in two volumes, is devoted to al-asmāʾ al-husnā. An examination of the related section reveals that al-Ṣaffār explains many issues, particularly those related to the existence, unity and attributes of Allah, based on 175 al-asmāʾ al-husnā. He mentions some of the names that he does not include in the al-asmāʾ al-husnā section under separate headings. For example, the name al-Mutakallim is addressed within the context of the attribute of kalām and in relation to subjects, such as the khalq al-Qurʾān and i'jaz al-Qurʾān. Upon the addition of these names to the list, the number names reaches 178. This means that half of the work deals with the subject of al-asmāʾ al-husnā. al-Ṣaffār lists the divine names in alphabetical order and explains them semantically in the chapter of al-asmāʾ al-husnā. Then he goes on to clarify each divine name through a theological lens with a specific reference to the subject of kalām. In the pre-Saffar Ḥanafite-Māturīdite theological literature, there is no other work that addresses al-asmāʾ al-husnā in such an extensive way. This book consists of three main sections. The first section titled "Methodological Framework", elaborates on the focus, significance, purpose and method of the study, along with the sources used. The first part describes the political, social and religious status of Transoxiana (Mā-warāʾ al-Nahr) region and the cities of Bukhara and Marw, the sociocultural environment in which Saffar lived. The second chapter addresses various concepts, which promote the understanding of al-asmāʾ al-husnā, such as name, tasmiya, musammā, attribute and qualification in addition to the theological debates such as the number and iḥṣāʾ of al-asmāʾ al-husnā. Then, it provides information about the al-asmāʾ al-husnā literature produced in the pre- Ṣaffār period. The end of each chapter comes with a detailed table with the 178 divine names mentioned by al-Ṣaffār. In the third chapter, the author initially discusses the theological principles that al-Ṣaffār considered while explaining the essence of al-asmāʾ al-husnā. This section also determines and systematically categorizes the theological views and evaluations put forward by al-Ṣaffār while explaining the divine names in Talkhīṣ al-adilla. The tables with the divine names and the related discussions can be seen at the end of the discussion for each subject. The last section presents the conclusions reached, regarding the kalām method based on al-Ṣaffār's understanding of the essence of al-asmāʾ al-husnā. The present study revealed that he made theological interpretations in 75% of the al-asmāʾ al-husnā and interpreted all theological issues ranging from the subjects of knowledge and existence to the Afterlife in connection with the al-asmāʾ al-husnā. These results indicate that al-Ṣaffār's understanding of kalām is based on the interpretation of the divine names. ; Bu kitapta, Ebû İshâk es-Saffâr'ın (öl. 534/1139) kelâmî görüşleri, Telḫîṣü'l-edille li-ḳavâʿidi't-tevḥîd adlı eserinde Allah'ın isimlerinin anlamlarını açıklarken yaptığı yorumlar çerçevesinde ele alınmaktadır. Ebû İshâk es-Saffâr, 6./12. yüzyıl Hanefî-Mâtürîdî âlimlerinden biridir. Kelâma dair Telḫîṣü'l-edille eserinde esmâ-i hüsnâ konusuna ayrıntılı olarak yer vermektedir. İki cilt hâlinde yayımlanan bu eserin yaklaşık üçte birlik bir kısmını esmâ-i hüsnâ konusu oluşturmaktadır. Bu kısım incelendiğinde, Saffâr'ın Allah'ın varlığı, birliği ve sıfatları ile ilgili konular başta olmak üzere pek çok konuyu 175 esmâ-i hüsnâya dayanarak izah ettiği görülmektedir. O, esmâ-i hüsnâ bölümünde yer vermediği bazı isimlere ise müstakil başlıklar altında değinmektedir. Örneğin el-Mütekkelim ismi kelâm sıfatını bağlamında ve halku'l-Kur'ân ile icâz'ul-Kur'ân gibi konularla ilişkili bir şekilde ele almaktadır. Bu isimler de listeye dahil edildiğinde sayı 178'e ulaşmaktadır. Bu durumda eserin yarısını esmâ-i hüsnâ konusu teşkil etmektedir. Saffâr, esmâ-i hüsnâ bölümünde alfabetik bir sıra içerisinde ele aldığı ilâhî isimleri öncelikle lugavî (semantik) yönden izah etmektedir. Sonrasında ise değerlendirdiği ilahî ismi, bir kelâm konusu ile bağlantı kurarak kelâmî perspektifle açıklamaktadır Esmâ-i hüsnâ temelinde ele alınan konuların hilâfet meselesi hariç diğer kelâm bahislerini kapsadığı görülmektedir. Saffâr öncesi Hanefî-Mâtürîdî kelâm literatürü içinde esmâ-i hüsnânın bu kadar kapsamlı ele alındığı başka bir eser bilinmemektedir. Bu kitap; üç ana bölümden oluşmaktadır. "Metodolojik Çerçeve" başlıklı giriş bölümünde çalışmanın konusu, önemi, amacı, yöntemi ve kaynakları hakkında bilgi verilmiştir. Birinci bölümde Saffâr'ın yaşadığı sosyokültürel çevre olan Mâverâünnehir bölgesi ile Buhara ve Merv şehirlerinin siyasî, sosyal ve dinî durumu ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır. İkinci bölümde esmâ-i hüsna konusunun anlaşılmasına temel oluşturan isim, tesmiye, müsemmâ, sıfat ve vasf gibi kavramlar ile esmâ-i hüsnânın sayısı ve ihsâsı gibi kelâmî tartışmalara değinilmiştir. Sonrasında Saffâr öncesi dönemde kaleme alınan esmâ-i hüsnâ litaratürü hakkında bilgi verilmiştir. Bölüm sonuna Saffâr'ın rivayet ettiği 178 ilahî isme dair ayrıntılı bir tablo eklenmiştir. Üçüncü bölümde öncelikle, Saffâr'ın esmâ-i hüsnâyı izah ederken dikkate aldığı kelâmî ilkeler tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Sonrasında ise Saffâr'ın Telḫîṣü'l-edille'de ilâhî isimleri açıklarken ortaya koyduğu kelâmî görüş ve değerlendirmeler belirlenerek sistematik bir şekilde kategorize edilmiştir. Bu kapsamda ele alınan her konunun sonuna ilgili ilâhî isimleri ve bağlantılı olduğu tartışmaları içeren tablolar eklenmiştir. Sonuç bölümünde ise Saffâr'ın esmâ-i hüsnâ anlayışına dayanan kelâm yöntemine dair ulaştığımız sonuçlara yer verilmiştir. Bu kitapta onun, esmâ-i hüsnânın 'inde kelâmî yorumlarda bulunduğu ve bilgi-varlık bahsinden âhiret hayatına kadar bütün kelâm konularını esmâ-i hüsnâ ile bağlantılı yorumladığı tespit edilmiştir. Ulaşılan bu sonuçlar, Saffâr'ın kelâm anlayışının ilâhî isimlerin yorumuna dayandığını ortaya koymaktadır.
Since Pakistan's inception, Gilgit-Baltistan, a sprawling region in Northern Pakistan, has not been granted provincial status due to its colonial association with the disputed region of Kashmir. Gilgit-Baltistan refutes its forceful integration with Kashmir, an unfortunate remnant of British divide-and-rule strategy, and demands provincial recognition and constitutional rights. Pakistan unfairly claims that it awaits the UN-sanctioned plebiscite in Kashmir to determine the region's status. However, the likelihood of a plebiscite is little to none, since the Indian government officially annexed Indian-held Kashmir in August 2019, breaching the UN resolution on the plebiscite. A region that has been at the mercy of draconian empires for centuries, is now exploited by an independent country it fought to join. Numerous self-empowerment reforms have created a façade of devolution, while the federal government holds direct control over the region's activities. China holds unconstrained access to the region, without the permission of the local government. State-sponsored sectarian violence undermines unity and stability. The people protest the region's ambiguous status that disenfranchises its tax-paying and law-abiding population. In this senior honors thesis, I argue that the government of Pakistan intends to concretize Gilgit-Baltistan's liminal status. Employing an urban definition of liminal space, I describe Gilgit-Baltistan's history of uncertainty and disillusionment, in the context of its regional neighbors claiming parts of it. I emphasize that boundary-making politics of South Asia and Pakistan's absolute control over its deprived population maintain the territorial and political ambiguity of the region. It is to be seen if Gilgit-Baltistan initiates a nation-wide revolt against the colonial-like rule of Pakistan and has its valid demands for long-awaited recognition met.
Religious communities frequently work with special motivation, specific credibility and international networks for peace on a global level - even though some perpetrators of violent acts who repeatedly invoke religion cause significant foreign-policy crises. New efforts for peace and challenges in international relations thus require increased competence in and sensitivity to religion in foreign and security policy, and the willingness and qualification to work with religious communities in a spirit of partnership. Numerous states and international organisations have increasingly directed their focus to the peace potential of religions, recognised the strategic meaning of religion-related peace policy and initiated corresponding cooperation. Religions which have assumed responsibility for peace and a foreign policy that has competence in religion could jointly make an important contribution for the peaceful coexistence of humanity. This applies even more so as European societies, which are increasingly becoming secular, are often confronted with communities outside of Europe that are steadily becoming more religious. How can religion-based actors be included into foreign policy as partners? With which subjects, formats or forums?
Religionsgemeinschaften arbeiten vielfach mit besonderen Motivation, spezifischer Glaubwürdigkeit und internationalen Netzwerken weltweit an Frieden, Gerechtigkeit und Solidarität - auch wenn einige andere sich auf Religion berufende Gewalttäter immer wieder außenpolitisch bedeutsame Krisen auslösen. Neue Friedensbemühungen und Herausforderungen in den internationalen Beziehungen erfordern daher vermehrt Religionskompetenz und -sensibilität in der Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik - und die Bereitschaft und Qualifikation, mit Religionsgemeinschaften partnerschaftlich zusammen zu arbeiten. Zahlreiche Staaten und internationale Organisationen haben das Friedenspotenzial von Religionen außenpolitisch verstärkt in den Blick genommen, die strategische Bedeutung religionsbezogener Friedenspolitik erkannt und entsprechende Kooperationen initiiert. Die in die Friedensverantwortung genommenen Religionen sowie eine religionskompetente Außenpolitik können gemeinsam einen wichtigen Beitrag für das friedliche Zusammenleben der Menschheit leisten. Dies gilt umso mehr als säkularer werdende Gesellschaften in Europa sich oft religiöser werdenden Gemeinwesen außerhalb Europas gegenüber sehen. Wie können religionsbasierte Akteure als Partner in die Außenpolitik eingebunden werden? Über welche Themen, Formate oder Foren?
Religionsgemeinschaften arbeiten vielfach mit besonderen Motivation, spezifischer Glaubwürdigkeit und internationalen Netzwerken weltweit an Frieden, Gerechtigkeit und Solidarität - auch wenn einige andere sich auf Religion berufende Gewalttäter immer wieder außenpolitisch bedeutsame Krisen auslösen. Neue Friedensbemühungen und Herausforderungen in den internationalen Beziehungen erfordern daher vermehrt Religionskompetenz und -sensibilität in der Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik - und die Bereitschaft und Qualifikation, mit Religionsgemeinschaften partnerschaftlich zusammen zu arbeiten. Zahlreiche Staaten und internationale Organisationen haben das Friedenspotenzial von Religionen außenpolitisch verstärkt in den Blick genommen, die strategische Bedeutung religionsbezogener Friedenspolitik erkannt und entsprechende Kooperationen initiiert. Die in die Friedensverantwortung genommenen Religionen sowie eine religionskompetente Außenpolitik können gemeinsam einen wichtigen Beitrag für das friedliche Zusammenleben der Menschheit leisten. Dies gilt umso mehr als säkularer werdende Gesellschaften in Europa sich oft religiöser werdenden Gemeinwesen außerhalb Europas gegenüber sehen. Wie können religionsbasierte Akteure als Partner in die Außenpolitik eingebunden werden? Über welche Themen, Formate oder Foren?
Religious communities frequently work with special motivation, specific credibility and international networks for peace on a global level - even though some perpetrators of violent acts who repeatedly invoke religion cause significant foreign-policy crises. New efforts for peace and challenges in international relations thus require increased competence in and sensitivity to religion in foreign and security policy, and the willingness and qualification to work with religious communities in a spirit of partnership. Numerous states and international organisations have increasingly directed their focus to the peace potential of religions, recognised the strategic meaning of religion-related peace policy and initiated corresponding cooperation. Religions which have assumed responsibility for peace and a foreign policy that has competence in religion could jointly make an important contribution for the peaceful coexistence of humanity. This applies even more so as European societies, which are increasingly becoming secular, are often confronted with communities outside of Europe that are steadily becoming more religious. How can religion-based actors be included into foreign policy as partners? With which subjects, formats or forums?
Introduction : Cinq ans après les révolutions sociales, des thèmes inscrits dans la longue durée / Réda Benkirane, Riccardo Bocco, Catherine Germond 5-11. - PREMIERE PARTIE : PERSPECTIVES JURIDIQUES, HISTORIQUES ET SOCIOLOGIQUES. - La question de la charia et de l'État au XXIe siècle / Abdullahi An-Na'Im 13-19. - Contre le déterminisme historique, en islam comme ailleurs / Baudouin Dupret 21-29. - Les révolutions arabes et leur devenir. Les cas paradigmatiques de l'Égypte et de la Tunisie / Farhad Khosrokhavar 31-45. - Entre État et Religion : repenser la société civile et l'État civil depuis les révoltes arabes / Benoît Challand 47-59. - Islam et politique dans la Libye contemporaine / Younes Abouyoub 61-72. - Évolutions récentes de la lai͏̈cité en Turquie / Bayram Balci 73-87. - DEUXIEME PARTIE : PERSPECTIVES PHILOSOPHIQUES ET THEOLOGIQUES. - Réflexions sur la sécularisation aux premiers siècles de l'Islam / Makram Abbes 89-104. - Philosophie d'un islam post-fondamentaliste / Hassan Hanafi 105-112. - La religion et le pouvoir / Mohammad Shahrour 113-126. - Le Coran est essentiellement guidance / Jamal Al-Banna 127-131. - Une lecture non-herméneutique du Coran : l'Analyse littérale / Moreno Al Ajamî 133-142
