Suchergebnisse

International audience ; On January 14, 2011, president Ben Ali fled Tunisia following one month of popular insurrection. The insurrectionalmovements of December 2010-January 2011 have included protests by lawyers that took place in the continuity of previoussectoral mobilizations, since the authoritarian Ben Ali regime had contributed to politicize collective action by the lawyerswhen it refused to grant the main professional requests of the Tunisian bar. However, these "revolutionary" mobilizationswere different from previous ones, since they took part in a popular insurrection and contributed to de-sectorialize socialspace, before redeploying themselves in a political arena characterized by a fluid conjuncture, propitious to a redefinition ofthe norms of professional legitimacy. ; Le 14 janvier 2011, le président Ben Ali s'enfuyait de Tunisie après un mois d'insurrection populaire. Les manifestations d'avocats qui ont accompagné les mouvements protestataires de décembre 2010-janvier 2011 s'inscrivent en partie dans la continuité des mobilisations sectorielles qui les ont précédées dans la mesure où le régime autoritaire de Ben Ali en refusant d'accéder aux principales revendications professionnelles du barreau a contribué à donner aux actions collectives des avocats une forte tonalité politique. Toutefois, ces mobilisations « révolutionnaires » ne sont pas de même nature que les précédentes, car elles ont participé à un mouvement de révolte populaire et ont contribué à la désectorisation de l'espace social, avant de se déployer dans une arène politique caractérisée par une conjoncture fluide propice à la reformulation des formes de légitimité professionnelle.

International audience ; On January 14, 2011, president Ben Ali fled Tunisia following one month of popular insurrection. The insurrectionalmovements of December 2010-January 2011 have included protests by lawyers that took place in the continuity of previoussectoral mobilizations, since the authoritarian Ben Ali regime had contributed to politicize collective action by the lawyerswhen it refused to grant the main professional requests of the Tunisian bar. However, these "revolutionary" mobilizationswere different from previous ones, since they took part in a popular insurrection and contributed to de-sectorialize socialspace, before redeploying themselves in a political arena characterized by a fluid conjuncture, propitious to a redefinition ofthe norms of professional legitimacy. ; Le 14 janvier 2011, le président Ben Ali s'enfuyait de Tunisie après un mois d'insurrection populaire. Les manifestations d'avocats qui ont accompagné les mouvements protestataires de décembre 2010-janvier 2011 s'inscrivent en partie dans la continuité des mobilisations sectorielles qui les ont précédées dans la mesure où le régime autoritaire de Ben Ali en refusant d'accéder aux principales revendications professionnelles du barreau a contribué à donner aux actions collectives des avocats une forte tonalité politique. Toutefois, ces mobilisations « révolutionnaires » ne sont pas de même nature que les précédentes, car elles ont participé à un mouvement de révolte populaire et ont contribué à la désectorisation de l'espace social, avant de se déployer dans une arène politique caractérisée par une conjoncture fluide propice à la reformulation des formes de légitimité professionnelle.

Als Ort der symbolischen Austragung sozialer Konflikte hat es deutscher Gangsta-Rap im Laufe der letzten zwei Jahrzehnte zu einiger Bekanntheit gebracht: Im Gangsta-Rap kommen nicht nur Spannungen zwischen Hoch- und Popkultur, Migrationsgesellschaft und Nationalitäten, wirtschaftlichen Erfolgen und künstlerischem Anspruch, sondern auch strafrechtlich verfolgbaren Beleidigungen und gesellschaftlicher Diskursfähigkeit deutlich zum Tragen. Die Beiträger*innen des Bandes zeigen, dass dieses Phänomen der pluralen Gesellschaft damit exemplarisch für die Ambivalenzen der Moderne stehen kann

Adeleke deconstructs Afrocentric essentialism by illuminating and interrogating the problematic situation of Africa as the foundation of a racialised worldwide African Diaspora. It attempts to fill an intellectual gap by analysing the contradictions in representations of Afrocentrism in Africa. These include multiple, conflicting, and ambivalent portraits of Africa; the use of the continent as a global, unifying identity for all blacks; the de-emphasising and nullification of New World acculturation; and the ahistoristic construction of a monolithic African Diaspora worldwide

Cover; Title; Copyright; Contents; Preface to the 1984 Edition; Foreword to the Revised Edition Horace Newcomb; Introduction to the Revised Edition; 1 Beginning to Begin Again; Television Funny; Enter the Proscenium; In Front of the Curtain; The Theater Collapses; 2 The Situation Comedy of Paul Henning; Modernity and the American Folk Myth in The Beverly Hillbillies; 3 The Comedy of Public Safety; 4 Gleason's Push; 5 Self-Reflexive at Last; Cradle to Grave; The Stars Come Out at Night; Boomers ; A Light from Melonville; 6 What Was Broadcasting?; A Signal Cast Broadly

Cover; Half-title; Title; Copyright; Contents; 1 Introduction; 2 The Meme Hypothesis; 3 Cultural DNA; 4 The Replication of Complex Culture; 5 Variation; 6 Selection; 7 The Story So Far; 8 The Human Mind: Meme Complex with a Virus?; 9 The Meme's Eye View; 10 Early Cultural Evolution; 11 Memetic DNA; 12 Memes and the Mind; 13 Science, Religion and Society: What Can Memes Tell Us?; 14 Conclusions; Acknowledgements; Notes; Bibliography; Index.

This study presents the experiences of the Ghanaian people toward the COVID-19 global pandemic. It presents the popular views and attitudes of the people of Ghana on the socio-cultural, economic and educational implications of the COVID-19. The data for the study are based on news reports on television and radio stations as well as print media. Also, data were generated from twenty seven personal interviews via face-to-face, telephone and zoom video interactions. The data were discussed using thematic analysis as well as document analysis in the qualitative research approach. The findings revealed that the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic in Ghana came as a shock to many Ghanaians who held the popular view that the virus was immune to black genes. Some Ghanaians believe that the infection is a matter of faith and prioritize religious supplications as a protective metric than the strict adherence to the medical preventive protocols for the COVID-19. The intensive public education and the laudable efforts by the Ghana government are gradually erasing these wrong perceptions toward the COVID-19 infection.

Modern research demonstrates that there may be wide differences between scientific and popular risk assessments. Popular risk perception is multidimensional; some risks that seem uncontrollable or dreadful are especially abhorrent. Risks are also socially constructed and they may be augmented or attenuated by opinion leaders, advocacy groups, and media treatments. In extreme cases "information cascades" can lead to a self -reinforcing process that amplifies perceived risks resulting in the stigmatization of a technology or a company. We apply these insights to an historical case study of the New York, New Haven & Hartford Railroad during the years 1911 through 1914. During these years the New Haven experienced a burst of train wrecks. Sensational reporting of these accidents, along with increasingly shrill government investigations, coincided with ongoing exposés of the company's questionable financial practices and turned the New Haven into a pariah company, stigmatizing and forcing out its management. Yet statistics available at the time show that the New Haven was no more dangerous than average. The example of the New Haven also encouraged all railroads to introduce safer methods and technologies than they otherwise would have.

This book presents the outcome of a project coordinated by the European Trade Union Institute in which experts from different countries and social scientific disciplines (sociology, political science and economics) were invited to reflect on both the meaning and political status of the concept of the European Social Model (ESM).

International audience ; The research presented here is the result of fieldwork conducted between 2007 and 2010 in the city of Veracruz, Mexico. It bears on social, political and cultural usages of ethnic categories linked to the local history of slavery and the historical presence in the region of Black populations of African origin. Focusing on the evolution of local cultural policy, the ways of describing the city, activities striving to enhance the status of what is claimed to be its historical 'heritage', the popular music scene as well as forms of social domination expressed in daily life, this study aims to examine the conditions and modalities in which differences relating to the 'African roots' of mestizaje (ethnic mixing) - such as the perception of skin colour and phenotypic traits that are seen as more or less 'negroid' or cultural characteristics defined as 'Black' or 'African' - are marked, displayed, debated, eluded or argued.

International audience ; The research presented here is the result of fieldwork conducted between 2007 and 2010 in the city of Veracruz, Mexico. It bears on social, political and cultural usages of ethnic categories linked to the local history of slavery and the historical presence in the region of Black populations of African origin. Focusing on the evolution of local cultural policy, the ways of describing the city, activities striving to enhance the status of what is claimed to be its historical 'heritage', the popular music scene as well as forms of social domination expressed in daily life, this study aims to examine the conditions and modalities in which differences relating to the 'African roots' of mestizaje (ethnic mixing) - such as the perception of skin colour and phenotypic traits that are seen as more or less 'negroid' or cultural characteristics defined as 'Black' or 'African' - are marked, displayed, debated, eluded or argued.

International audience ; The research presented here is the result of fieldwork conducted between 2007 and 2010 in the city of Veracruz, Mexico. It bears on social, political and cultural usages of ethnic categories linked to the local history of slavery and the historical presence in the region of Black populations of African origin. Focusing on the evolution of local cultural policy, the ways of describing the city, activities striving to enhance the status of what is claimed to be its historical 'heritage', the popular music scene as well as forms of social domination expressed in daily life, this study aims to examine the conditions and modalities in which differences relating to the 'African roots' of mestizaje (ethnic mixing) - such as the perception of skin colour and phenotypic traits that are seen as more or less 'negroid' or cultural characteristics defined as 'Black' or 'African' - are marked, displayed, debated, eluded or argued.

Ancient Greek Democracy: READINGS AND SOURCES; Contents; Preface; Acknowledgments; Abbreviations; Map 1; Map 2; Ancient Greek Democracy: A Brief Introduction; 1 Prelude to Democracy: Political Thought in Early Greek Texts; 2 The Beginnings of the Athenian Democracy: Who Freed Athens?; 3 Popular Politics in Fifth-century Syracuse; 4 Liberty, Equality, and the Ideals of Greek Democracy; 5 Power and Rhetoric at Athens: Elite Leadership versus Popular Ideology; 6 Limiting Democracy: The Political Exclusion of Women and Slaves; Glossary of Greek Names and Terms; Index.

Recent publications like 'Invisible France' & the title publication have inaugurated public debate over electoral analyses in France. Discussions have focused on explaining voting patterns by immersing oneself in a popular milieu, in addition to the usual procedures such as fact comparing. Brings out the results of examining political abstention, indifference, & declining participation. Claims a vast amount of data is covered making it difficult to sum up results. Concludes complementary studies will be needed to confirm this but draws preliminary conclusion that the electoral process is an alien spectacle to many more citizens, more perhaps than previously imagined. References. R. Ruffin

In Béarn, a region of south-west France, longstanding and resilient ideas of property and practices of inheritance control the destinies of those living in the foothills of the Pyrenees. Based on extensive fieldwork and archival research that combines ethnography and intellectual history, this study explores the long-term continuities of this particular way of life within a broad framework. These local ideas have found expression twice at the national level. First, sociological arguments about the family, proposed by Frédéric Le Play, shaped debates on social reform and the repair of national