Suchergebnisse

Heroism, art, and new media : France and identity formation. Unifying the French nation : Savorgnan de Brazza and the Third Republic / Edward Berenson ; New media, source-bonding, and alienation : listening at the 1889 Exposition Universelle / Annegret Fauser ; Debussy and the making of a musicien français : Pelléas, the press, and World War I / Barbara L. Kelly ; A bas Wagner! : the French press campaign against Wagner during World War I / Marion Schmid -- Canon, style, and political alignment. D'Indy's Beethoven / Steven Huebner ; Messidor : republican patriotism and the French revolutionary tradition in Third Republic opera / James Ross ; The symphony and national identity in early twentieth-century France / Brian Hart ; Transcending the word? : religion and music in Gauguin's quest for abstraction / Debora Silverman ; Jolivet's search for a new French voice : spiritual otherness in Mana (1935) / Deborah Mawer -- Regionalism. Rameau in late nineteenth-century Dijon : memorial, festival, fiasco / Katharine Ellis ; Becoming Alsatian : anti-German and pro-French cultural propaganda in Alsace, 1898-1914 / Detmar Klein ; National identity and the double border in Lorraine, 1870-1914 / Didier Francfort

AbstractThe national flag, anthem and emblem are the three symbols through which an independent country proclaims its identity and sovereignty. These symbols are universal signs of particularity. In spite of their symbolic significance, national anthems have not been the subject of widespread scholarship. This is particularly true with regard to the Arab world. The aim of this article is, therefore, threefold: first, to explore the historical, political and cultural sources of these anthems; second, to analyse the anthems' themes; and finally, to explore whether a commonality between the various Arab anthems can be found. The article advances three arguments: First, in contrast to the stability of anthems outside the Middle East, anthems in the Arab world underwent changes since independence, yet several countries retained their original anthems. The changes reflected the change of regime and/or historical narrative. Second, the consolidation of the territorial Arab state has also been reflected in the symbolic framework. And, finally, the Arab anthem is a hybrid symbol, amalgamating Western and Eastern cultural artefacts—Arab, Muslim or territorial.

AbstractIn the article, I analyse the ways in which peasants built their national identity within the Polish territories. The 16th century saw the emergence of the so‐called "noble democracy" founded upon the idea of "the Polish nation." This "noble democracy," constructed in opposition to the figure of king, was organized around the notion of civil liberty, the right to ownership and the right to decide about the state affairs. Yet, it put peasants outside of the framework of the nation. After the collapse of the state and the partitions, the founders of the modern idea of the nation within the Polish territories in the 19th century referred to that "(noble) democratic" tradition of the nation. To them, this gesture was an act of resistance against the politics of the states that had conducted the partitions. The tradition, however, became a dominant one. Peasants then build the national identity on the basis of the 16th‐century tradition which excluded them from the body of the nation, and I call this prothesis of identity.

Den nationalt prioriterede færdselsindsats i Danmarks 12 politikredse har baggrund i politiets nationale operative strategi på færdselsområdet. Her beskrives strategien for årene 2016-2020. Strategien er analyse- og evidensbaseret, opererer med effektmål frem for inputmål og er geografisk differentieret. Formålet er at øge færdselssikkerheden i Danmark, sikre en hensigtsmæssig trafikafvikling i samfundet og bidrage til borgernes tryghed. På baggrund af nationale strategiske analyser er udpeget tre indsatsområder: for høj hastighed, spirituskørsel og uopmærksomhed. På området for høj hastighed er der foretaget lokale analyser i politikredsene, og på baggrund af disse er særligt hastighedsbelastede strækninger udpeget med konkrete mål for hastighedsnedsættelse. På spirituskørselsområdet og uopmærksomhedsområdet gennemføres i 2017 repræsentative forekomstundersøgelser. Undersøgelsernes resultater kan ud over at være oplysende i sig selv tjene som udgangspunktsmålinger, som eventuelle fremtidige indsatsers effekt kan måles imod. Endelig er en spørgeundersøgelse om tryghed af et repræsentativt udsnit af danske trafikanter gennemført. Denne undersøgelse afslører, at trafikanterne er generelt trygge i trafikken, og at de er mest utrygge ved spirituskørsel, dernæst ved brug af mobiltelefon under kørsel og endelig for høj hastighed.

AbstractAustria's federal system is determined by an apparent contrast between formal and real constitution having its roots in foundational defects shaping the system to the present day. As for the formal dimension, Austria has a rather uneven balance with regard to powersharing. No wonder that, given the structural bias between central state and substates, informal forces are at work in order to make up for the shortcomings of the federal architecture. In this context, sub-national constitutionalism at first sight appears to be marginal. Astoundingly, though, in recent time a lot of constitutional changes and amendments, quite possibly paving the way for a sustainable redesign of the federation as a whole have taken place.The article starts with a historical outline of the Austrian federation's origins. In chapter 2, the interplay of formal and informal rules and practices is discussed. Chapter 3 deals with scope, contents and dynamics of sub-national constitutionalism under the given framework. The article concludes with assessing the efficacy of subconstitutional politics in relation to the capacities of the federal constitution.

This paper is a brief political and ethnographic commentary on the 'issues of weakness' in the current political leadership of Kalmykia. In the Republic of Kalmykia, southwest Russia, ideas about national leaders have been subject to change, depending on the political regime in Russia. Whereas in the Soviet period good leaders, both historical and contemporary, were thought to be skilful managers who did not necessarily have the power to change the course of history, in the post-Soviet period proper national leaders are considered to be those who are endowed with the power to influence history. According to the author, this change in the concept of leadership became possible owing to certain political developments in post-Soviet Kalmykia that allowed alternative ideas to contest some tenets of the Soviet historiography, such ideas remaining largely intact. The tension in Kalmyk historiography between old Soviet and new ideas is unresolved, a situation which is symptomatic of wider tensions and transformations occurring in Kalmyk society itself.

This article examines the little-known history of the Protestant minority in Spain in the years after Franco's victory in 1939, looking at the reality of Catholic 'unity' and the position of the internal 'other' under National-Catholicism - the hegemonic ideological expression of Franco's Spain. Arguing that, rather than substituting for fascism, National-Catholicism in fact served as a transitional rhetoric, the article examines the anti-Protestant campaigns of the late 1940s, illuminating the position of religious minorities and their paradoxical position in post-Civil War Spain. Excoriated as a 'foreign' enemy, Protestantism was discriminated against but its adherents were never treated with the savagery meted out to the political opposition and, in some cases, they received legal and police support. The ecclesiastical authorities promulgated the language of anti-Protestantism but there is little evidence that they convinced the public that Protestants were a real and immediate danger, even before the move towards toleration and religious freedom in the 1960s. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

In the late 1980s, a new conceptual framework appeared in the science, technology, and innovation studies: the National Innovation System. The framework suggests that the research system's ultimate goal is innovation, and that the system is part of a larger system composed of sectors such as government, university, and industry and their environment. The framework also emphasized the relationships between the components or sectors, as the ``cause'' that explains the performance of innovation systems. Most authors agree that the framework came from researchers like Freeman, Nelson, and Lundvall. In this article, the author want to go further back in time and show what the ``system approach'' owes to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and its very early works from the 1960s. This article develops the idea that the system approach was fundamental to OECD work, and that, although not using the term National Innovation System as such, the organization considerably influenced the above-mentioned authors.

This study asks how and to what extent political parties in six West European countries - Austria, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland and the UK - have addressed the process of European integration in national election campaigns since the 1970s. Based on a content analysis of newspaper data, the results show that Eurosceptic mobilization in national election campaigns has become most pronounced in countries where the public have always been rather apprehensive about European integration. In line with the 'new cleavage' hypothesis, in Switzerland and the UK mobilization around European integration is primarily driven by conservatives and/or the new populist right. In countries where the process of European integration is politically less salient, conservatives and/or the new populist right have been less Eurosceptic and their mobilization efforts have been more limited. While providing mixed support for the 'new cleavage' hypothesis, the study provides scant support for the received wisdom that Euroscepticism among political parties is essentially dictated by 'opposition politics'.

Politische Identität und nationale Gedenktage -- Politisch-kulturelle Deutungsmuster: Vorstellungen von der Welt der Politik in der Weimarer Republik -- "Seid bereit zum Roten Oktober in Deutschland!" Die Kommunisten -- "Staatspartei der Republik" oder "revolutionäre Reformisten"? Die Sozialdemokraten -- "Zu den Waffen des Geistes ... Durchgreifen Republik!" Die Linksintellektuellen -- "Wir müssen Demokraten sein." Der Gesinnungsliberalismus -- Auf dem Boden der gegebenen vollendeten Tatsachen! Der politische Katholizismus -- "Das Land steht rechts!" Das "agrarische Milieu" -- Aus dem Gefühl der Defensive erwächst keine Führung. Gesellschaftliche Elitengruppen am Beispiel der Industriellen -- "Das Reich muß uns doch bleiben!" Die nationale Rechte -- Der Sturm auf die Republik und der Mythos vom "Dritten Reich". Die Nationalsozialisten -- Die Wählerpotentiale politischer Teilkulturen 1920–1933 -- Die Autoren/innen des Bandes.

This research considers how America's national parks can illuminate invisible histories or the stories of human's interactions with the landscape that are not visible to national park visitors. With the rise of climate change, it is important now more than ever to convey how humans alter landscapes and I maintain that artists are uniquely able to do this. I begin by addressing the ideologies that led to the creation of the National Park Services, and explain the development of Artist-in-Residence programs at national parks. I analyze the Wilderness Act of 1964 to demonstrate how it encourages whitewashing in national parks by encouraging national parks to devote resources to educating visitors about nature, more than the signs of human influence on the land. Congaree National Park and the Apostle Islands National Lakeshore are two sites that I critique for upholding the Wilderness Act of 1964. I recommend that the work of artists Kara Walker and David Brooks could respectively address the overshadowed histories of each park. Next, I discuss past successful artist partnerships at Alcatraz National Historic Site and Bandelier National Monument. The final chapter proposes a methodology for creating artist programs at parks, and applies this method to the Indiana Dunes National Park. In its entirety, this research is a timely investigation into how exhibitions by artists at national parks create more truthful representations of humans' relationship to landscape so that future generations can continue to enjoy national parks.

"In föderalistischen Staaten wie der Schweiz hängt die Umsetzung nationaler Policy-Programme ganz entscheidend von der Haltung der subnationalen Einheiten ab. In diesem Artikel werden auf der Basis einer Panelanalyse mit Ereignisdaten (event count panel data analysis) vier verschiedene Modelle zur Erklärung des Ausmaßes an politischer Unterstützung getestet, welche die 26 Schweizer Kantone einem vom Bund beschlossenen Maßnahmenpaket im Bereich der Drogenpolitik im Zeitraum 1991 bis 2000 entgegenbrachten. Die kantonale Unterstützung dieses Bundesprogramms wurde nicht nur durch politische und sozio-ökonomische Merkmale der Kantone beeinflusst, sondern breitete sich auch gemäß einem regionalen bzw. nationalen Diffusionsmuster aus. Der Artikel kommt zum Schluss, dass die Föderalismusforschung in der Schweiz subnationale Diffusionseffekte stärker als bisher berücksichtigen sollte." (Autorenreferat)

The right wing Hungarian governing party (Fidesz - Alliance of Young Democrats), often refers to France and French Gaullism as a political inspiration. This paper asserts that, despite some limitations, Gaullism is a viable analogy for better understanding the nature of Orbánism. The article identifies the major characteristics of Gaullism and Orbánism in order to systematically compare them by addressing the topics of: national grandeur and the importance of foreign policy; anti-liberalism, populism and etatism; antiparliamentarism; charismatic leadership and direct democracy; legality and legitimacy; the creation of a new constitution and the movement's approach to history. The concluding remarks discuss the limits of the analogy and make suggestions for further analyses.