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Ein Kategoriensystem zur Wahrnehmung und Kodierung sprachlicher Diskriminierung von Flüchtlingen und Immigranten in mündlichen und schriftlichen Alltagsdiskursen wird vorgestellt. Unter Berücksichtigung der klassischen Sündenbocktheorie sowie neuerer sozialpsychologischer Ansätze wird davon ausgegangen, daß sprachliche Diskriminierung die Funktionen des Trennens, des Fixierens und der Evaluation beinhaltet. Das vorgestellte Kategoriensystem erlaubt die Kodierung expliziter sowie impliziter Diskriminierungen.

The Operations Evaluation Department (OED) is an independent unit within the World Bank. The goals of evaluation are to learn from experience, to provide an objective basis for assessing the results of the Bank's work, and to provide accountability in the achievement of its objectives. This report on the Post-Conflict Fund (PCF) is one of twenty six case studies that have been prepared as source material for the second phase of OED's independent evaluation of the Bank's involvement in global programs. The program objective is to position the Bank through constructive engagement in conflict-affected countries where normal instruments and budget provisions cannot apply. The key findings are as follows : (i) a flexible instrument such as the PCF serves the needs that the Bank's numerous instruments do not fulfill in conflict-affected countries; (ii) yet if the policy guidelines under which it operates are too flexible, and the DGF criteria are ambiguous and insufficiently enforced, the instrument can be less than fully effective; (iii)Programs can continue over several years without a results-based framework and strong monitoring and evaluation; (iv) as currently designed, the country-by-country approach of the program does not sufficiently generate broader cross-country lessons and does not exploit the program's full potential to serve the Bank and its partners strategically; and (v) a global partnership program on conflict-affected countries with partners at the governance level might help the Bank, United Nations (UN) agencies, and other stakeholders to better respond to the transition from relief, to rehabilitation and reconstruction and development. Finally, this being an OED evaluation, it focuses primarily on the Bank's strategic role and performance in playing up to its comparative advantage relative to other partners in each program.

Desde hace mucho tiempo, los Estados Unidos y Canadá tienen experiencia con la migración a gran escala, y siguen acogiendo a grandes flujos de inmigrantes legales. Las mujeres representan un porcentaje creciente de estos flujos internacionales. En ambos países, la mayoría de los inmigrantes legales son elegibles para la plena ciudadanía, y pueden acceder rápida o automáticamente a derechos políticos y mercados de trabajo, aunque los derechos estratificados son una realidad para los inmigrantes temporales e irregulares, también en el ámbito de la protección social. En el plano formal, las mujeres y los hombres disfrutan de estos derechos en igualdad de condiciones, pero la desigualdad de género persiste tanto en la política gubernamental como en los mercados de trabajo. Asimismo, el marco político y de política establecido recientemente en ambos países está influido por principios ideológicos neoliberales, lo que contribuye a la introducción de cambios en la política de migración, los mercados de trabajo y las prestaciones sociales que aumentan la vulnerabilidad de las mujeres migrantes ante las desigualdades estructurales. En la primera parte del documento se comparan los regímenes de migración establecidos en ambos países. El número de mujeres inmigrantes está incrementándose tanto en Estados Unidos como en Canadá, aunque la mayoría de ellas sigue dependiendo de los hombres. Los cambios en la política de migración que apoyan cada vez más la admisión de migrantes altamente cualificados han tenido lugar a mayor escala en Canadá; en la actualidad, el número de migrantes en ambos países que pertenecen a categorías "económicas" muy cualificadas supera el número de migrantes que ha llegado a estos países en el marco de categorías humanitarias de reunificación familiar y de asilo a los refugiados. Los requisitos en materia de admisión que ponen de relieve el capital humano perjudican a las mujeres procedentes de países en los que los recursos están principalmente en manos de los hombres. En los Estados Unidos, los migrantes correspondientes a la categoría humanitaria siguen prevaleciendo, aunque la competencia profesional es un medio "encubierto" para que un migrante temporal alcance la categoría de permanente. En el ámbito de las admisiones de refugiados, los cambios introducidos en las normas que rigen la selección de refugiados han fomentado la sensibilidad ante la situación de las mujeres en Canadá, pero el número de personas afectadas sigue siendo poco elevado. En ambos países, el número de migrantes correspondientes a categorías de entrada temporales ha aumentado en el último decenio. Las mujeres están presentes en categorías de entrada temporales que abarcan migrantes tanto muy cualificados como poco cualificados, cuyas perspectivas difieren considerablemente dependiendo de la ubicación del mercado de trabajo. Las iniciativas de política emprendidas en los últimos tiempos en ambos países proponen conceder la categoría temporal a los migrantes irregulares; tales propuestas podrían acercar los regímenes de migración norteamericanos a los modelos europeos del "trabajador invitado", aun cuando estos modelos hayan demostrado ser insostenibles en Europa. A continuación se examinan los entornos de trabajo. En los Estados Unidos y Canadá, la liberalización de los mercados de trabajo ha reforzado las jerarquías profesionales marcadas por la desigualdad de género, en las que las mujeres inmigrantes están con frecuencia en una situación de desventaja. Aunque las mujeres inmigrantes están presentes entre los trabajadores muy cualificados, inclusive en los países en desarrollo, también están desproporcionadamente presentes en las categorías más bajas de los servicios estratificados, en el sector manufacturero, y el comercio al por menor. Pueden observarse claramente patrones similares en lo que respecta al desempleo, el subempleo, las condiciones de trabajo y los ingresos. Derechos sociales reducidos que enfatizan la prestación de cuidados en la esfera privada brindan numerosas pero precarias oportunidades de empleo, a la vez que incrementan la carga de las mujeres en su propio ámbito familiar. El hecho de que los órganos competentes en la concesión de licencias no reconozcan los títulos adquiridos en el extranjero constituye un gran problema en Canadá, y contribuye a las descualificación y el subdesempleo de las mujeres inmigrantes. En ambos países, la acción afirmativa y la legislación relativa a la igualdad en el empleo que tienen por objeto combatir y rectificar la discriminación en el mercado de trabajo por motivos de raza y sexo se han visto perjudicadas por el compromiso político decreciente, la aplicación limitada de la legislación y un alcance restringido. Los derechos sociales se examinan en la última sección del documento. En el ámbito de los servicios de sentamiento, la devolución y descentralización de los servicios han trasladado la responsabilidad de los gobiernos federales a los gobiernos estatales y provinciales, que en muchos casos se asocian con empresas y organizaciones no gubernamentales. A pesar de los cambios que reconocen la creciente necesidad de las mujeres de recibir educación lingüística en Canadá, los fondos destinados a tales fines no han variado desde mediados del decenio de 1990. Una cuestión que afecta particularmente a las mujeres inmigrantes en lo que respecta a la disminución de los derechos de los inmigrantes es la elegibilidad para recibir una pensión de jubilación. A pesar de que se les otorgan pensiones reducidas, universalmente adjudicadas, a las personas mayores en ambos países; los migrantes que trabajan en el hogar, en los sectores informales, o las personas que llegan al país de acogida en una etapa posterior de su vida, muchas veces no son elegibles para los regímenes de pensión gubernamentales relacionados con el trabajo. La estratificación de las prestaciones sociales es más destacada en los Estados Unidos, en gran parte a consecuencia de dos características del régimen estatal de protección social establecido en este país. La primera es la considerable privatización del sistema de atención de salud, por lo que muchas veces los pobres no están asegurados y dependen únicamente de las prestaciones del programa Medicaid concedidas a personas supeditadas a un tope en los ingresos, o tienen que pagar en efectivo una onerosa atención médica. La segunda característica son los cambios en el ámbito de la asistencia social que niegan el acceso a las prestaciones sociales a las mujeres solteras que no trabajan; que limitan el acceso durante toda la vida a dichas prestaciones a un período de cinco años, y que niegan completamente el acceso a tales prestaciones a los residentes permanentes legales que no han alcanzado la categoría de ciudadanos legales. En ambos países, la degradación de la protección social asociada con el énfasis neoliberal en la austeridad fiscal del gobierno y en una dependencia de la prestación de los servicios en el mercado tiene consecuencias desproporcionadamente negativas en los pobres, en particular en los inmigrantes pobres con un déficit educativo o lingüístico. Combinados con la liberalización de los mercados de trabajo, estos cambios pueden menoscabar el compromiso con los principios de la redistribución económica en América del Norte, y amenazar el bienestar de las mujeres que emigran a estos países. ; Abstract. The United States and Canada have long histories of large-scale migration, and they continue to welcome large flows of legal immigrants. Women make up an increasing proportion of these international flows. In both countries, the majority of legal immigrants are eligible for full citizenship rights and entitlements, with rapid or automatic access to both political rights and labour markets, although stratified entitlements are present for temporary and irregular migrants, and in the realm of social provision. Formally, women partake of these rights equally with men, but gender inequality persists both in government policy and in labour markets. In both countries, moreover, recent political and policy environments are influenced by neoliberal ideological principles, contributing to changes in migration policy, labour markets and social provisions that make female migrants increasingly vulnerable to structural inequalities. In the first part of the paper, migration regimes in the two countries are compared. Women are entering both countries in increasing numbers, though still primarily as dependants of men. Changes to migration policy that increasingly favour admissions of highly educated migrants have been enacted more extensively in Canada; entry in high-skill "economic" categories now exceeds entry through the humanitarian categories of family reunification and refugee asylum. Admission requirements that emphasize human capital penalize women who come from countries in which resources are highly concentrated in male hands. In the United States, humanitarian category entries still predominate, although high-skill temporary entry increasingly functions as a "back door" route to permanent status. In the realm of refugee admissions, changes in rules that govern refugee selection have increased gender sensitivity in Canada, but the numbers affected remain low. In both countries, numbers of migrants within temporary categories of entry have increased over the last decade. Women are present in temporary categories that encompass both high and low skill streams, with very different prospects depending on labour market location. Recent policy initiatives in both countries propose the granting of temporary status to irregular migrants; such proposals have the potential to move North American migration regimes closer to European "guest worker" models, even as these models have proved untenable in Europe. Next, gendered work environments are examined. In the United States and Canada, deregulation of labour markets has reinforced gendered occupational hierarchies in which immigrant women often hold disadvantaged places. While immigrant women, including those from the developing world, are present among highly skilled workers, they are also disproportionately visible at the bottom rungs of stratified service, retail and manufacturing sectors. Similar patterns are evident with respect to unemployment, underemployment, working conditions and earnings. Diminished social entitlements that emphasize private provision of care provide abundant, but also precarious, employment opportunities, while increasing women's burdens within their own families. Lack of recognition of credentials acquired abroad by licensing bodies is a serious issue in Canada, contributing to deskilling and underemployment among immigrant women. In both countries, affirmative action and employment equity legislation that seeks to oppose and redress labour market discrimination based on race and sex has been hobbled by waning political commitment, limited enforcement, and restricted reach. Social entitlements are examined in the final section of the paper. In the realm of settlement services, devolution and decentralization of services have relocated responsibility from federal governments to state and provincial governments, which frequently partner with businesses and non-governmental organizations. Despite changes that recognize women's greater need for language instruction in Canada, funding has remained static since the mid-1990s. One area of diminished entitlements for immigrants that particularly affects immigrant women is eligibility for pensions. Although small, universally awarded pensions are given to the elderly in both countries, migrants who work at home, in informal sectors, or who enter the country late in life are frequently ineligible for government pension plans that are work-related. It is in the United States that stratification of social benefits is most marked, largely as a result of two features of US welfare state provision. The first is the largely private health care system, in which the poor are often uninsured and must rely on means-tested Medicaid benefits, or pay cash for expensive medical care. The second is changes to social assistance that deny welfare access to single, non-working mothers, limit lifelong access to welfare to five years, and deny welfare completely to legal permanent residents who have not become legal citizens. In both countries, the erosion of social provision associated with neoliberal emphases on government fiscal austerity and a reliance on market provision of services is disproportionately felt by the poor, and especially poor immigrants with educational or language deficits. Combined with deregulation of labour markets, such changes both undermine commitment to principles of economic redistribution in North America, and threaten the well-being of women who migrate to these countries. ; Résumé. Les Etats-Unis et le Canada ont une longue expérience des migrations à grande échelle et continuent d'accueillir des flux importants d'immigrants réguliers. Les femmes tiennent une place croissante dans ces flux internationaux. Dans les deux pays, la majorité des immigrants réguliers remplissent les conditions requises pour jouir pleinement des droits liés à la nationalité et entrer dans le système de protection sociale. Ils ont un accès rapide ou automatique à la fois aux droits politiques et au marché du travail, bien qu'il existe une stratification des droits pour les immigrés temporaires et clandestins. Officiellement, les femmes jouissent de ces droits au même titre que les hommes, mais l'inégalité entre les sexes persiste, tant dans la politique gouvernementale que sur les marchés du travail. De plus, l'environnement politique et les politiques récentes ont été influencées dans les deux pays par les principes de l'idéologie néolibérale, qui contribuent, par les changements apportés à la politique de l'immigration, aux marchés du travail et aux dispositions sociales, à rendre les femmes immigrées de plus en plus vulnérables aux inégalités structurelles. La première partie du document compare l'immigration dans les deux pays. Les femmes sont de plus en plus nombreuses parmi les immigrants, bien qu'encore principalement en qualité de personnes à charge. Le Canada, plus que les Etats-Unis, a modifié peu à peu sa politique de l'immigration pour favoriser l'entrée de migrants hautement spécialisés; les immigrants "économiques" hautement qualifiés sont maintenant plus nombreux que les demandeurs d'asile et les migrants accueillis pour raison humanitaire au titre de la réunion des familles. Des conditions d'admission qui privilégient le capital humain pénalisent les femmes originaires de pays caractérisés par une forte concentration des ressources aux mains des hommes. Aux Etats-Unis, les entrées relevant de la catégorie humanitaire prédominent encore, bien que l'immigration temporaire soit pour beaucoup de travailleurs hautement qualifiés "l'entrée de service" qui leur permet de s'établir définitivement. Pour ce qui est des réfugiés, les changements apportés aux règles qui régissent leur sélection ont rendu le Canada plus sensible au sort des femmes, mais le nombre des réfugiées accueillies reste bas. Dans les deux pays, le nombre des immigrés qui arrivent en qualité de migrants temporaires a augmenté depuis dix ans. Il y a des femmes dans cette catégorie de migrants temporaires, dans laquelle entrent à la fois des professionnelles hautement qualifiées et des travailleuses peu qualifiées, et leurs perspectives sont très différentes selon leur situation sur le marché du travail. Dans les deux pays, des initiatives politiques récentes proposent d'accorder un permis temporaire aux migrants clandestins; de telles propositions pourraient rapprocher les régimes d'immigration nord-américains des modèles européens, même si ceux-ci se sont révélés intenables en Europe. Les auteurs étudient ensuite l'environnement de travail pour chaque sexe. Aux Etats-Unis et au Canada, la déréglementation des marchés du travail a renforcé la hiérarchie des métiers, dans laquelle les femmes immigrées sont souvent défavorisées. S'il existe des femmes immigrées, notamment de pays en développement, parmi les travailleurs hautement qualifiés, elles sont surtout visibles, et en nombre disproportionné, aux échelons les plus bas des services, du commerce de détail et des industries manufacturières. Le même schéma est patent pour ce qui est du chômage, du sous-emploi, des conditions de travail et des gains. Un système où les droits sociaux sont réduits et dans lequel l'accent est mis sur l'origine privée des soins offre de nombreux emplois précaires tout en alourdissant la charge des femmes dans leur famille. Au Canada, la non-reconnaissance de diplômes et qualifications acquis à l'étranger est un problème grave, qui contribue à la déqualification et au sous-emploi chez les femmes immigrées. Dans les deux pays, une volonté politique affaiblie a réduit l'application et la portée des mesures d'action positive et des lois relatives à l'équité dans l'emploi, adoptées pour combattre et compenser la discrimination fondée sur la race et le sexe sur le marché du travail. La dernière section du document est consacrée aux droits sociaux. S'agissant de l'aide à l'établissement, la décentralisation des services a entraîné un transfert des responsabilités du gouvernement fédéral à celui de l'Etat ou de la province, qui souvent s'allie avec des entreprises et des organisations non gouvernementales. Bien que l'on ait compris au Canada que les femmes avaient plus besoin de cours de langue que les hommes, le financement n'a pas augmenté depuis le milieu de la décennie 90. Si les droits sont parfois réduits pour les immigrants, il est un domaine dans lequel les femmes immigrées sont particulièrement touchées: celui des retraites. Bien que dans les deux pays, de modestes pensions soient versées à toutes les personnes âgées, les immigrés qui travaillent à domicile, dans l'économie informelle ou qui arrivent dans le pays à un âge avancé ne réunissent souvent pas les conditions requises pour bénéficier du régime de retraite public, qui dépend des années de travail. C'est aux Etats-Unis que la stratification des avantages sociaux est la plus marquée, en grande partie à cause de deux caractéristiques du système de prévoyance de ce pays. D'une part, le système des soins de santé est en grande partie privé, ce qui fait que les pauvres sont souvent sans assurance et dépendent des prestations de Medicaid, soumises à des conditions de ressources ou ils doivent payer comptant des soins médicaux coûteux. D'autre part, des modifications ont été apportées à l'assistance sociale, qui ont pour effet d'en refuser l'accès aux mères célibataires qui ne travaillent pas, de limiter à cinq ans la durée totale pendant laquelle on peut en bénéficier pendant sa vie et de la refuser totalement aux résidents établis régulièrement mais n'ayant pas acquis la nationalité du pays. Dans les deux pays, l'érosion de la prévoyance sociale, alliée à l'importance que prend l'austérité budgétaire dans un contexte néolibéral et à la confiance faite au marché pour fournir les services voulus, a des effets disproportionnés sur les pauvres, et plus particulièrement sur les immigrés pauvres peu instruits et handicapés par la méconnaissance de la langue. Avec la déréglementation des marchés du travail, ces changements à la fois ébranlent l'attachement aux príncipes de la redistribution économique en Amérique du Nord et menacent le bien-être des femmes qui y immigrent.

The Biden administration wants you to believe the U.S. is leading international efforts to get humanitarian relief into Gaza and that supplies are "flowing to Palestinians" via the military's pier operation there. On Monday, Pentagon spokesman Maj. Gen. Pat Ryder announced that to date,1,573 tons of aid had been delivered from the pier to the beach, including 492 tons since it reopened on Saturday after some bad weather knocked it out of commission last month.But supplies from the pier aren't flowing to Palestinians, and never really have.Hardly any food from the pier on the Gaza coast has actually reached starving Gazans since it became operational on May 17. The World Food Program (WFP) said only 15 trucks from the pier reached its warehouse inside Gaza for distribution from May 17-18, and that no aid came from the pier from May 19–21. In Rafah specifically, no aid will reach Palestinians in need so long as Israel's military offensive persists. WFP halted all deliveries to Rafah on May 21 due to Israel's invasion of the city.In addition, on Sunday, the WFP announced that it "paused" distribution of any more humanitarian aid from the pier due to security concerns after a U.S.-backed Israeli operation killed nearly 300 Palestinians the day before. WFP is the U.N. agency in charge of coordinating deliveries from the pier into Gaza. The 492 tons of aid the Pentagon just boasted about will sit in warehouses on the beach until further notice. Meanwhile, the U.N. says that all humanitarian operations in Gaza are on the brink of collapse.The reality is that the $320 million (revised more recently down to $230 million) "maritime humanitarian corridor" that Biden first announced during his State of the Union address in March is not working, at least not for Palestinians. It does serve the Biden administration's interests by making it look like the U.S. is "doing something" for the civilian population while supporting an Israeli policy that destroys and starves it. The pier, in essence, provides humanitarian cover for an inhume policy.Pier one importsBiden administration officials argue the pier isn't a failure or public relations stunt but critics disagree.On May 17, the first day the pier was operational, former USAID official and current president of Refugees International Jeremy Konyndyk said, "The pier is humanitarian theater. Much more about political optics than humanitarian assistance. … [T]he president is tweeting about a humanitarian gimmick while actual humanitarian capacity in Gaza grinds to a halt."On May 23, in response to a press question about Konyndyk's comments, director of USAID's Levant humanitarian response Dan Dieckhaus said, "You know, I would not call within a couple of days getting enough food and other supplies for tens of thousands of people for a month theater…everyone's entitled to their opinion, but I think we are already making a meaningful contribution to the overall effort."But according to U.N. humanitarian aid data of food imports into Gaza from January through May, far more food aid reached Gazans before the U.S. pier opened. On May 7, Israeli forces closed the Rafah crossing as part of its invasion of the city. By the end of the month, 66,181 fewer pallets of food reached Palestinians in May compared to April. The pier, which opened May 17, didn't come close to compensating for this shortfall: According to the IDF, just 1,806 pallets of food from the pier reached aid agency centers in Gaza before it broke apart in a storm on May 25. Meanwhile, food and other aid is piling up outside Gaza at the Rafah land crossing.Not enough food was getting into Gaza before Israel closed the Rafah crossing, either. Through March of this year, monthly food imports into Gaza were virtually identical to what they were in 2022, even though food needs are five times higher now than they were then. The U.N.'s humanitarian response plan for Palestine in 2022 implemented $226 million for food security and nutrition. Requirements for those sectors in 2024 stands at $1.1 billion.Political opticsA new report from the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and World Food Program concluded that 1.1 million Palestinians could face starvation by mid-July primarily because of "the devastating impact of the ongoing conflict" and "the heavy restrictions on access and goods." The Biden administration enables the first problem by shipping weapons to Israel every 36 hours and tolerates the second by refusing to use the leverage those shipments afford to stop Israel from obstructing aid.Some deny that that leverage exists, but Biden has already demonstrated that it does. On October 9, Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant announced a "complete siege" of Gaza, pledging that, "there will be no electricity, no food, no water, no fuel. Everything will be closed."A couple weeks later, Gallant was pressed by Knesset lawmakers on why he agreed to let a trickle of aid in from Egypt. Gallant replied, "the Americans insisted and we are not in a place where we can refuse them. We rely on them for planes and military equipment. What are we supposed to do? Tell them no?"Israel's reliance on arms and political protection from the United States puts Biden in an extraordinarily powerful position to influence what Israel does and doesn't do in Gaza. The current conditions on the ground reflect Biden's policy choices. Currently, Israel is bombing civilian centers using U.S.-made munitions, while getting aid to Palestinians in need is "almost impossible," and famine is imminent in Gaza everywhere it isn't already happening.Rather than change these conditions with a phone call to Israeli leadership, Biden told the U.S. military to build a pier.There's no time for humanitarian theater, according to the FAO/WFP report: "In the absence of a cessation of hostilities and increased access, the impact on mortality and the lives of the Palestinians now, and in future generations, will increase markedly with every day, even if famine is avoided in the near term."

Israel's attacks in Gaza reflect a "systematic disregard for fundamental principles of international law" and "raise grave concerns regarding the [Biden] Administration's compliance with both U.S. and international law," according to an explosive new report from a prominent group of former U.S. officials and legal scholars."The Israeli government [has] demonstrated a clear pattern of negligent targeting along this campaign, [as well as] indifference and callousness to civilian harm and suffering and a disregard for international law," Wes Bryant, an Air Force master sergeant and a targeting expert who contributed to the report, said during a Wednesday press conference."Their campaign has been executed in a manner wholly inconsistent with U.S. targeting methodologies and best practices," Bryant added, noting that "the majority of strikes" that he has reviewed would not have been approved by U.S. officials.The report, which the group submitted to the State Department last week, is meant to inform the administration's thinking ahead of a May 8 deadline to determine whether Israel's actions in Gaza have complied with U.S. law regarding arms transfers. Members of the task force also plan to brief members of Congress on the results of their inquiry next week.The State Department's report would force a suspension of certain U.S. weapons transfers to Israel if its findings reflect the publicly available evidence included in the task force's report, the authors say. Meanwhile, the Biden administration is reportedly planning to block a notorious Israeli unit from receiving U.S. military grant aid due to allegations of human rights violations.As the task force released its report, President Joe Biden was set to sign off on an additional $17 billion in military aid for Israel, part of a broader aid package for U.S. partners abroad. The package also blocks funding for the primary United Nations aid organization operating in Gaza, a measure that could further complicate the humanitarian crisis on the ground.Josh Paul — a former State Department official who resigned in protest last year — led the inquiry alongside Noura Erakat, a Palestinian-American legal scholar. Other members of the task force include Bryant and Charles Blaha, who led the State Department's human rights bureau until August of last year. Legal experts Adil Haque and Luigi Daniele also contributed to the report.From a list of thousands of different incidents, the task force identified 16 cases in which it could conclude with high certainty that Israeli forces used American weapons in attacks that likely violated the laws of war or U.S. targeting standards. In 11 of the 16 cases, the report found that Israel has still not identified its intended target or justified its attack.One alleged violation came on Oct. 10 of last year, when the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) flattened a six-story residential building in Gaza City with a U.S.-made bomb, killing 40 civilians and failing to hit the apparent target — a low-level Hamas militant who was not home at the time. A similar set of strikes killed at least 106 civilians near the Nuseirat refugee camp on Oct. 31, the report notes.The task force also cited the recent killing of seven international aid workers from World Central Kitchen, as well as a November attack on a clearly marked ambulance that led to 21 casualties, including five children.The task force found several Israeli violations of a U.S. law that bans the provision of U.S. weapons to any state that blocks the flow of American humanitarian aid. The report notes that Israel has repeatedly refused U.S. demands to increase the amount of aid entering Gaza, adding that the IDF has directly attacked humanitarian convoys on several occasions.The aid-related violations are notable given the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza, where famine has begun to take hold. Multiple members of Congress have called on the Biden administration to cut off certain military aid to Israel under the law.Following the recent Israeli killing of Western aid workers, Israel says it plans to increase the flow of aid into Gaza. A United Nations tracker showed a slight uptick in the number of humanitarian trucks entering the besieged strip, but aid groups say the amount of aid entering the strip remains far too low to slow the growing famine.The task force's report highlights the difficulties of the Biden administration's attempt to balance its desire to show ironclad support for Israel with widespread outrage at the IDF's actions in Gaza, which have left at least 34,000 Palestinians dead and displaced nearly everyone living in the strip, according to local officials.In response to pressure from prominent lawmakers, led by Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), President Joe Biden issued a memorandum in February mandating that the U.S. get assurances from partners that their use of U.S. weapons does not violate U.S. or international law. The memo also forces the State Department to report to Congress by May 8 on whether those assurances are credible.The White House may have hoped that the war would be over by the time it had to submit the upcoming report. But, with no ceasefire in sight, the administration will now have two options: ignore a mountain of publicly available evidence of Israeli violations, or acknowledge that the IDF's actions should disqualify it from receiving U.S. weapons.Paul says there is "room for skepticism as to whether" the Biden administration's report will "accurately reflect" the available evidence of alleged Israeli violations, especially "given the constant assertions from podiums in the White House, the Pentagon and State Department that the U.S. has not identified any violations of international law by the Israel Defense Forces." But he and his colleagues hope that their independent report will add pressure on the White House to recognize the impact that U.S. weapons are having in Gaza."In our report, we detail a number of clear, credible and compelling incidents that should certainly be included in the administration's upcoming reporting to Congress," Paul said at a Wednesday press conference. "These are just the tip of the iceberg but demonstrate the inescapable truth of how U.S.-provided weapons and security assistance are being used by Israel."

El objetivo general del proyecto es contribuir a dar a conocer las condiciones laborales de los trabajadores migrantes mediante el estudio de las diferentes tipologías de discriminación que pueden sustanciarse. Asimismo, se pretende hacer un estudio comparado entre las diversas legislaciones de extranjería para poder analizar todos los parámetros y factores que puedan mostrar la cobertura jurídica que goza un trabajador migrante. La justificación del tema escogido figura en la relevancia actual del problema. No se puede negar que los movimientos migratorios con fines laborales sea un tema nuevo. La búsqueda de nuevas oportunidades laborales para la consecución de una vida mejor es intrínseca a la naturaleza del ser humano. Sin embargo, con el afloramiento de la crisis económica del 2008 que hizo tambalear el sistema capitalista de los países desarrollados –entre los que se encuentra en nuestro propio-, y la concatenación de guerras a lo largo y ancho de nuestro mundo, -teniendo como culmen de su zenit la guerra de Siria- ha aflorado toda una serie de conceptos que bien, se pensaban que estaban enterrados u olvidados o bien, se pensaban que estaban superados. Conceptos como: migrantes, economía sumergida, pateras, mafias, refugiados, condiciones infrahumanas, muertes, sin papeles, etc. salen todos y cada día en nuestras noticias. La gente es conocedora de la realidad por los medios, sin embargo no se es consciente de condiciones y de la crueldad de esa realidad. Las condiciones de los trabajadores migrantes se recrudecen aún más cuando ante la existencia de economías en aprietos y sistemas políticos inestables. Es por todo ello, que el tema del proyecto que se pretende realizar se considera de importante, no sólo por la actualidad que se está viviendo sino también por los efectos y consecuencias que aún nos depararan. El objetivo específico del proyecto es nalizar e investigar en profundidad las condiciónes laboraes deste colectivo de trabajadores vulnerables. Siendo el objetivo primoridal la difusión de la situación laboral, ya sean dentro de un contexto legalizado o ya sea dentro de un contexto no regularizado –los denominados "sin papeles". Lo que se pretende es desarrollar un estudio pormenorizado de unas tipologías concretas de desigualdad, que puedan aflorar en el marco laboral de este colectivo. ; O obxectivo xeral do proxecto é contribuir a dar a coñecer as condicións laborais dos traballadores migrantes mediante o estudo das diferentes tipoloxías de discriminación que poden sustanciarse. Asemesmo, preténdese facer un estudo comparado entre as diversas lexislacións de extranxería para poder analizar todos os parámetros e factores que podan mostrar a cobertura xurídica da que pode gozar un traballador migrante. A xustificación do tema escollido figura na relevancia actual do problema. Non se pode negar que os movementos migratorios con fins laborables sexa un tema novo. A búsqueda de novas oportunidades laborables para a consecución dunha vida mellor é intrínseca a natureza do ser humano. Sen embargo, có afloramento da crise económica do 2008 que fixo tambalear o sistema capitalista do países desenrolados -entre o que se atopa o noso- e a concatenación de guerras o longo e ancho do noso mundo, -tendo como culminación do seu zenit a guerra de Siria- afloraron toda un serie de conceptos que ben, se pensaba que estaban enterrados ou olvidados ou ben, se pensaba que estaban superados. Conceptos coma: migrantes, economía sumerxida, pateras, mafias, refuxiados, condicións infrahumanas, mortes, sin papeis, etc. saen todos e cada día nas nosas noticias. O obxectivo específico do proxecto é analizar e investigar en profundidade as condicións laborais deste colectivo de traballadores vulnerables. Sendo o obxectivo primordial a difusión da situación laboral, xa sea dentro dun contexto legalizado ou ben sexa dentro dun contexto non regularizado -os denominados "sen papeis". O que se pretende é desenrolar un estudo pormenorizado das tipoloxías concretas de desigualdade que poden aflorar no marco laboral deste colectivo. ; The overall objective of the project is to raise awareness of the working conditions of migrant workers through the study of different types of discrimination that can be substantiated. It also seeks to make a comparative study between the various laws of immigration to analyze all parameters and factors which may show the legal coverage enjoyed by a migrant worker. The justification of the chosen topic appears in the current relevance of the problem. There is no denying that migratory movements for work purposes is a new topic. The search for new job opportunities for achieving a better life is intrinsic to the nature of human beings. However, with the outcrop of the economic crisis of 2008 which shook the capitalist system of developed countries, among which is our own- and the chain of wars throughout our world, -taking as its zenith culmination of the war in Syria has emerged a number of concepts that well, they thought they were buried or forgotten either, they thought they were overcome. Concepts such as migrants, informal economy, small boats, mafias, refugees, inhumane conditions, killings, illegal immigrants, etc. out every day in our news. People are aware of the reality by the media, however it is not aware of conditions and cruelty of that reality. The conditions of migrant workers flare up even more when given the existence of economies in trouble and unstable political systems. It is for this reason that the theme of the project to be carried out is considered important, not only because today we are living but also by the effects and consequences that still had to deal with us. The specific objective of the project is nalize and investigate in depth the collective deste laboraes Condition of vulnerable workers. Being the target primoridal dissemination of the work situation, whether within a legalized either context or in a context not regularized-the so-called "paperless". What is intended is to develop a detailed study of some specific types of inequality that may emerge in the working environment of this group.

This article is based on a Master 2 thesis.The general introduction evokes four current subjects (Conception of human life, status of women, distinctive signs of a religion, food) which have given rise to many debates showing the diversity of approaches and even of world views of different communities that are expressed.The theoretical approach addresses three topics: (1-) the affections causing the most intense affects, (2-) organisations and communities, (3-) the different "deliberations". This approach leads to proposals for rules of arbitration in deliberations, whether they are formally organised or impromptu in everyday life. This approach is made taking into account the results of subsequent work to the original dissertation, based on articles (B-1) and (B-2) summarised in the theses to be mobilised for any empirical research in social sciences.In the cited dissertation and in this article, this approach mobilises Rawls, Habermas and Ch. Taylor (see also article (D-3) Discussion with Rawls, Habermas).The conclusion of this theoretical approach is that any deliberation between different communities in the same state must be based on the following prior premises, premises or original position that must be agreed upon:a multi-community society in which the dominant community, the one that seems to have inspired the most legislation (constitution, fundamental rights, written or unwritten laws and rules, etc.), has no more prerogatives than the others,Habermasian deliberation (this procedure allows any subject to be discussed and the decisions taken have a "weak transcendence ") with all the stakeholders: any community accepts (1-) this democratic procedure, (2-) to be non-essentialist and not to have prejudices, including essentialist ones, about other communities,Deliberation if possible reasonable, each having HIS reason with his premises, by implementing a deliberation process taking into account this plurality of reasons and thus of possible conflicts on a given subject (see Appendix: Habermasian deliberation between multiple reasons),with, given the confrontation of multiple reasons on the subject to be discussed and the conflicts to be manageda necessary determination and approval by all communities of the prioritisation between spheres in which the premises of each one's reasons are expressed: (1-) of what is perceived as the necessity of one's nature and nature, (2-) of belonging2, (3-) of rights considered fundamental, (4-) of the "sacred", (5-) of moral statements, (6-) of social respect,and an application of the following prioritisation rule: any decision about a dispute in one sphere (e.g. the sphere of the 'sacred') must concern that sphere or a lower priority sphere but must not have negative effects in a higher priority sphere (sphere of fundamental rights, belonging, necessities of its nature), e.g. 'blasphemy' must not lead to criminal conviction, exclusion from one's community or death,Finally, this article presents examples of arbitration, on the four topics mentioned in the general introduction as well as on refugees-immigrants, based on this prior consensus and on our thesis. ; Cet article est écrit à partir d'un mémoire de master 2 accessible ICI.L'introduction générale évoque quatre sujets actuels (Conception de la vie humaine, statut de la femme, les signes distinctifs d'une religion, l'alimentation) ayant suscités bien des débats montrant la diversité des approches et même des visions du monde de différentes communautés qui s'expriment.L'approche théorique aborde trois sujets : (1-) les affections provoquant les affects les plus intenses, (2-) les organisations et communautés, (3-) les différentes « délibérations ». Cette approche conduit à des propositions de règles d'arbitrages lors de délibérations, que celles-ci soient formellement organisées ou impromptues dans la vie de tous les jours. Cette approche est faite en tenant compte des résultats de travaux ultérieurs au mémoire d'origine en s'appuyant sur les articles (B-1) et (B-2) résumés dans les thèses à mobiliser pour toute recherche empirique en sciences sociales.Dans le mémoire cité et dans cet article, cette approche mobilise Rawls, Habermas et Ch. Taylor (Se reporter également à l'article (D-3) Discussion avec Rawls, Habermas).La conclusion de cette approche théorique est que toute délibération entre communautés différentes d'un même État doit être fondée sur les prémisses préalables suivantes, prémisses ou position originelle qui doivent faire consensus :une société multi-communautés dont la communauté dominante, celle qui semble avoir le plus inspiré la législation (constitution, droits fondamentaux, lois et règles écrites ou non, etc.), n'a pas plus de prérogatives que les autres,Délibération habermassienne (cette procédure permet d'aborder tout sujet et les décisions prises ont une « transcendance faible »1) avec toutes les parties prenantes : toute communauté accepte (1-) cette procédure démocratique, (2-) d'être non essentialiste et de ne pas avoir des préjugés, dont essentialistes, à propos des autres communauté,Délibération si possible raisonnable, chacun ayant SA raison avec ses prémisses, en mettant en œuvre un processus de délibération tenant compte de cette pluralité des raisons et donc des conflits possibles sur un sujet donné (voir Annexe : délibération habermassienne entre raisons multiples),avec, compte tenu de la confrontation de multiples raisons sur le sujet à débattre et des conflits à gérer,une nécessaire détermination et approbation par toutes les communautés de la priorisation entre sphères dans lesquelles sont exprimées les prémisses des raisons de chacun : (1-) de ce qui est perçu comme nécessité de sa nature et de la nature, (2-) de l'appartenance2, (3-) des droits considérés comme fondamentaux, (4-) du « sacré », (5-) d'énoncés moraux, (6-) d'estime sociale,et une application de la règle de priorisation suivante : toute décision à propos d'un litige dans une sphère (ex : sphère du « sacré ») doit concerner cette sphère ou une sphère moins prioritaire mais ne doit en aucun cas avoir des effets négatifs dans une sphère plus prioritaire (sphère des droits fondamentaux, de l'appartenance, de nécessités de sa nature), ex : le « blasphème » ne doit pas entraîner une condamnation pénale, l'exclusion de sa communauté ou la mort,Cette article présente enfin des exemples d'arbitrage, sur les quatre sujets évoqués dans l'introduction générale ainsi que sur les réfugiés-immigrés, en s'appuyant sur ce consensus préalable et sur nos thèses.