Suchergebnisse

Every country has their own political and military blueprint, followed by all the concerned parties to mould the sympathies of masses based on their agendas. This study aims to evaluate the reporting of major events in Pakistan and India in 2015 that carry implicit/explicit implications; in the newsapapers. Both countries have a history of political, social & military conflicts, and a struggle against terrorism at various levels. All these difference are presented in different shades in the media discourse based on the discursiveness of the readers. This technique is used to establish and maintain certain ideology; to develop power relations among and between social groups. To explore the underlying interpretation of media discourse, a corpus of headlines is collected from The Dawn, The News from Pakistan and The Times of India, The Hindu from India. Multi-modal Critical Discourse Analysis has helped in examining the headlines at textual and cognitive levels. The comparative analysis revealed that both sides adhere to their nationalistic and political ideology. The Indian media use very strong and emotive rhetoric which helps them in maintaining power relations. Semantic and visual analysis revealed the same ideology in operation, showing the diversity in media communication

The pluralism and multiculturalism sense adopted by Colombian State in 1991, implicated to fulfillment of the articles established for this purpose. The 246 constitutional is part of this tender, but after fifteen years, the State has not fulfilled completely with the established; phenomena as the political violence, the forced displacement, the forced recruiting, the drug traffic, and the difficult situation economic that country is going through, are constituted in obstacles of social development for all nation, but very specially for the ethnics minorities that inhabit to rural Colombia, epicenter of the conflict. ; El sentido pluralista y multicultural que adoptó el Estado colombiano en 1991 le comprometió al cumplimiento de los artículos que para este fin estableció. El 246 constitucional es parte de esta propuesta pero, quince años después, el Estado no ha podido cumplir en su totalidad con lo establecido; fenómenos como la violencia política, el desplazamiento forzado, el reclutamiento forzado, el narcotráfico, y la difícil situación económica que atraviesa el país, se constituyen en obstáculos de desarrollo social para toda la nación, pero muy especialmente para las minorías étnicas que habitan la Colombia rural, epicentro del conflicto.

Northeast India is a multifaceted and dynamic region that is constantly in focus because of its fragile political landscape characterized by endemic violence and conflicts. One of the first of its kind, this reader on Northeast India examines myriad aspects of the region – its people and its linguistic and cultural diversity. The chapters here highlight the key issues confronted by the Northeast in recent times: its history, politics, economy, gender equations, migration, ethnicity, literature and traditional performative practices.The book presents interlinkages between a range of socio-cultural issues and armed political violence while covering topics such as federalism, nationality, population, migration and social change. It discusses debates on development with a view to comprehensive policies and state intervention. With its a nuanced and wide-ranging overview, this volume makes new contributions to understanding a region that is critical to the future of South Asian geopolitics. The book will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of contemporary Northeast India as well as history, political science, area studies, international relations, sociology and social anthropology. It will also appeal to those interested in public administration, regional literature, cultural studies, population studies, development studies and economics.

Newly arrived migrant students in German schools are currently the centre of attention. In 2015 and 2016 the incoming number of migrant children and adolescents of school-age has risen. Schools, the education administration as well as politics need to take action with regard to this. In the on-going debate on new immigrant students in school, German media and the public focus have been predominantly on asylum seekers from conflict zones such as Syria or Afghanistan. For schools, the increasing number of newcomers with no or little proficiency of German currently poses a challenge, even though new immigrant students at school are not a new phenomenon, but rather a permanent one. From a theoretical point of view, social participation can be discussed within the division of inclusion and exclusion. In this article we examine the potential of a theoretical framework of social inclusion and exclusion in the case of new immigrant students and establish a connection between the organisation of schooling and practices in class. The analysis of a scene of multilingual classroom interaction, held in a separate class for newcomers only, shows how a complex interplay of including and excluding effects structure the situation of newly arrived migrant students.

Although the ethnic-German cooperative union in the Vojvodina, operating as a branch of the political minority movement, was designed to embrace as many economic and social organizations with ethnic-German members as possible, it did not remain united. The discord began with the establishment of welfare cooperatives as successors to former voluntary burial associations. The central organization of the ethnic-German welfare cooperatives, the Zewoge, was founded under the auspices of the ethnic-German cooperative union in 1931 and became the focal point for the former burial associations as well as newly established local welfare cooperatives. The driving force behind this development was Johann Wüscht who came into conflict with the physicians' section of the ethnic-German cultural organization. This began a process of separation of the Zewoge from the ethnic-German cooperative union. The Serbian union of welfare cooperatives assisted the Zewoge in gaining and securing its independence from the ethnic-German cooperative union in Novi Sad. This was surprising since Wüscht, the top manager of the Zewoge, announced that the ethnic Germans were involved in a demographic struggle with the Serbs in the Vojvodina. For strengthening the position of the minority, he advocated measures spanning from social hygiene to eugenics.

Since the emergence of Web 2.0 and social media, a particularly toxic brand of antifeminism has become evident across a range of online networks and platforms. Despite multiple internal conflicts and contradictions, these diverse assemblages are generally united in their adherence to Red Pill "philosophy," which purports to liberate men from a life of feminist delusion. This loose confederacy of interest groups, broadly known as the manosphere, has become the dominant arena for the communication of men's rights in Western culture. This article identifies the key categories and features of the manosphere and subsequently seeks to theorize the masculinities that characterize this discursive space. The analysis reveals that, while there are some continuities with older variants of antifeminism, many of these new toxic assemblages appear to complicate the orthodox alignment of power and dominance with hegemonic masculinity by operationalizing tropes of victimhood, "beta masculinity," and involuntary celibacy (incels). These new hybrid masculinities provoke important questions about the different functioning of male hegemony off- and online and indicate that the technological affordances of social media are especially well suited to the amplification of new articulations of aggrieved manhood.

This article seeks to open a novel venue for punishment and society scholarship: the penal logics of armed groups – non-state actors engaged in direct struggle with the state agencies that normally carry out criminal justice. Though many armed groups establish penal systems, applying to their members or the communities under their influence, this issue has thus far not received adequate attention in criminological literature. In exploring this phenomenon this article introduces the concept of 'underground penality': organized punishment which is unlawful under state law, occurs in the context of an armed campaign against the state, and is aimed at controlling behaviour deemed deviant by those groups. The potential of research on this topic is demonstrated by interpreting the punishment of informers by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) during the Northern Ireland conflict. Three key themes emerging from the research are identified and analysed: underground penality as 'state prefiguration' – interpreting rebel penal practices as part of an effort to convey a state-like image; underground penality as social control – analysing direct violence against suspected informers within a broader social control system; and underground penality as 'legitimation work' – the effects of legitimacy considerations in constraining and shaping punishment by armed groups.

The protests that swept the Arab Middle East and North Africa (MENA) are expected to have influenced two key civic attitudes fundamental to well-functioning democracies: trust and tolerance. However, systematic comparative assessments of the general patterns and particularities in this region are rare. This contribution theorizes the uprisings' impact and presents new society-level measurements of trust and tolerance for the MENA, synchronizing over 40 Arab Barometer and World Values Survey surveys on Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine, Tunisia, and Yemen, from before and after the uprisings. The analyses firstly show political-institutional trust falling in the uprisings' aftermath in countries that went through democratic reform or regime change. It appears that politicians misbehaving and reforms not resolving social problems hurt people's trust in politics. Secondly, in democratic transition countries Egypt and Tunisia, a decrease in social trust reflected the pattern of political-institutional trust indicating a spill-over effect. Thirdly, ethno-religious tolerance dropped region-wide after the uprisings, indicating that the aftermath of religious conflict impacted the entire Arab region. These results support rational-choice institutionalist theories, while at the same time refining them for the MENA context.

The protests that swept the Arab Middle East and North Africa (MENA) are expected to have influenced two key civic attitudes fundamental to well-functioning democracies: trust and tolerance. However, systematic comparative assessments of the general patterns and particularities in this region are rare. This contribution theorizes the uprisings' impact and presents new society-level measurements of trust and tolerance for the MENA, synchronizing over 40 Arab Barometer and World Values Survey surveys on Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine, Tunisia, and Yemen, from before and after the uprisings. The analyses firstly show political-institutional trust falling in the uprisings' aftermath in countries that went through democratic reform or regime change. It appears that politicians misbehaving and reforms not resolving social problems hurt people's trust in politics. Secondly, in democratic transition countries Egypt and Tunisia, a decrease in social trust reflected the pattern of political-institutional trust indicating a spill-over effect. Thirdly, ethno-religious tolerance dropped region-wide after the uprisings, indicating that the aftermath of religious conflict impacted the entire Arab region. These results support rational-choice institutionalist theories, while at the same time refining them for the MENA context.

Matriarchy gives central role of political leadership & moral authority to women. It is a society where the woman is given a role which is much beyond her role as a mother figure in the community. Historically the term patriarchy was used to refer to autocratic rule by the male head of the family however in modern times it more generally refers to social system in which power is primarily held by an adult man. The paper aims to give a brief glimpse of different societies of the world & further gives us a better understanding of the conflict that has ever been prevalent in different cultures of the world. The paper puts into picture different matriarchies that still exist today which proves the fact that patriarchy has neither at all times nor ever been the only form of society. At the same time, the existence of matriarchal societies in our time or survival within the patriarchies point towards the danger of continuous patriarchalization of still existing or newly formed matriarchal social relations. The paper presents the path of resistance adopted by the women in so called patriarchal set up, where she instead of accepting the things, questions, demands and fights for her own self rather than facing multiple oppressions.

En el marco del estudio de la cuestión del conocimiento en la filosofía occidental, el artículo aborda la noción de «choque de ignorancias» que se está utilizando hoy en día en un gran número de debates académicos, religiosos y políticos para referirse a los choques o conflictos que surgen de la falta de comunicación y entendimiento intercultural. El artículo presenta algunos casos de normalización social de la ignorancia y propone, desde una perspectiva intercultural y post-colonial, algunas ideas que puedan ayudar a ir más allá de los choques que pueda causar la ignorancia normalizada socialmente en el ámbito interpersonal e intercultural. ; In the context of examining the question of knowledge in Western philosophy, the article discusses the notion of "clash of ignorance", which is used today in a number of academic, religious and political debates to refer to clashes or conflicts arising from the lack of intercultural communication and understanding. It presents some cases of the social normalisation of ignorance and proposes, from an intercultural and post-colonial perspective, some ideas that could help overcome the clashes that the socially normalised ignorance may cause in the interpersonal and intercultural domain.

Despite the difference in their populations and political status, New Caledonia and Papua New Guinea have comparable levels of economic dependence on the extraction and export of mineral resources. For this reason, the costs and benefits of large-scale mining projects for indigenous communities has been a major political issue in both jurisdictions, and one that has come to be negotiated through multiple channels at different levels of political organisation. The 'resource boom' that took place in the early years of the current century has only served to intensify the political contests and conflicts that surround the distribution of social, economic and environmental costs and benefits between community members and other 'stakeholders' in the large-scale mining industry. However, the mutual isolation of Anglophone and Francophone scholars has formed a barrier to systematic comparison of the relationship between large-scale mines and local-level politics in Papua New Guinea and New Caledonia, despite their geographical proximity. This collection of essays represents an effort to overcome this barrier, but is also intended as a major contribution to the growth of academic and political debate about the social impact of the large-scale mining industry in Melanesia and beyond.

Newly arrived migrant students in German schools are currently the centre of attention. In 2015 and 2016 the incoming number of migrant children and adolescents of school-age has risen. Schools, the education administration as well as politics need to take action with regard to this. In the ongoing debate on new immigrant students in school, German media and the public focus have been predominantly on asylum seekers from conflict zones such as Syria or Afghanistan. For schools, the increasing number of newcomers with no or little proficiency of German currently poses a challenge, even though new immigrant students at school are not a new phenomenon, but rather a permanent one. From a theoretical point of view, social participation can be discussed within the division of inclusion and exclusion. In this article we examine the potential of a theoretical framework of social inclusion and exclusion in the case of new immigrant students and establish a connection between the organisation of schooling and practices in class. The analysis of a scene of multilingual classroom interaction, held in a separate class for newcomers only, shows how a complex interplay of including and excluding effects structure the situation of newly arrived migrant students.

Migration studies and questions from an importance position for ethnosociological space of studying of migration problems in Russia and the related problems of ethnosociology as identity, ethnicity, conflict, and ethnic structure are considered. The attention is paid to a problem of ethnicity and approaches to its interpretation. Special attention is paid to the aspect of ethnic migration as a phenomenon as well as from the point of view of approaches. A number of problem areas in the study of ethnic migration such as: a generational problem, adaptation strategies in the urban environment (based on the examples of particular research), political measurement of migration, discriminatory social practices, formation of social networks of migrant communities are considered in the article. ; Рассматриваются миграционные исследования и вопросы с позиции значимости для этносоциологического пространства изучения миграционных проблем в России и связанных с ними проблем этносоциологии, таких как идентичность, этничность, конфликт, этническая структура. Обращается внимание на проблему этничности и подходы к ее интерпретации. Особое внимание уделяется этнической миграции как явлению, а также подходам к ее изучению. В статье рассматривается ряд проблемных областей в изучении этнической миграции: поколенческая проблема, стратегии адаптации в городской среде (на примерах конкретных исследований), политическое измерение миграции, дискриминационные социальные практики, формирование социальных сетей мигрантских сообществ.

This article takes the notion of rebelliousness as the starting point for an analysis of eighteenth-century Dutch political humor. In several recent publications from humor scholars, the rebellious image of political humor in today's world is questioned. This skepticism towards the idea of humor as a form of rebellion is connected to four sources of political humor that were published as part of the conflict between the reformist Patriots and the conservative Orangists, that took place in the Dutch Republic during the 1780s. It is shown that, comparable to the situation in contemporary political humor, the rebellious outlook of these sources is to a large extent a matter of rhetoric and convention. Their crossing of social and cultural boundaries and their attacks on the powers that be are part of a long cultural tradition, of which the actual social impact is doubtful. Also, the humor used in these sources contains obvious disciplinary tendencies, that emasculate their rebellious potential in yet another way. The new insights regarding political humor of the past that are thus produced prove the scholarly relevance of connecting theoretical perspectives based on the study of contemporary humor to historical cases of humor.