Suchergebnisse

An introduction to the suburban century -- The city spreads: technological, economic and official forces in urban dispersal -- The suburban aspiration -- Black suburbanization -- Jewish and Asian suburbanization -- Women and suburban sadness -- Suburban citizens: community and association in the new housing areas of the twentieth century -- The middle way: labour, the Democrats and the suburbs since 1950 -- Past, present and future: some conlusions and connections.

1. Introduction to the Uniformity and Diversity scenarios -- 2. Determinants of demographic behaviour -- 3. Uniformity and Diversity defined -- 4. Uniformity and Diversity scenarios for fertility -- 5. Uniformity and Diversity scenarios for mortality -- 6. Uniformity and Diversity scenarios for international migration -- 7. Population development in Europe in the 21st century -- 8. One Europe: how many different worlds in the 21st century -- References -- Appendix 1 -- Appendix 2.

Hannah Arendt is one of the most original and controversial political thinkers of the twentieth century. Margaret Canovan argues that much of the published work on Arendt has been flawed by serious misunderstandings, arising from a failure to see her work in its proper context. This reinterpretation will surely strengthen Arendt's status as one of the most significant political thinkers of the twentieth century

The Collegio was a central instrument of government in Renaissance Venice, but its development from an informal group of ducal advisors in the twelfth century to a formal institution in the fourteenth century is little understood. This paper traces the evolution of the Collegio's membership, role in the administration of justice and public order, and legislative policy. It concludes with case studies demonstrating the detailed functions of the Collegio.

What is Africa's place in Japanese diplomatic thought, and what are the driving forces of Japan's African diplomacy in the new century? The need to maintain continuity in Japan's post—Cold War Africa policy, leadership style, and priorities of Japan's prime ministers, as well as broader considerations of the nation's vital interests, are all relevant factors for understanding Japan's diplomacy toward Africa in the new century.

The study begins with an account, based on historical material, of the economy of Sinai Bedouin in the nineteenth century. The main features of that economy are established, and a comparison with economic trends in the early and later twentieth century is made. Long-term economic strategies and preferences are interpreted as means used by the Bedouin to cope with political and technological developments. (DÜI-Hns)

The advent of the big statistical packages has in recent years lead to a de-facto standardization of numerical data: as all the large-scale statistical systems accept roughly the same input conventions, the exchange of date between them has become increasingly easy. Text based, data base related or image oriented projects in history do not, so far, share that benefit: her the exchange of data between individual projects and the utilisation of data prepared by other projects is still a major problem. This paper considers a system for easy transformations of formats between various software environments. While the following considerations are independent of the currently much discussed Text Encoding Initiative (TEI) the might be seen as the implementation of a tool, which could handle the standards which are proposed there, eases, however, also the transformation between text base and data environments.

This article examines compliance with international laws prohibiting the intentional targeting of noncombatants in interstate war, specifically focusing on the role of third-party states in enforcement. We argue that the expectation of third-party coercion, when sufficiently high, can induce war participants to comply with this body of law. We identify the conditions under which combatant states will anticipate a high likelihood of coercion, demonstrating that third-party states are most likely to coerce combatants when they have both the willingness and opportunity to do so. Democratic third parties that value the rule of law and human rights possess the willingness to coerce war participants, while strong allies, trade partners, and intergovernmental organization (IGO) partners with existing ties to the combatant state have the opportunity to engage in coercion by linking combat-ant behavior to the provision of benefits or imposition of costs. Based on this logic, we hypothesize that war combatants who have ratified the Geneva/Hague Conventions prohibiting the intentional targeting of noncombatants during war are more likely to comply with the legal obligations included in those conventions when they interact with relatively strong democratic alliance, trade, and IGO partners. In a series of quantitative tests on a data set of all interstate wars from 1900 to 2003, we find strong statistical and substantive support for the role of third parties in inducing compliance with the law. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

This article examines compliance with international laws prohibiting the intentional targeting of noncombatants in interstate war, specifically focusing on the role of third-party states in enforcement. We argue that the expectation of third-party coercion, when sufficiently high, can induce war participants to comply with this body of law. We identify the conditions under which combatant states will anticipate a high likelihood of coercion, demonstrating that third-party states are most likely to coerce combatants when they have both the willingness and opportunity to do so. Democratic third parties that value the rule of law and human rights possess the willingness to coerce war participants, while strong allies, trade partners, and intergovernmental organization (IGO) partners with existing ties to the combatant state have the opportunity to engage in coercion by linking combat-ant behavior to the provision of benefits or imposition of costs. Based on this logic, we hypothesize that war combatants who have ratified the Geneva/Hague Conventions prohibiting the intentional targeting of noncombatants during war are more likely to comply with the legal obligations included in those conventions when they interact with relatively strong democratic alliance, trade, and IGO partners. In a series of quantitative tests on a data set of all interstate wars from 1900 to 2003, we find strong statistical and substantive support for the role of third parties in inducing compliance with the law.

AbstractIntroductionAntiretroviral therapy (ART) scale‐up is central to the global strategy to control the HIV/AIDS pandemic. To accelerate efforts towards ending the AIDS epidemic, the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS released the 90‐90‐90 and 95‐95‐95 targets, which have recently been approved by the United Nations (UN). This study characterizes the province of British Columbia (BC)'s progress towards achieving the UN targets, predicts a trajectory up to 2030 according to each of the individual steps (i.e. %Diagnosed, %On ART and %Virologically Suppressed), and identifies the population sub‐groups at higher risk of not achieving these targets.MethodsThe analyses were based on linked individual‐level datasets of people living with HIV (PLWH) in BC, aged ≥18 months, from 2000 to 2013. Using past trends in HIV prevalence and of each individual UN targets, we forecasted these outcomes until 2030 via generalized additive models. We ran a second set of analyses to assess the associations between individual demographic and behavioural factors and each of the individual steps of the UN targets. Lastly, we performed sensitivity analyses to account for uncertainty associated with prevalence estimates and suppression definitions.ResultsAmong the estimated 10666 PLWH in BC in 2013, 82% were diagnosed, 76% of those diagnosed were on ART and 83% of those on ART were virologically suppressed. We identified that females, PLWH aged <30 years and those with unknown risk or who self‐identify as having a history of injection drug use were the population subgroups that experienced the most challenge in engaging on ART and achieving viral suppression. Our model projections suggest that BC will achieve 90%‐91%‐90% and 97%‐99%‐97% by 2020 and 2030 respectively.ConclusionsAs we approach 2020, BC is rapidly moving towards achieving the UN targets. However, region‐specific challenges persist. Identification of remaining regional challenges will be essential to achieving the proposed UN targets and therefore fulfilling the promise to end AIDS as a pandemic by 2030.

This thesis which is based on a socio-poetic study tries to examine the space the subject occupies in the literary and cultural spheres through an exploration of some contemporary French and Tunisian novels, namely Anouar Attia's Hayet ou La passion d'Elles, Jean Echenoz's Un An, Azza Filali's Monsieur L…, Jean-Philippe Toussaint's La television, and Antoine Volodine's Dondog. The starting point is the result of a post-formalist analysis of the critical discourses of literary and philosophical documents revealing a "spectral comeback" of the historical subject. A playful deficiency of the narrative voice is to be noticed in the French corpus and it is not due to a crisis within the characters. From a socio-critical perspective this deficiency is the outcome of a crisis within the institutions and not a removal of a political project from the modern era. In the Tunisian case, on the other hand, the crisis within the subject is an isolated case. The authority of the narrator is maintained but it is thwarted to represent a deviation and a desire, they are meant to pave the way for creating an experience. The discordant narrative is a manifestation of failure to read the world inside fiction. Yet, from a pragmatic perspective, the discordant narratives try to invite the reading text who is to participate in the reading of history. In both cultures, we find that there is this invitation of the literary discourse to try to trace the outline of an original political change. ; Figures du sujet dans le roman fin de siècle des années 1990-2000, interroge, dans une perspective socio-poétique, les dispositions que prend le sujet dans deux espaces littéraires et culturels, à partir d'une étude synchronique de quelques romans tunisiens et français contemporains : Hayet ou la passion d'Elles d'Anouar Attia, Un an de Jean Echenoz, Monsieur L… d'Azza Filali, La Télévision de Jean-Philippe Toussaint et Dondog d'Antoine Volodine. Notre point de départ a été le constat d'une orientation post-formaliste dans les discours critiques ...

This thesis which is based on a socio-poetic study tries to examine the space the subject occupies in the literary and cultural spheres through an exploration of some contemporary French and Tunisian novels, namely Anouar Attia's Hayet ou La passion d'Elles, Jean Echenoz's Un An, Azza Filali's Monsieur L…, Jean-Philippe Toussaint's La television, and Antoine Volodine's Dondog. The starting point is the result of a post-formalist analysis of the critical discourses of literary and philosophical documents revealing a "spectral comeback" of the historical subject. A playful deficiency of the narrative voice is to be noticed in the French corpus and it is not due to a crisis within the characters. From a socio-critical perspective this deficiency is the outcome of a crisis within the institutions and not a removal of a political project from the modern era. In the Tunisian case, on the other hand, the crisis within the subject is an isolated case. The authority of the narrator is maintained but it is thwarted to represent a deviation and a desire, they are meant to pave the way for creating an experience. The discordant narrative is a manifestation of failure to read the world inside fiction. Yet, from a pragmatic perspective, the discordant narratives try to invite the reading text who is to participate in the reading of history. In both cultures, we find that there is this invitation of the literary discourse to try to trace the outline of an original political change. ; Figures du sujet dans le roman fin de siècle des années 1990-2000, interroge, dans une perspective socio-poétique, les dispositions que prend le sujet dans deux espaces littéraires et culturels, à partir d'une étude synchronique de quelques romans tunisiens et français contemporains : Hayet ou la passion d'Elles d'Anouar Attia, Un an de Jean Echenoz, Monsieur L… d'Azza Filali, La Télévision de Jean-Philippe Toussaint et Dondog d'Antoine Volodine. Notre point de départ a été le constat d'une orientation post-formaliste dans les discours critiques ...

World War I had just broken out, but colonial authorities in the Netherlands Indies heaved a sigh of relief: The colonial export sector had not collapsed and war offered new economic prospects; representatives from the Islamic nationalist movement had prayed for God to bless the Netherlands but had not seized upon the occasion to incite unrest. Furthermore, the colonial government, impressed by such shows of loyalty, embarked upon a campaign to create a 'native militia', an army of Javanese to assist in repulsing a possible Japanese invasion. - - Yet there were other problem: pilgrims stranded in Mecca, the pro-German disposition of most Indonesian Muslims because of the involvement of Turkey in the war, and above all the status of the Netherlands Indies as a smuggling station used by Indian revolutionaries and German agents to subvert British rule in Asia. - - By 1917 the optimism of the first war years had disappeared. Trade restrictions, the war at sea, and a worldwide lack of tonnage caused export opportunities to dwindle. Communist propaganda had radicalized the nationalist movement. In 1918 it seemed that the colony might cave in. Exports had ceased. Famine was a very real danger. There was increasing unrest within the colonial population and the army and navy. Colonial authorities turned to the nationalist movement for help, offering them drastic political concessions, forgotten as soon as the war ended. The political and economic independence gained by the Netherlands Indies, a result of problems in communications with the mother country, was also lost with the end of the war. - - Kees van Dijk examines how in 1917 the atmosphere of optimism in the Netherlands Indies changed to one of unrest and dissatisfaction, and how after World War I the situation stabilized to resemble pre-war political and economic circumstances. - - Kees van Dijk (1946) has worked as a researcher at KITLV/Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies from 1968 to 2007 and has been professor of the history of Islam in Indonesia at Leiden University since 1985. Among his publications are Rebellion under the banner of Islam; The Darul Islam in Indonesia (Leiden, KITLV Press 1981) and A country in despair; Indonesia between 1997 and 2000 (Leiden, KITLV Press 2001).

Drawing on open-ended interviews with more than 50 political staffers, fieldwork during the 2008 electoral cycle, and archival research, the book follows a group of technically skilled Internet staffers who came together on the Howard Dean campaign and created a series of innovations in campaign organization, tools, and practice