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AbstractHow do individuals' underlying value orientations affect populist voting? Building on the congruency model in social psychology, we theorize that voters holding non‐conformist values feel closest to political actors who employ a taboo‐breaking populist style in the political debate. Moreover, we hypothesize that security and universalism values feed into vote choices between right‐wing and left‐wing parties. Leveraging structural equation modeling (SEM) and data from the 2017 German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), we find that non‐conformist values predict voting for the populist far‐right Alternative for Germany (AfD), but not for the left‐wing populist The Left. Further, security and universalism values are associated with a higher probability of voting for not only populist but also mainstream parties. These findings point to the underlying role of basic human values in electoral support for populist parties and political behavior in general.

This paper addresses the issue of the interrelation between different types of social mobility and support for reducing income inequality in contemporary Russia. Drawing from the Russian subsets of the International Social Survey Programme's (ISSP) surveys, we estimate how this support is differentiated across experienced and expected subjective mobility. Official statistics and empirical survey data widely confirm that the large-scale socioeconomic changes that took place in Russia during the 2000s brought an increase in living standards for most population groups and a more-than-twofold reduction in poverty. However, according to the ISSP data, demand for the government to reduce income differences is at its highest level since 1992. More than 90 per cent of Russians unequivocally perceive income gaps in the country as too high (the same as in the late 1990s) and unfair. We test the effects of actual and expected mobility, showing that, in contrast to the literature, including earlier studies on Russia, past mobility and expected medium-term mobility do not have any significant effect on levels of support for reducing income differences, and only the effect of short-term expectations can be seen. We argue that the effect of social mobility in Russia is limited by a widespread consensus across the population that preexisting inequalities in Russia are too high and unfair – a viewpoint based mostly not on the specifics of individual situations, including experienced or expected mobility, but on shared subjective norms and beliefs about inequality and their contrast with existing reality.

This article aims to discuss and synthesize the persistence of theoretical and epistemological pitfalls in the political culture approach for Latin America and to indicate theoretical alternatives. Since the foundation of the field of political culture, little progress has been made to incorporate contributions and evidence not centered in the global North. Studies on Latin America indicate that the main theories of political culture still lack the generalizability to explain societies where liberal democracy is not consolidated and where the majority of the population does not have adequate living conditions. Thus, this article addresses three theoretical-epistemological gaps with a focus on Latin America: the trap in the theory of civic culture; the limits in the revisited theory of modernization; and the inadequacy of the explanation of cultural backlash in the Latin American context. We discuss relevant limitations and alternatives for explaining political culture in Latin America and for refining the field of political culture.

Gesundheitsinformationen bilden die Grundlage für einen selbstbestimmten und kompetenten Umgang mit der eigenen Gesundheit. Die Nutzung von gesundheitsbezogenen Informationskanälen als Teil des individuellen Informationshandelns erfordert wiederum entsprechende (digitale) Gesundheitskompetenz. Obwohl beide Konstrukte verwandt scheinen, fehlt es bisher an einer theoriebasierten sowie empirischen Bestimmung ihrer Beziehung. Die vorliegende Studie exploriert deshalb, wie (digitale) Gesundheitskompetenz mit Gesundheitsinformationshandeln in Form der Nutzung verschiedener gesundheitsbezogener Informationskanäle zusammenhängt. Zur Beantwortung der Forschungsfrage wurde eine nach Alter, Geschlecht, Bildung und Region stratifizierte Querschnittsbefragung der deutschen Bevölkerung (N = 1.000) durchgeführt, die im Juni 2020 über ein Online-Access-Panel erhoben wurde. Die Ergebnisse zeigten, dass Personen mit höherer wahrgenommener (digitaler) Gesundheitskompetenz tendenziell häufiger gesundheitsbezogene Informationskanäle nutzen. Die Erklärleistung der wahrgenommenen Kompetenzen war jedoch begrenzt. Der Beitrag diskutiert mögliche Ursachen, zu denen beispielsweise die Art der Messung zählt, und arbeitet Anschlussperspektiven der Forschung heraus.

Die Entscheidung darüber, ob ein Kind die Volksschule besuchen kann oder in einer besonderen Schule unterrichtet werden muss, ist ein umstrittener Vorgang. Ab Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts wurde der Umgang mit "schwachsinnigen" Kindern anhand eines sogenannten Aufschreibesystems - Beobachtungsbögen, ärztliche Untersuchungen, IQ-Tests, Gutachten - dokumentiert und organisiert. Bis heute nimmt diese Praxis eine Schlüsselfunktion bei der Entscheidung über den schulischen Verbleib der Kinder ein. Der Autor untersucht in seiner interdisziplinär angelegten historischen Studie das sonderpädagogische Aufschreibesystem am Beispiel Berlin mit Fokus auf die damit verbundenen Wissenspraktiken. Dabei zeigt er auf, welche Bedeutung das Beobachten, Schreiben und Verarbeiten für die Formation des Wissens über "Schwachsinn" hat - gerade im Hinblick auf die Institutionalisierung und Professionalisierung der "Schwachsinnigenpädagogik".

This paper studies the relationship of factors such as ageing, gender and environmental problems included in the quality of life (QoL) with the subjective well-being represented by the life satisfaction (LS) indicator of the citizens of 33 European countries. To do so, it uses the LS of a country's citizens as the dependent variable; ageing, gender and environmental variables as independent variables; and other factors included in the QoL indicators and macroeconomic factors as control variables. Analysis uses data from the World Values Survey (WVS) and the European Values Study (EVS) for LS, from Eurostat for QoL indicators and World Bank for macroeconomic indicators. The values of LS have been treated based on the individual data from WVS and EVS in percentages according to their levels by country, and we present four robust models (two logit model and two OLS model). The results show that arrears of people aged 65 and over are a relation of positive significative in models with low levels of LS. The opposite is true for the income of people aged 65 and over. On the other hand, pollution, grime or other environmental problems and inequality show an inverse relationship with life satisfaction in models with high levels of satisfaction and a positive relationship in models with low levels of satisfaction. Nonetheless, the study has also shown contradictions in the gender gap and poverty indicators that should be studied further.

Wie können Machtverhältnisse in ihrer Komplexität empirisch untersucht werden? Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage lohnt es sich, die Diskussionen um Intersektionalität aufzugreifen und sie mit Judith Butlers Ansätzen zur Subjektivierung zu verbinden. Die sorgfältige Auseinandersetzung der Autorin mit den Charakteristika und Bedingungen komplexer Machtverhältnisse führt zu einer neuen Perspektive auf lange geführte Debatten: Sie plädiert dafür, Machtverhältnisse als in Subjektivierungen eingelassen zu begreifen. Subjektivierungen lassen sich so als zentrale Prozesse für die Reproduktion von Machtverhältnissen beschreiben.

Social networks are usually considered as positive sources of social support, a role which has been extensively studied in the context of domestic violence. To victims of abuse, social networks often provide initial emotional and practical help as well useful information ahead of formal institutions. Recently, however, attention has been paid to the negative responses of social networks. In this article, we advance the theoretical debate on social networks as a source of social support by moving beyond the distinction between positive and negative ties. We do so by proposing the concepts of relational ambivalence and consistency, which describe the interactive processes by which people, intentionally or inadvertently, disregard - or align with - each other's role‐relational expectations, therefore undermining - or reinforcing - individual's choices of action. We analyse the qualitative accounts of 19 female victims of domestic violence in Sweden, who described the responses of their personal networks during and after the abuse. We observe how the relationships embedded in these networks were described in ambivalent and consistent terms, and how they played a role in supporting or undermining women in reframing their loving relationships as abusive; in accounting or dismissing perpetrators' responsibilities for the abuse; in relieving women from role‐expectations and obligations or in burdening them with further responsibilities; and in supporting or challenging their pathways out of domestic abuse. Our analysis suggests that social isolation cannot be considered a simple result of a lack of support but of the complex dynamics in which support is offered and accepted or withdrawn and refused.

Es lässt sich ein Trend verzeichnen, nach dem gewalttätig rassistische Haltungen sowohl von extrem rechten als auch reaktionär-bürgerlichen Milieus geteilt werden und sich im öffentlichen Diskurs normalisieren. Diese Situation spiegelt wider, was die soziologische Einstellungsforschung seit Jahren attestiert: Zivilgesellschaften sind nicht unbedingt progressiv, demokratisch und gemeinwohlorientiert. Sie können reaktionär, antidemokratisch und aggressiv eigenwohlorientiert sein. Mit Blick auf diese "dunkle Seite der Zivilgesellschaft" untersucht der Band speziell für solche Problemkonstellationen konzipierte Projekte einer menschenrechtsorientierten Gemeinwesenarbeit (GWA). Dabei werden Gelingensbedingungen für sozialräumliche Veränderungsprozesse zu mehr demokratischer Alltagskultur durch GWA beleuchtet und Vorschläge für deren konzeptuelle Weiterentwicklung entwickelt.

Personal networks can be both enabling and constraining in inclusion practices. This study focuses on the contribution of a particular neighborhood initiative for refugees in Amsterdam. Earlier studies have shown that in the specific context of the Netherlands' welfare state, institutional or citizen initiatives can constrain the actual inclusion of refugees. These studies argue that good intentions do not necessarily lead to inclusion because hierarchal relations reproduce subtle exclusionary structures that limit refugees' inclusion as equals. Yet, building social contacts with locals is essential for inclusion. This article shows the simultaneous presence of inclusion and exclusion by engaging with narratives from Syrian refugees participating in a six‐month housing project initiated in an Amsterdam neighborhood. Residents and volunteers shared responsibilities for organizing daily life in the project. The result was an unexpected combination of Granovetter's weak and strong ties, what we call "hybrid ties", that were embedded within neighborhood dynamics and networks. Despite occasional clashes in expectations, this community‐based housing project enabled specific forms of personal relationships (through hybrid ties) that were essential in refugee participants' later inclusion in the Netherlands.

This article seeks to revisit the French social space 30 years after Pierre Bourdieu first mapped it in Distinction. Using data from the International Social Survey Programme, it deploys geometric data analysis to construct a model of the space of class positions that is remarkably similar in its structure to that presented by Bourdieu despite three decades of economic transformation. The relationship with occupational groups and geographical space is also familiar, though gender and, to a greater extent, age are perhaps more prominent than when Bourdieu was writing. The article then goes on to demonstrate the multidimensional nature of symbolic violence, in the form of perception of one's place, and the manner in which social reproduction is misrecognised. On the latter point, it transpires that while there is recognition of unfair advantage, not only is faith in meritocracy the prevailing view but the dominated are the most likely to deny that having educated parents makes a difference to whether one 'gets ahead' or not.

Intercultural contact is a well-studied phenomenon and particularly relevant in the context of migration. However, research in this field often treats immigrants as independent entities and ignores their role in social structures. An approach that can account for the complex dynamics and relational interdependencies underlying immigrants' acculturation processes is the social network approach. We illustrate the value of bringing in a personal social network perspective to the study of intercultural contact with two cases: (1) Eritrean and Syrian refugees in Germany and (2) Ecuadorian, Moroccan, Pakistani, and Romanian immigrants in Barcelona, Spain. We conclude with some thoughts on the conceptual and methodological benefits of the social network approach and some reflections on policy implications.

The proceedings of the Weizenbaum Conference 2021 "Democracy in Flux: Order, Dynamics and Voices in Digital Public Spheres" have been funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research of Germany (BMBF) (grant no.: 16DII121, 16DII122, 16DII123, 16DII124, 16DII125, 16DII126, 16DII127,16DII128 – "Deutsches Internet-Institut").