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In 2010, the International Neuropsychiatric Pula Symposia, from 2005 Congresses (INPS/INPC), founded in 1961 by Zagreb and Graz University Neuropsychiatry Departments, celebrated their 50th anniversary of successful development. The co-author of the paper, Boško Barac, witnessed their growth from 1966, collaborating in their organization from 1974 with the first Secretary General Gerald Grinschgl; elected for his successor after his unexpected death in 1985, he was leading the Kuratorium (Scientific Board) as Secretary General for 23 years, collaborating in this period with his Austrian partner and friend Helmut Lechner. In 2007, Barac handed over this responsible function to the co-author Vida Demarin. Starting when neuropsychiatry was a unique discipline, the INPC followed the processes of emancipation of neurology and psychiatry and their evolution to independent disciplines with new subspecialties. These respectable conferences greatly surpassed the significance of the two disciplines, neurology and psychiatry, granting collaboration of borderland medical and non-medical disciplines, connecting experts from the region, European countries and the world. Inaugurated in 'cold-war' times, in their first phase they enabled to make professional and human contacts between scientists from the two divided 'blocs' thanks to the 'non-aligned' position of the then Yugoslavia, fostering the ideas of mutual understanding and collaboration. On the other hand, the scientific development of the meetings took in the center of their study fields connecting the two disciplines, giving a quite unique quality to these meetings. For many years, the meetings cherished specific neurologic and psychiatric topics, at the same time planning increasing important topics of the 'borderland areas' in their programs. For the important achievements, they earned the title of the Pula School of Science and Humanism, promoting interdisciplinary scientific collaboration important for humanistic goals of medicine. Medicine, as science and practice, although founded on biological grounds, is primarily a human activity serving to individual man and the whole human race. Modern neurology and psychiatry are no longer restricted to diagnosing and curing brain and nerves or psychiatric disorders, and are nowadays important as a science of human mind and discipline caring about the human brain, the complex organ of each individual man, collective human consciousness and our mental life. Such atmosphere contributed to the fall of the totalitarian, narrow-minded political, ideological or nationalistic thinking, aiming to tolerance and humane democratic developments in the united Europe and the preparation for peaceful living of various nations, races, religions and viewpoints in the 21st century. ; Međunarodni neuropsihijatrijski Pulski simpoziji, od 2005. godine Kongresi (INPS/INPC), osnovani 1961. godine od strane neuropsihijatrijskih klinika u Zagrebu i Grazu, 2010. godine proslavili su svoju pedesetu godišnjicu uspješnog postojanja. Boško Barac, koautor ovoga rada, svjedočio je njihovom rastu od 1966., sudjelujući u organizaciji od 1974. s prvim glavnim tajnikom Geraldom Grinschglom te je izabran za njegovog nasljednika nakon njegove iznenadne smrti. Tijekom 23 godine je vodio Kuratorium u suradnji sa svojim austrijskim partnerom i prijateljem Helmutom Lechnerom. Godine 2007. Barac je predao svoju odgovornu funkciju koautorici Vidi Demarin. Počevši od kada je neuropsihijatrija bila jedinstvena disciplina, INPC je pratio process emancipacije neurologije i psihijatrije i njihov razvoj u neovisne discipline s novim subspecijalizacijama. Ove ugledne konferencije uvelike nadmašuju važnost samih disciplina, neurologije i psihijatrije, omogućujući suradnju graničnih medicinskih i nemedicinskih disciplina, spajajući stručnjake iz regije, Europe i svijeta. Inauguriran za vrijeme "hladnog rata", u svojoj prvoj fazi omogućavao je profesionalni i ljudski kontakt među znanstvenicima dvaju "blokova" zahvaljujući "nesvrstanom" položaju Jugoslavije, udomljujući ideje međusobnog razumijevanja i suradnje. Znanstveni razvoj ovih sastanaka je s druge strane povezivao dvije discipline dajući im jedinstvenu kvalitetu. Dugi niz godina njegovane su specifične neurološke i psihijatrijske teme, uz istodobno planiranje posvećivanja programa "graničnim područjima". Zbog svojih postignuća dobila je zasluženi naslov Pulska škola znanosti i humanizma, promovirajući interdisciplinarnu suradnju važnu za humanističke ciljeve u medicini. Medicina, kao znanost i praksa, iako temeljena na biološkoj osnovi, primarno je humana aktivnost koja služi pojedincu i cijelom ljudskom rodu. Moderna neurologija i psihijatrija više nisu ograničene na dijagnosticiranje i liječenje mozga i živaca ili psihijatrijskih poremećaja, već su danas važne kao znanosti ljudskog uma i kao discipline koje se brinu o ljudskom mozgu, složenom organu svakog pojedinca, zajedničke ljudske svijesti i našem mentalnom životu. Takva je atmosfera doprinijela padu totalitarnog, uskoumnog političkog, ideološkog ili nacionalističkog razmišljanja, u cilju tolerancije i humanog demokratskog razvoja u Europi i pripreme za miran suživot različitih nacija, rasa i religija u 21. stoljeću.

The article analyses the peculiarities of social modernization in the regions of modern Ukraine. The social development is characterized by a deep systemic changes in norms and relations at the global, macro-regional and internally-national levels, which actualizes the public demand for effective state regional policy able to ensure not only the economic competitiveness of Ukrainian regions and national resilience to global risks. Special attention of politicians and scientists deserves the problem of modernization of Ukrainian society, which is in contrast to the historical European upgrades in conditions of still not completely furnished and modern Ukrainian nation. Therefore, a fair amount of weight becomes the unsolved problem of identity (ethnic, civil, political, local, etc) that increases social conflicts and risks of modern social modernization. We believe that the way out of the political, economic and socio-cultural crisis possible due to the horizontal communications, which must be targeted at creating the public. In conditions of development of the independent state actualized the issue of search of new management ideas and technologies that not only the efficient functioning of the institutions (bodies of state power and local self-government), but will be axiological landmarks of democratic development in the system of "state-politics-society". The problem of overcoming the crisis and revival of Ukraine on a new basis (filled socio-humanistic content) is through strong leadership and effective management. It should be emphasized that not having a social ideal, and relying on the market take its course and political ambitions of the elite, Ukrainian society is faced with growing degradation of economic, social, humanitarian and intellectual foundations, which exacerbates the problem of social deprivation. Historical epoch without statehood leaves an imprint on the national consciousness due to the fact that causes an inertial play ideological orientations, preservation of the specific social relations. Note that in many post-Soviet countries is dominated by a generation socialize in conditions of authoritarian regime that generates the underlying problem of social adaptation to new conditions of life in the new "aggressive" society characterized by poverty, unemployment, social vulnerability. Social-philosophical analysis of social modernization in regional coordinates showed that priorities (overcoming the economic crisis, the use of innovative elements of production, effective material and moral stimulation of development of regions) should be determined on the basis of common interests and enforced through them, because it changes the whole system, by its nature may be regarded as a profound transformation of society, which requires the formation of the innovative Outlook and new models of economic and political behaviour. The idea of self-organization based on civil communication and dialogue freely combined members of society to overcome the alienation of the state and society. Socio-cultural integration of society on the basis of solving economic and political problems could change the substance of social life and to actualize a new direction with the awareness that the future of Ukraine is the sphere of civil liability. The formation of the national identity in the Ukraine's regions is proved as precondition for deepening the obligatory process of political nation formation and effective realization of the national interests in Ukraine. National idea has a function of consolidation in the process of formation national identity in the difficult way of Ukraine to multi-policultural Europe. ; В статье рассмотрены особенности общественной модернизации в регионах современной Украины. Современный этап общественного развития характеризуется глубокими системными изменениями норм и отношений на всемирном, макро-региональном и внутренне-национальном уровнях, что актуализирует общественный запрос на эффективную государственную региональную политику, способную обеспечить не только экономическую конкурентоспособность регионов Украины, но и национальную устойчивость к глобальным рискам. Именно для социума как социальной системы высокого порядка характеристика консолидационных процессов является едва ли не главным интегральным показателем его качества, а следовательно, и качества жизни его граждан. Считаем, что украинский духовный тип, как и украинская национальная идея - это те определяющие особенно важные факторы, без которых не может быть украинской национальной идеологии и украинской нации. ; У статті розглянуто особливості суспільної модернізації в регіонах сучасної України. Визначені проблеми, що породжують регіональні протиріччя і поглиблюють соціальну депривацію. Доводиться, що інноваційний розвиток сучасного українського суспільства можливий за умови органічного поєднання національної ідеї як духовно-ідеологічного феномену розвитку державності із вирішенням економічних і соціально-політичних завдань.

Religious revival occupies an important place in the overall process of democratic transformation. Return society to traditional spiritual values has caused interest to the essence of Christian social thought. In modern Ukraine Christian socialism may become one of departing point of a national idea generation. Christian thinkers Russian of emigration worked on the problem of overcoming of distortions the materialistic totalitarian of socialist ideas. Ideas of social justice in the Ukrainian society acquire new meaning and require the corresponding theoretical study. Creative heritage figures of Christian philosophy Russian abroad may become the basis of the study. Modern scholars of the creative heritage of the Russian emigration have gained a certain material and identified research areas for further research.Theory of Christian socialism in Russia is the result of finding a solution to the complex issues of economic, social and political development of the Russian Empire.Development ideas of Christian socialism in Russia was based on the Orthodox doctrine. Russian intelligentsia in finding solutions to social problems for a long time did not pay attention to religious issues. In beginning XX century certain groups of intellectuals and clerics begin to cooperation. This is caused by the ideological influence of religious and social ideas of V. Soloviev, F. Dostoevsky and L. Tolstoy and the events of the First Russian revolution.Christian socialism as a political phenomenon has received the most theoretical justification in Russia and France. Practical implementation of the program provisions Christian socialism took place in major Western European countries. Russia has failed to use achieve its own of social thought for improving the prosperity of and quality of life. Active development of of theoretical propositions of Christian socialism among Russian emigration engaged historian and philosopher G. Fedotov, theologian and S. Bulgakov Orthodox priest, philosopher and religious thinker S. Frank. Religious idealism influenced the political conception of philosophy N. Berdyaev and I. Ilyin, economist and public figure Struve, lawyer N. Alekseev and many other outstanding Russian scientists emigrants. Theologian S. Bulgakov criticizes the socialism. Emphasizes that socialism put forward the idea of the struggle for personal and economic interests of the class. Socialism and Christianity should complement each other. Christianity the spirituality fills the socialism. Socialism provides an economic basis to achieve the Christian ideal of universal brotherhood and love.Socialism of totalitarian society deprives a person of economic independence. State takes freedom of choice and provides stability to society and the people. But there is a serious contradiction. Socialism itself wants to become a religion. Bulgakov distinguishes three types of socialism. Materialistic socialism builds heaven on earth. Atheistic socialism has been fighting against religion itself becomes a religion. Christian socialism creates the material conditions of human spiritual development. Private property is essential for the organization of economic life of society. The task of Christians is to explain objectives of socialism, which carries the idea of Christian brotherhood and love. Christianity must be protected from the influence of social vices economy, powers and property. The problem of protecting the ideals of religion is important for all religions and ideologies. A true Christian should pray, think and act in a Christian manner. Christianity should permeate all aspects of society. True socialism is realized in a free society.In the opinion of S. Frank full implementation of the principles of Christian love can be under the domination of private property and social inequality. In the implementation of Christian justice plays a major role motivation and means. Social stability and high standard of living are the result of setting the boundaries of economic freedom. Scientific analysis of the problems of Christian socialism will help in finding ways to overcome totalitarian deformations of socialist ideas. ; Проведен анализ идеи позитивного соотношения христианства и социализма С. Булгакова. Отмечены характерные черты разработанной философом концепции материалистического, атеистического и христианского социализма. Определены особенности политической теории С. Франка. Подчеркнута важность свободы как обязательного условия духовной жизни. Освещены взгляды религиозных мыслителей на проблему реализации социальной справедливости. Определено отношение теоретиков христианского социализма к проблемам собственности и экономической свободы. ; Проведено аналіз ідеї позитивного співвідношення християнства і соціалізму С. Булга-кова. Зазначено характерні риси розробленої філософом концепції матеріалістичного, атеїстичного і християнського соціалізму. Окреслено особливості політичної теорії С. Франка. Підкреслено важливість свободи як обов'язкової умови духовного життя. Висвітлено погляди релігійних мислителів на проблему реалізації соціальної справедли-вості. Визначено відношення теоретиків християнського соціалізму до проблем власності й економічної свободи.

Подается история создания одного из самых популярных произведений П. Чубинского. Среди множества научных трудов, которые оставил после себя Павел Чубинский, особой бессмертной славы он заслужил созданием торжественной песни борцов за свободу, которая за полтора века стала Государственным гимном независимой Украины. ; Problem statement. The fortune of many patriotic songs is very similar to the fortune of Ukrainian nation. Every time when the nation revived, its dongs revived and resurrected as well. When Ukrainian nation was depressed with bondage, spiritual slavery, the national soul also got silent although never died. Many various patriotic songs continued their existence illegally, always filling the hearts of Ukrainians with hopes for better future. A song is the soul of the nation, national anthem is the highest appearance of its freedom-loving desires, spiritual-patriotic aspiration. Having lost its greatness of authority, Ukraine had not had its national anthem for several centuries; patriotic songs, often of regional character, which did not cover the fortune of the entire nation divided by the borders of Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires, had replaced it. Analysis of publications. National-spiritual heritage by P.Chubinski has been explored by different scientists, for instance, A. Zil'[1], V. Miyakovski[4], N.Ship[6], I.Kolyada[2] etc. The period when P. Chubinski lived and worked is qualified by scientist as the second stage of Ukrainian national revival. Ukrainian intellectuals established linkage between the prospective of Ukrainian liberate movement and the necessity of self-identification of Ukrainians through establishing uniqueness of the language and culture of Ukrainian nation. Pavlo Chubinski was a lawyer by profession, ethnographer, poet and folklorist by calling, passionate patriot by convictions. Bright manifestation of patriotic-national feelings of Ukrainians of our united land was appearance of the poem by Pavlo Chubinski «Shche ne vmerla Ukrainy» (Ukraine Has Not Yet Died). There is no other piece of writing in the Ukrainian literature with such a magnificent and tragic fortune. Magnificent because it embodied the eternal dream of the nation to become sovereign, obtain freedom; it reflects the unbeaten belief in Ukraine's revival. Tragic because for more than a century the anthem-song was persecuted, forbidden. They tried to kill it but did not manage to. Creation of Ukrainian anthem rises from the beginning of the autumn 1862. The reason to remember all these old events is the recent event of the international scale. On 30 September 2013 UNESCO World Heritage Centre recognized Ukrainian anthem as the best in the world. It was informed by Interfax-Ukraine referring to the UN News Centre [http://www.un.org/russian/news/]. The rating included national anthems of 193 countries of the world. The anthem of Ukraine won the first place in the general rating. Four characteristics were considered, in two of which Ukrainian anthem got the highest point. They are euphony and harmonious combination of musical and lyrical parts. High point was also obtained for originality of musical decision and integrity as well as for content-richness of the text. Ukraine was the only European country in the top-five, in general in the top-ten best national anthems there were included the ones of New Zealand (2 place), South Africa (3 place), Australia (4 place), the USA (5 place), Canada (6 place), the United Kingdom of great Britain and Northern Ireland (7 place), Spain (8 place), France (9 place) and Japan (10 place). This year Ukraine and Ukrainians celebrate 150 anniversary of the prominent poet who presented us the magnificent piece of art, which has become the symbol of uniting the state. At last under the influence of alarming events every Ukrainian citizen perceived the immortal text as the symbol of freedom, will and new hopes. It is pleasant to watch all the Ukrainian people singing the anthem of their country. Today in conditions of formation of democratic state the anthem of Ukrainian state became uniting factor, the patriotic element without which any country of the world cannot exist. Therefore, among numerous works in Pavlo Chubinski's heritage the one, which brought him the immortal fame, was creation of solemn song of fighters for freedom that for a century and half has become the National Anthem of independent Ukraine.

Предложенный вниманию читателя материал продолжает серию публикаций, целью которой является знакомство с результатами проекта «Сравнительный анализ развития человеческого потенциала в постсоциалистических странах Европы», осуществляемого Лабораторией сравнительного анализа развития постсоциалистических обществ НИУ ВШЭ. В работе, в частности, предложена оригинальная трактовка жизнеспособности общества как степени реализации потребностей населения в безопасности, образовании, здоровье, самореализации, демографическом и социальном воспроизводстве. При этом, учитывая ограниченность существующих оценок на базе таких общепринятых интегральных показателей, как Индекс человеческого развития ООН, авторы разрабатывают собственное операциональное определение жизнеспособности на основе классического определения «здоровья», предложенного Всемирной организацией здравоохранения в 1948 г. Проводится критический анализ рейтинга 32 стран Европы и СНГ, включая Россию, а также сформулированы основные положения возможной теоретико-методологической рамки для анализа успешности постсоциалистических трансформаций в русле цивилизационного подхода. ; In this paper we argue that the existing divergence of development paths in the postsocialist world appears to have been caused by reformers poor (and, perhaps, intentionally wrong) understanding of the certain cultural and historical contexts of these countries development, because such understanding was blindly focused on institutional building rather than setting the milestones for development and achieving certain goals in terms of societys well-being as a whole. However, since the 1990s the literature on development has accumulated a rich line of arguments in favor of non-European modernity and variability of development, and attempts to distinguish modernization from westernization (Eisenstadts multiple modernities, varieties of capitalism approach, and the renaissance of civilization theories). No wonder that such ideas have gained a lot of support in many developing countries, where the authors draw attention to the lack of explanatory power of existing social theories and their incompatibility with non-Western forms of modern society. However, in Russia, for instance, there are still many scholars and even decision makers, who regard the countrys previous historical experience and culture as a constraint, rather than a specific context to its modernization. But lets suggest that a certain society undergoes radical transformation, just as it happened once to all of the post-socialist states. The transformation is then followed by a lengthy period of adaptation from one arrangement of social and economic structures to another. During this period the new structures are kind of being implanted and accustomed to our common way of thinking and behavior, and make us gradually accept the new order of things. However, this process would not always go smoothly and the reason for this is that institutional change is to a larger extent shaped by the mentality of people, which, in turn, may even lead to either corruption and misinterpretation of new practices or even their rejection. This is what seems to have happened in Russia in the 1990s, when many people were first very optimistic about change, but couldnt and actually didnt want to give up some of the former practices incompatible with modern institutions (a usually ritualistic disregard for the legal and electoral systems, avoidance of competition, absence of respect for the private property, etc.). However, we do not claim that the system of social and economic relations that existed earlier was much better than the one, which was built on top of it. We only want to draw attention to the fact that the previous experience of life under autocracy of Tzarist Russia and state socialism could not go unnoticed. The question is, whether current state of the system is optimal for Russia and other post-socialist countries. This is a difficult problem to solve, especially given that in spite of the more or less similar reforms social and economic development in Russia and some CIS countries has spun off (and now follows) in the direction, which is certainly different from that of most countries in Central and Eastern Europe. And these differences concern not only and not so much the rate and the quality of their economic growth, but a certain environment, which determines the capacity for human development throughout every social stratum and, thus, makes social development sustainable. Yet if we evaluate the outcomes of the radical market change in most post-socialist countries from the standpoint of purely economic achievements, we are more likely to deal with a different story. For instance, having achieved somewhat higher economic efficiency thanks to enforcement of market and private property seemingly does not guarantee an even rise in well-being in every given society. At least, thats what follows from the CIS experience. While today the liberal push is being gradually transformed into a moderate social democratic development in some Vyshegrad countries, it has certainly broug

The CBD is an urban model which emerged from the 19th century capitalist United States and then was diffused to the rest of the Western world, supported by the functionalist architectural ideal and state-led urban planning. Its demise began in the United States from the first half of the 20th century and it was threatened in Europe by the reconfiguration of the neoliberal state. However, there was a resurgence of CBDs in global cities, where they are directly embedded in the flows of global financial capitalism, embodying the new topographies created by the urbanisation of global capital. The planning of contemporary CBDs has been branded as a strategic tool to foster growth, but they have often been built in isolation from their local surroundings, leading to the development of two-tier cities, were inequalities are growing, reinforced by the neo-liberal approach to planning. The risks and, for some, the innate unfairness of this model has been clearly highlighted by numerous critical approaches of the city. In this essay, we have tried to follow a common thread running through these studies and show how CBDs are at the forefront of the demise of public realm and public ownership of space. Through what their private owners allow and forbid, as well as through their "ambient qualities" they do not sustain a democratic experience of the city, or a common social and spatial project. The photographic essay gives an account of the extent of these processes in the main "global cities" but it also displays some processes of CBDisation in secondary cities, especially in the European context. We have illustrated how the landscapes found in central areas of globalisation became a standard for the design of cities, large or small, central or standing on the margins of globalisation. Thus, the pictures show not only the branding of major cities around the urban forms produced within the CBD but also how some distinctive features of the contemporary CBD, such as iconic architecture or tall buildings, are instrumented by secondary or minor cities to convey images of urban dynamism. In doing so, those distinctive features act as powerful cultural norms on the production of the current built environment. ; Le CBD est un modèle urbain qui a émergé à partir du 19ème siècle et s'est diffusé depuis les villes Nord-Américaines dans le reste du monde Occidental, soutenu par l'architecture et l'urbanisme fonctionnaliste et l'urbanisme de l'Etat centraliste. Son déclin a commençé dans la première moitié du 20ème siècle aux Etats-Unis, alors qu'en Europe, il fut provoqué par la reconfiguration de l'Etat, dans sa forme néolibérale. Cependant, nous avons assisté à une résurgence du CBD dans les villes globales, où ces quartiers s'inscrivent dans les dynamiques de circulation du capitalisme financier globalisé, figurant de nouvelles topographies et paysages de l'urbanisation de ces capitaux. L'aménagement des CBDs contemporains a été publicisée comme un outil stratégique pour stimuler la croissance économique, mais au prix d'un isolement morphologique des quartiers adjacents, amenant à la création de villes duales, où les inégalités s'intensifient, accentuées par une approche néolibérale de l'aménagement. Les CBDs sont devenus des modèles très profitables pour les promoteurs immobiliers et des systèmes très efficaces pour les firmes multinationales du secteur des FIRE (finance, immobilier, assurance). Dans cet article, nous avons essayé de suivre un fil conducteur commun aux différentes publications relatives à ce sujet et de montrer comment les CBDs sont à l'avant-poste de la disparition de l'espace public et de son appropriation collective. A travers l'étude de ce que les propriétaires privés autorisent et interdisent, mais également à travers les "ambiances" qu'ils créent ces espaces ne permettent plus une expérience démocratique de la ville ou un projet socio-spatial commun. L'essai photographique rend compte de l'extension de ces projets dans les principales "villes mondiales" mais montre également des exemples de CBDisation dans des villes secondaires, en particulier en Europe. Il illustrent comment les paysages construits dans les centres urbains de la mondialisation contemporaine sont devenus un standard pour la conception des villes, y compris des villes moyennes situées en périphéries des dynamiques du capitalisme globalisé. Ainsi, les photographies montrent à la fois la reconstruction identitaire des principaux centres urbains autour des formes urbaines propres aux CBDs et comment certains traits distinctifs de ce CBD contemporain, comme l'architecture iconique et les tours sont instrumentalisés par ces centres urbains secondaires ou mineurs pour transmettre une image de dynamisme urbain. Ce faisant, ces traits distinctifs agissent comme des normes culturelles puissantes pesant sur l'actuelle production de l'environnement urbain.

The CBD is an urban model which emerged from the 19th century capitalist United States and then was diffused to the rest of the Western world, supported by the functionalist architectural ideal and state-led urban planning. Its demise began in the United States from the first half of the 20th century and it was threatened in Europe by the reconfiguration of the neoliberal state. However, there was a resurgence of CBDs in global cities, where they are directly embedded in the flows of global financial capitalism, embodying the new topographies created by the urbanisation of global capital. The planning of contemporary CBDs has been branded as a strategic tool to foster growth, but they have often been built in isolation from their local surroundings, leading to the development of two-tier cities, were inequalities are growing, reinforced by the neo-liberal approach to planning. The risks and, for some, the innate unfairness of this model has been clearly highlighted by numerous critical approaches of the city. In this essay, we have tried to follow a common thread running through these studies and show how CBDs are at the forefront of the demise of public realm and public ownership of space. Through what their private owners allow and forbid, as well as through their "ambient qualities" they do not sustain a democratic experience of the city, or a common social and spatial project. The photographic essay gives an account of the extent of these processes in the main "global cities" but it also displays some processes of CBDisation in secondary cities, especially in the European context. We have illustrated how the landscapes found in central areas of globalisation became a standard for the design of cities, large or small, central or standing on the margins of globalisation. Thus, the pictures show not only the branding of major cities around the urban forms produced within the CBD but also how some distinctive features of the contemporary CBD, such as iconic architecture or tall buildings, are instrumented by secondary or minor cities to convey images of urban dynamism. In doing so, those distinctive features act as powerful cultural norms on the production of the current built environment. ; Le CBD est un modèle urbain qui a émergé à partir du 19ème siècle et s'est diffusé depuis les villes Nord-Américaines dans le reste du monde Occidental, soutenu par l'architecture et l'urbanisme fonctionnaliste et l'urbanisme de l'Etat centraliste. Son déclin a commençé dans la première moitié du 20ème siècle aux Etats-Unis, alors qu'en Europe, il fut provoqué par la reconfiguration de l'Etat, dans sa forme néolibérale. Cependant, nous avons assisté à une résurgence du CBD dans les villes globales, où ces quartiers s'inscrivent dans les dynamiques de circulation du capitalisme financier globalisé, figurant de nouvelles topographies et paysages de l'urbanisation de ces capitaux. L'aménagement des CBDs contemporains a été publicisée comme un outil stratégique pour stimuler la croissance économique, mais au prix d'un isolement morphologique des quartiers adjacents, amenant à la création de villes duales, où les inégalités s'intensifient, accentuées par une approche néolibérale de l'aménagement. Les CBDs sont devenus des modèles très profitables pour les promoteurs immobiliers et des systèmes très efficaces pour les firmes multinationales du secteur des FIRE (finance, immobilier, assurance). Dans cet article, nous avons essayé de suivre un fil conducteur commun aux différentes publications relatives à ce sujet et de montrer comment les CBDs sont à l'avant-poste de la disparition de l'espace public et de son appropriation collective. A travers l'étude de ce que les propriétaires privés autorisent et interdisent, mais également à travers les "ambiances" qu'ils créent ces espaces ne permettent plus une expérience démocratique de la ville ou un projet socio-spatial commun. L'essai photographique rend compte de l'extension de ces projets dans les principales "villes mondiales" mais montre également des exemples de CBDisation dans des villes secondaires, en particulier en Europe. Il illustrent comment les paysages construits dans les centres urbains de la mondialisation contemporaine sont devenus un standard pour la conception des villes, y compris des villes moyennes situées en périphéries des dynamiques du capitalisme globalisé. Ainsi, les photographies montrent à la fois la reconstruction identitaire des principaux centres urbains autour des formes urbaines propres aux CBDs et comment certains traits distinctifs de ce CBD contemporain, comme l'architecture iconique et les tours sont instrumentalisés par ces centres urbains secondaires ou mineurs pour transmettre une image de dynamisme urbain. Ce faisant, ces traits distinctifs agissent comme des normes culturelles puissantes pesant sur l'actuelle production de l'environnement urbain.

The CBD is an urban model which emerged from the 19th century capitalist United States and then was diffused to the rest of the Western world, supported by the functionalist architectural ideal and state-led urban planning. Its demise began in the United States from the first half of the 20th century and it was threatened in Europe by the reconfiguration of the neoliberal state. However, there was a resurgence of CBDs in global cities, where they are directly embedded in the flows of global financial capitalism, embodying the new topographies created by the urbanisation of global capital. The planning of contemporary CBDs has been branded as a strategic tool to foster growth, but they have often been built in isolation from their local surroundings, leading to the development of two-tier cities, were inequalities are growing, reinforced by the neo-liberal approach to planning. The risks and, for some, the innate unfairness of this model has been clearly highlighted by numerous critical approaches of the city. In this essay, we have tried to follow a common thread running through these studies and show how CBDs are at the forefront of the demise of public realm and public ownership of space. Through what their private owners allow and forbid, as well as through their "ambient qualities" they do not sustain a democratic experience of the city, or a common social and spatial project. The photographic essay gives an account of the extent of these processes in the main "global cities" but it also displays some processes of CBDisation in secondary cities, especially in the European context. We have illustrated how the landscapes found in central areas of globalisation became a standard for the design of cities, large or small, central or standing on the margins of globalisation. Thus, the pictures show not only the branding of major cities around the urban forms produced within the CBD but also how some distinctive features of the contemporary CBD, such as iconic architecture or tall buildings, are instrumented by secondary or minor cities to convey images of urban dynamism. In doing so, those distinctive features act as powerful cultural norms on the production of the current built environment. ; Le CBD est un modèle urbain qui a émergé à partir du 19ème siècle et s'est diffusé depuis les villes Nord-Américaines dans le reste du monde Occidental, soutenu par l'architecture et l'urbanisme fonctionnaliste et l'urbanisme de l'Etat centraliste. Son déclin a commençé dans la première moitié du 20ème siècle aux Etats-Unis, alors qu'en Europe, il fut provoqué par la reconfiguration de l'Etat, dans sa forme néolibérale. Cependant, nous avons assisté à une résurgence du CBD dans les villes globales, où ces quartiers s'inscrivent dans les dynamiques de circulation du capitalisme financier globalisé, figurant de nouvelles topographies et paysages de l'urbanisation de ces capitaux. L'aménagement des CBDs contemporains a été publicisée comme un outil stratégique pour stimuler la croissance économique, mais au prix d'un isolement morphologique des quartiers adjacents, amenant à la création de villes duales, où les inégalités s'intensifient, accentuées par une approche néolibérale de l'aménagement. Les CBDs sont devenus des modèles très profitables pour les promoteurs immobiliers et des systèmes très efficaces pour les firmes multinationales du secteur des FIRE (finance, immobilier, assurance). Dans cet article, nous avons essayé de suivre un fil conducteur commun aux différentes publications relatives à ce sujet et de montrer comment les CBDs sont à l'avant-poste de la disparition de l'espace public et de son appropriation collective. A travers l'étude de ce que les propriétaires privés autorisent et interdisent, mais également à travers les "ambiances" qu'ils créent ces espaces ne permettent plus une expérience démocratique de la ville ou un projet socio-spatial commun. L'essai photographique rend compte de l'extension de ces projets dans les principales "villes mondiales" mais montre également des exemples de CBDisation dans des villes secondaires, en particulier en Europe. Il illustrent comment les paysages construits dans les centres urbains de la mondialisation contemporaine sont devenus un standard pour la conception des villes, y compris des villes moyennes situées en périphéries des dynamiques du capitalisme globalisé. Ainsi, les photographies montrent à la fois la reconstruction identitaire des principaux centres urbains autour des formes urbaines propres aux CBDs et comment certains traits distinctifs de ce CBD contemporain, comme l'architecture iconique et les tours sont instrumentalisés par ces centres urbains secondaires ou mineurs pour transmettre une image de dynamisme urbain. Ce faisant, ces traits distinctifs agissent comme des normes culturelles puissantes pesant sur l'actuelle production de l'environnement urbain.

The CBD is an urban model which emerged from the 19th century capitalist United States and then was diffused to the rest of the Western world, supported by the functionalist architectural ideal and state-led urban planning. Its demise began in the United States from the first half of the 20th century and it was threatened in Europe by the reconfiguration of the neoliberal state. However, there was a resurgence of CBDs in global cities, where they are directly embedded in the flows of global financial capitalism, embodying the new topographies created by the urbanisation of global capital. The planning of contemporary CBDs has been branded as a strategic tool to foster growth, but they have often been built in isolation from their local surroundings, leading to the development of two-tier cities, were inequalities are growing, reinforced by the neo-liberal approach to planning. The risks and, for some, the innate unfairness of this model has been clearly highlighted by numerous critical approaches of the city. In this essay, we have tried to follow a common thread running through these studies and show how CBDs are at the forefront of the demise of public realm and public ownership of space. Through what their private owners allow and forbid, as well as through their "ambient qualities" they do not sustain a democratic experience of the city, or a common social and spatial project. The photographic essay gives an account of the extent of these processes in the main "global cities" but it also displays some processes of CBDisation in secondary cities, especially in the European context. We have illustrated how the landscapes found in central areas of globalisation became a standard for the design of cities, large or small, central or standing on the margins of globalisation. Thus, the pictures show not only the branding of major cities around the urban forms produced within the CBD but also how some distinctive features of the contemporary CBD, such as iconic architecture or tall buildings, are instrumented by secondary or minor cities to convey images of urban dynamism. In doing so, those distinctive features act as powerful cultural norms on the production of the current built environment. ; Le CBD est un modèle urbain qui a émergé à partir du 19ème siècle et s'est diffusé depuis les villes Nord-Américaines dans le reste du monde Occidental, soutenu par l'architecture et l'urbanisme fonctionnaliste et l'urbanisme de l'Etat centraliste. Son déclin a commençé dans la première moitié du 20ème siècle aux Etats-Unis, alors qu'en Europe, il fut provoqué par la reconfiguration de l'Etat, dans sa forme néolibérale. Cependant, nous avons assisté à une résurgence du CBD dans les villes globales, où ces quartiers s'inscrivent dans les dynamiques de circulation du capitalisme financier globalisé, figurant de nouvelles topographies et paysages de l'urbanisation de ces capitaux. L'aménagement des CBDs contemporains a été publicisée comme un outil stratégique pour stimuler la croissance économique, mais au prix d'un isolement morphologique des quartiers adjacents, amenant à la création de villes duales, où les inégalités s'intensifient, accentuées par une approche néolibérale de l'aménagement. Les CBDs sont devenus des modèles très profitables pour les promoteurs immobiliers et des systèmes très efficaces pour les firmes multinationales du secteur des FIRE (finance, immobilier, assurance). Dans cet article, nous avons essayé de suivre un fil conducteur commun aux différentes publications relatives à ce sujet et de montrer comment les CBDs sont à l'avant-poste de la disparition de l'espace public et de son appropriation collective. A travers l'étude de ce que les propriétaires privés autorisent et interdisent, mais également à travers les "ambiances" qu'ils créent ces espaces ne permettent plus une expérience démocratique de la ville ou un projet socio-spatial commun. L'essai photographique rend compte de l'extension de ces projets dans les principales "villes mondiales" mais montre également des exemples de CBDisation dans des villes secondaires, en particulier en Europe. Il illustrent comment les paysages construits dans les centres urbains de la mondialisation contemporaine sont devenus un standard pour la conception des villes, y compris des villes moyennes situées en périphéries des dynamiques du capitalisme globalisé. Ainsi, les photographies montrent à la fois la reconstruction identitaire des principaux centres urbains autour des formes urbaines propres aux CBDs et comment certains traits distinctifs de ce CBD contemporain, comme l'architecture iconique et les tours sont instrumentalisés par ces centres urbains secondaires ou mineurs pour transmettre une image de dynamisme urbain. Ce faisant, ces traits distinctifs agissent comme des normes culturelles puissantes pesant sur l'actuelle production de l'environnement urbain.

Anotācija Izstrādātajā promocijas darbā "Klases audzinātāja darbība pusaudža pašaudzināšanas sekmēšanā" pētīta aktuāla problēma – pusaudžu pašaudzināšana kā savas attīstības vadība. Promocijas darba teorētiskais komponents veidojās, analizējot 18., 19., 20.gs. Eiropas filozofu, pedagogu, psihologu darbus un audzināšanas praksi, atklājot sakarību starp audzināšanu un pašaudzināšanu, kura pārbaudīta eksperimentāli. Konstatējošais eksperiments deva iespēju izzināt sakarības pusaudžu fiziskajā un intelektuālajā attīstībā. Pētījumā izdevās noskaidrot, ka pastāv sakarība starp straujām svara un garuma izmaiņām un sekmēm mācībās. Sociometriskā aptauja un tās rezultāti deva iespēju grupēt pusaudžus absolūtajos līderos, līderu grupā, aktīvajos izpildītājos, pasīvajos līdzdalībniekos, atstumtajos. Atklājās, ka līderpozīcijas klasē ieņem pusaudži ar līdzsvarotu fizisko un intelektuālo attīstību. Lai formulētu sakarību, vajadzīgs ļoti liels pētījums, tāpēc var runāt tikai par sakarības pazīmēm. Konstatējošais eksperiments atklāja, ka, no vienas puses, pusaudži nepilnīgi apzinās savas attīstības saturu un līmeni un, no otras puses, ka skolotāji, īpaši klases audzinātāji, nepietiekami virza skolēnus sevis izzināšanai un mērķtiecīgai pašaudzināšanai, netiek nodrošināta audzināšanas darba pēctecība. Tas deva iespēju projektēt veidojošo eksperimentu divos posmos. Lai mainītu reālās audzināšanas praksi, pirmajam posmam tika izvirzīts mērķis – izveidot pusaudžu pašaudzināšanas programmu un uzsākt tās īstenošanu sadarbībā ar klases audzinātāju. Otrajam posmam tika izvirzīts mērķis – noskaidrot attieksmi pret sadarbību un organizēt sadarbības pilnveidošanu klases audzinātāja vadībā: pusaudzis – vecāki – skolotāji. Pašaudzināšanas satura pamatkomponente – attieksme pret sevi, citiem, mācībām - veidojas mijsakarībā ar pašaudzināšanas prasmēm. Attieksmju attīstība pusaudžiem ir tas vienojošais komponents, kas veselumā saista audzināšanu un pašaudzināšanu, jo audzināšanas darba rezultāts - ir pusaudža attieksmju, t.i., viņa vērtību sistēmas veidošanās. Skolai demokratizējoties, pusaudžu savstarpējā un pusaudžu  pieaugušo līdztiesīga, aktīva pedagoģiska sadarbība kļūst objektīvi nosacīta nepieciešamība, kurā audzināšana/pašaudzināšana ir vienots process; un sadarbība pusaudzis  pieaugušais pusaudzim kļūst par vērtību, ja audzināšanas/pašaudzināšanas rezultātā mainās attieksme pret sevi, citiem cilvēkiem, mācībām. Promocijas darba apjoms ir 181 lpp., analīzē izmantoti 186 avoti, kuri apkopoti literatūras sarakstā. Saturs ilustrēts 44 attēlos un 57 tabulās. ; Annotation The elaborated promotion work "Class teacher's action in promotion of teenager's self-education" investigated very topical problem – self-education of teenagers as the management of one's own development. The theoretical component of promotion work was created through the analysis of works of the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries European philosophers, pedagogues and psychologists and their educational practice, revealing the connections between education and self-education which was tested experimentally. Fixing experiment allowed recognize the connections between the intellectual and physical development. It was possible to clarify during the research that there exists connection between rapid weight and length changes and academic achievements. Sociometric inquiry and its results allowed to group teenagers: absolute leaders, group of leaders, active performers, passive participants, castaways. The leader positions in the class are occupied by the teenagers with balanced physical and intellectual development. There is the necessity in wider investigation in order to formulate the connections therefore we can speak only about the indications of connections. The fixing experiment revealed that, from one side, teenagers partially are conscious of their development content and level, and, from the other side, that teachers, especially class teachers, insufficiently direct the students to self-cognition and purposeful self-education. There is no succession of educational work. It allowed design the forming experiment in two stages. In order to change the real educational practice, the first stage target was the following – to create the self-educational program for teenagers and to start its realization in cooperation with class teacher. The second stage target – to clarify the attitude towards cooperation and organize the improvement of cooperation under the supervision of class teacher: teenager – parents – teachers. Basic component of self-educational content – attitudes to oneself, other, studies – is forming in inter-connection with self-educational skills. Development of attitudes for teenagers is uniting component which in the whole joins education and self-education, as the result is common – teenager attitudes, i.e., his values as the basic component of attitudes. As the school becomes more democratic, the mutual cooperation between teenagers and equal, active pedagogical cooperation between teenagers  adults becomes objective necessity where education/self-education is united process; and cooperation (Teenager  Adult) becomes a value for the teenager in self-education if as the result of education/selfeducation changes the attitude towards himself, other people and studies. The amount of promotion work is 181 pages, 186 sources summarized in the bibliography. The content includes 44 pictures and 57 tables.

Koncepcja "Wymiaru Północnego" jest projektem łączącym kraje członkowskie UE zarówno z państwami kandydującymi (Polska, Litwa, Łotwa, Estonia), jak i pozostającymi poza tą strukturą (Norwegia, Islandia). Inicjatywa ta stanowi wspólną platformę dla różnych polityk i instrumentów finansowych, łączących nawet te organizacje i inicjatywy z Europy Północnej, które nie są integralną częścią UE. Zaproponowanie przez Finlandię "Wymiaru Północnego" było odpowiedzią na brak strategii UE wobec Rosji. Inicjatywa ta dla Finlandii stanowi narzędzie za pomocą którego kraj ten próbuje promować i zabezpieczać swoje narodowe interesy. Wdrażanie tego projektu jest bardzo korzystne dla Finlandii jako bezpośredniego sąsiada Rosji i jedynego kraju członkowskiego UE graniczącego z Rosją. Relacje z Rosją stanowią najważniejszą część "Wymiaru Północnego" i mają na celu wzmocnienie polityki zagranicznej UE w Europie Północnej. Projekt ten ma duże znaczenie dla całej Europy, której zależy na stabilnej i demokratycznej Rosji. Dlatego koncepcja "Wymiaru Północnego" włączona została do Wspólnej strategii UE wobec Rosji, przyjętych przez UE w czerwcu 1999 roku. Wykonanie "Wymiaru Północnego" leży w interesie państw bałtyckich, włączonych do tego projektu w grudniu 1998 roku. "Wymiar Północny stanowi kolejną bardzo istotną płaszczyznę integracji Europy Bałtyckiej. Stabilna i bogata Rosja może być kluczem do pełnej integracji bałtyckiej. Kaliningrad ma szansę w ramach "Wymiaru Północnego" zostać regionem modelowym dla ścisłej i pełnej zaufania współpracy pomiędzy UE a Rosją. Polska pozytywnie przyjęła koncepcję "Wymiaru Północnego" i zadeklarowała gotowość aktywnej współpracy w ośmiu głównych obszarach. W interesie Polski leży prowadzeniem aktywnej polityki na tym obszarze, co sprzyja umocnieniu naszej pozycji w NATO jak i UE. Dla Polski ważne jest włączenie państw bałtyckich w orbitę wpływów europejskich i atlantyckich. Polska powinna stymulować rozwój infrastruktury na obszarze bałtyckim i promować intensyfikację współpracy transgranicznej, która jest ważnym instrumentem budowania zaufania pomiędzy społecznościami obszar ten zamieszkującymi. Szczególnie istotne dla naszego kraju było włączenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego do "Wymiaru Północnego" UE. Polska zainteresowana jest budowaniem w tym rejonie warunków dla trwałej stabilizacji i umacniania wzajemnego zaufania. "Wymiar Północny" przesuwa kierunek zainteresowania UE z basenu Morza Śródziemnego w kierunku Bałtyku i Morza Barentsa. Koncepcja "Wymiaru Północnego" stanowi jeden z istotnych elementów budowy Europy Regionów. ; The 'Northern Dimension' is a project linking EU member states both with candidate countries (Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) and countries remaining beyond EU structures (Norway, Iceland). This initiative is the common platform for policies and financial instruments for northern Europe linking even organisations and initiatives which are not an integral part of EU. - The 'Northern Dimension' proposed by Finland was a reaction to lack of EU strategy towards Russia. The initiative is for Finland an instrument, which the country tries to use for promoting and securing own interests. Implementation of the project is very beneficial for Finland, a direct neighbour of Russia and the only EU member state bordering with the country. - Relations with Russia are the crucial part of the 'Northern Dimension* and are to strengthen EU foreign policy in Northern Europe. - The project is of great importance to Europe as a whole, which would welcome a stable and democratic Russia. For this reason the 'Northern Dimension' was included into the common strategy towards Russia and adopted in June 1999. - Implementation of the 'Northern Dimension* is in the interest of Baltic countries, which joined the project in December 1998. The project provides another significant integration platform for Baltic Europe. A stable and rich Russia may be the key to full Baltic integration. - Kaliningrad has the opportunity to become, under the project, a model region for close and trustworthy co-operation between EU and Russia. - Poland accepted the 'Northern Dimension' concept and declared readiness to actively participate in 8 main sectors. An active policy approach in this area strengthens our position in NATO and in EU. For Poland it is important that Baltic countries come under European and Atlantic influence. Poland should stimulate development of infrastructure in the region and promote intensified cross border co-operation, which is and important instrument in building trust among the population inhabiting the area. - Inclusion of Kaliningrad District into the project is particularly important for our country as Poland is interested in developing an environment for solid mutual trust in the region. - The 'Northern Dimension' shifts the focus of EU from the Mediterranean towards the Baltic and Barents Sea. - The 'Northern Dimension' project is one of the crucial elements in building a Europe of regions. ; Marcin Polom

Das Idealbild der europäischen Stadt mit ihrer dicht gewachsenen Baustruktur und ihren öffentlichen Räumen steht als Synonym für 'Urbanität' und beeinflußt bis zum heutigen Tag das planerische Denken und Handeln. Eng verbunden damit tauchen immer wieder Assoziationen zu Agora und Forum auf, die als Archetypen des 'Öffentlichen' schlechthin, den Mythos einer sich dort artikulierenden und konstituierenden, idealen und demokratischen Stadtgesellschaft transportieren. Zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts stellt sich jedoch die Frage, ob sich die tradierten und erprobten Denkmodelle und Bilder des öffentlichen Raumes aufgrund der rasanten gesellschaftlichen und informationstechnologischen Veränderungen, überlebt haben. Haben die typischen Ideen von Stadt, die auf dem öffentlichen Raum beruhen nur noch rein symbolische Bedeutung? Verlagern sie sich mehr und mehr in den virtuellen Raum? 'Die Stadt der kurzen Wege' mit ihrer räumlichen Mischung ist als 'Marktplatz' für den Austausch von Informationen und Waren nicht mehr in der bekannten Weise relevant und gesellschaftlich bestimmend. Die Stadt als einheitliches und homogenes Gebilde existiert nicht mehr. Stattdessen ist sie durch Fragmentierung und Zersplitterung gekennzeichnet, wie u.a. die Diagnosen von Touraine ['Die Stadt - ein überholter Entwurf', 1996], Koolhaas ['Generic City', 1997], Sieverts ['Die Zwischenstadt', 1999] und Augé ['Orte und Nicht-Orte', 1998] zeigen. Synchron dazu entstehen mit dem Cyberspace oder 'Virtual Cities' [Rötzer, 1997] neue Formen von öffentlichem Raum und Öffentlichkeit - Parallelräume zur realen Welt. Welche Auswirkungen diese neuen Räume auf das Leben der Menschen und die Stadt haben werden, kann noch nicht abgesehen werden. In der realen Welt werden die Planungsspielräume der Kommunen immer kleiner; die Wechselwirkungen, die u.a. durch Globalisierung, Privatisierung und Deregulierung öffentlicher Aufgaben ausgelöst werden, immer komplexer. Neben den international zu beobachtenden Entwicklungen [Shopping-Mall, New Urbanism, Gated Community], die sich länderübergreifend in leicht abgewandelten Varianten durchzusetzen scheinen, üben auch soziokulturelle Gesellschaftstrends großen Einfluß auf den öffentlichen Raum aus. Der öffentliche Raum als Bindeglied zwischen dem 'Öffentlichen' und dem 'Privaten' ist zunehmend dem Druck der 'Erlebnis- und Konsumgesellschaft' ausgesetzt und kann deshalb seine gesamtgesellschaftliche Funktion für die Stadt nur noch eingeschränkt wahrnehmen. Die individualisierte und mobile Gesellschaft mit ihren gewandelten und diversifizierten Lebensentwürfen und Wertvorstellungen stellt das tradierte Verständnis des öffentlichen Raums zusätzlich in Frage. Das Bild des öffentlichen Raumes als ein Bereich der Gesellschaft des 21. Jahrhunderts kann nicht mehr mit einem mythisierenden Agora-Begriff begegnet werden. Neue Wege und eine Überprüfung der aktuellen Entwicklungen sind dafür unerlässlich. Gleichzeitig müssen jedoch auch die geschichtlichen Gegebenheiten berücksichtigt werden, um aus ihnen zu lernen. ; The ideal of the 'European City' with its dense organic urban structure and its coherent network of public spaces stands as the prototype of urbanity and still influences planning theory and practice strongly. The tropes of the agora or the forum often appear as the archetypes of 'the public' proper and together they signify the myth of an ideal and democratic urban society which is constituted and articulated in them. At the beginning of the 21st century, however, the question evolves, if the traditional and entrenched models of public space are still adequate against the background of a rapidly changing society, in the so called information age. Are the typical ideas and notions of the 'city' which are based to a large degree on the perception of its public spaces only of a symbolic significance? Are meaningful public spaces gradually replaced by virtual spaces like chat rooms and online forums? The compact city, the city of the short distances with its dense variety of mixed land uses isn't any longer the sole 'market place' for the exchange of goods and information. The city as a coherent and homogeneous constructum does no longer exist except as a very powerful and persistent myth. Instead the city is characterised by fragmentation and splintering urbanisation as the diagnoses of Touraine ['The City – An Antiquated Bluepint', 1996], Koolhaas ['Generic City', 1997], Sieverts ['City Without Cities', 1999], and Augé ['Non-Places', 1998] show. At the same time, with the Cyberspace or 'Virtual Cities' [Roetzer, 1997] new forms of public spaces and the public sphere are evolving – parallel spaces to the material world. Which effects these new spaces will have on the life of man and the city, cannot be foreseen yet. In the material world the leeway of municipal planners becomes ever smaller; the complex socio-economic interdependencies, which are triggered by globalization, privatisation and deregulation of public tasks, become ever more complex. Beside comparable international phenomena such as proliferating shopping malls, new urbanism, gated communities, which are taking place all over the world in a similar fashion, also society-immanent socio-cultural trends are of crucial importance for public space. Public space as link between the realms of the 'private' and the 'public' is also increasingly under pressure of the 'event and consumer society' and therefore is can only fulfil its functions for the society as a whole in a reduced manner. Furthermore, the highly individualized and mobile society with its changing and diversifying life scripts and value conceptions questions the traditional notion of the public. The image of public space as an area for the society of the 21st Century can no longer be met with a mystifying Agora concept. A new fresh view and an examination of the current developments are essential for the future treatment of public space. At the same time, however, also the historical conditions need to be examined in order to obtain a clear view on the past in order to learn for the future.

Book reviewed in this article:FEDERALISM & RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT: The Australian Case. Peter Drysdale and Hirofumi Shibata (Eds.).SERPENT'S TOOTH: AN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL NOVEL. By Roger Milliss.POOR NATION OF THE PACIFIC‐AUSTRALIA'S FUTURE? Papers read at the 50th National Conference of the Australian Institute of Political Science. Edited by Jocelynne A. ScuttCLASS CONSCIOUSNESS IN AUSTRALIA. By Chris Chamberlain.BRITAIN, THE AUSTRALIAN COLONIES, AND THE SUDAN CAMPAIGNS OF 1884–85. By Malcolm Saunders.POZIÈRES 1916—AUSTRALIANS ON THE SOMME. By Peter Charlton.THE WHITLAM GOVERNMENT 1972–1975. By Gough Whitlam.FREDERIC EGGLESTON: AN INTELLECTUAL IN AUSTRALIAN POLITICS. By Warren Osmond.THE WORKING CLASS AND WELFARE. Reflections on the Political Development of the Welfare State in Australia and New Zealand, 1890–1980. By Francis G. Castles.CONFESSIONS OF A NEW BOY. By Donald Horne.THE ANZAC CONNECTION. Edited by Desmond Ball.PRISONERS OF WAR: AUSTRALIANS UNDER NIPPON. By Hank Nelson.THE BJELKE‐PETERSEN PREMIERSHIP 1968–1983: ISSUES IN PUBLIC POLICY. Edited by Allan Patience.ARGUING THE ARTS: The Funding of the Arts in Australia. By Tim Rowse.BRITAIN, AMERICA AND THE SINEWS OF WAR, 1914–1918. By Kathleen Burk.THE PACIFIC WAR. By John Costello.YOUTH IN CHINA. By Beverley Hooper.CHINA AT THE CENTER, 300 YEARS OF FOREIGN POLICY. By Mark Mancall.POPULIST NATIONALISM IN PREWAR JAPAN: A Biography of Nakano Seigō. By Leslie Russell Oates.VIETNAM, A REPORTER'S WAR. By Hugh LunnNATION‐BUILDING IN MALAYSIA, 1964–1974. By James P. OngkiliTHE MURDEROUS REVOLUTION: LIFE & DEATH IN POL POT'S KAMPUCHEA. By Martin Stuart‐Fox and Bunheang Ung.LA BIRMANIE OU LA QUÊTE DE L'UNITÉ. Le problème de la cohésion nalionalc dans la Birmanie contemporaine el sa perspective historique. By Pierre Fistié.PUBLIC POLICY AND POLICY ANALYSIS IN INDIA. By R.S. Ganapthy, S.R. Ganesh, Rushikesh M. Maru, Samuel Paul, and Ram Mohan RaoSTATE AND SOCIETY IN CONTEMPORARY BRITAIN: A CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. Edited by Gregor McLellan, David Held and Stuart Hall.THE SCAREMONGERS: THE ADVOCACY OF WAR AND REARMAMENT 1896–1914. By A. J. A. Morris.BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY IN THE AGE OF WALPOLE. By Jeremy Black.BRITISH PARLIAMENTARY PARTIES, 1742–1832: From the Fall of Walpole to the First Reform Act. By B. W. Hill.IRELAND: A POSITIVE PROPOSAL. By Kevin Boyle and Tom Hadden.COLONIAL ULSTER: THE SETTLEMENT OF EAST ULSTER 1600–1641. By Raymond Gillespie.POLITICS AND RURAL SOCIETY. THE SOUTHERN MASSIF CENTRAL c. 1750–1880. By P. M. Jones.THE WORKING CLASS IN WEIMAR GERMANY: A Psychological and Sociological Study. By Erich Fromm.THE PEOPLE'S REFORMATION: MAGISTRATES, CLERGY, AND COMMONS IN STRASBOURG, 1500–1598. By Lorna Jane Abray.THE ALTERNATIVE CULTURE: Socialist Labour in Imperial Germany. By Vernon L. Litdke.POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN SOVIET UKRAINE, 1953–1980. By Borys Lewytzkyj.THE STALINIST LEGACY. Edited by Toriq Ali.LEBANON: THE FRACTURED COUNTRY. By David Gilmour.CAPITAL, LABOUR AND THE MIDDLE CLASSES. By Nicholas Abercrombie and John Urry.COMMUNISM AND DEVELOPMENT. By Robert Bideleux.ROOM FOR MANOEUVRE. An Exploration of Public Policy in Agriculture and Rural Development. Edited by E. J. Clay and B. B. Schaffer.THE COURT SOCIETY. By Norbert Elias. Trans. E. Jephcott.PERSPECTIVES ON ORGANISATIONAL CHANGE: LESSONS FROM EDUCATION. Edited by Murray Frazer, Jeffrey Dunstan and Philip Creed.POLITICAL SCIENCE: THE STATE OF THE DISCIPLINE. Edited by Ada W. Finifter.DEMOCRATIC ENTERPRISE: A Policy Proposal for the Labour Movement. By R. G. B. Fyffe.RELIGION AND SOCIETY IN EARLY MODERN EUROPE, 1500–1800. Edited by Kaspar von Greyerz for the German Historical Institute.THE DEMOCRATIC ECONOMY. A NEW LOOK AT PLANNING, MARKETS AND POWER. By Geoff HodgsonTHE BRITISH MARXIST HISTORIANS: an Introductory Analysis. By Harvey J. Kaye.FROM MARX TO LENIN. An Evaluation of Marx's Responsibility for Soviet Authoritarianism. By David W. Lovell.HAROLD D. LASSWELL AND THE STUDY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. By Derek McDougall.ARISTOCRACY. By Jonathon Powis.EDUCATE, AGITATE, ORGANISE. 100 YEARS OF FABIAN SOCIALISM. By Patricia Pugh.NEW DIRECTIONS IN EUROPEAN HISTORIOGRAPHY. Revised edition. By George G. Iggers.PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY: Essays on the Historiography of Philosophy. Edited by Richard Rorty, J. B. Schneewind, and Quentin Skinner.INCOMES AND POLICY. By Ian ManningDISORGANISED CAPITALISM. By Clans Offe.THIRD PARTIES IN AMERICA: CITIZEN RESPONSE TO MAJOR PARTY FAILURE. By Steven J. Rosenstone, Roy L. Behr, Edward H. Lazarus.HUNGER AND HISTORY. By R. I. Rotberg and T. K. Rabb (eds).LANGUAGE AND POLITICS. Edited by Michael Shapiro.MEN AND CITIZENS: A STUDY OF ROUSSEAU'S SOCIAL THEORY. By Judith N. Shklar.NEW NATIONALISMS OF THE DEVELOPED WEST: TOWARDS EXPLANATION. Edited by Edward A. Tiryakian and Ronald Rogowski.FIRST AMONG EQUALS: Prime Ministers in Westminster Systems. By Patrick Weller.

The focus of this paper is on the institutions outside the executive branch that include supreme audit institutions, legislative oversight bodies (such as parliamentary public accounts and budget committees, and ombudsmen), related independent bodies, and civil society organizations. Through their support for accountability, donor countries and international financial institutions seek to help countries: promote voice and accountability as an intrinsic human right, and improve development outcomes in terms of poverty reduction, sustainable development. The report is organized as: first, provide a brief literature review of research on accountability, and how donors and other actors can work to improve it, including a review of the experience of other bilateral and multilateral donors in supporting domestic accountability through their policies, strategies, and behaviors as well as through direct support to accountability actors and systems. Second, briefly review the guidance prepared for Bank staff toward enhancing accountability. Third, review some examples of the Bank's experience in supporting domestic accountability. Finally, we present some conclusions and accountability-related questions for further analysis.

On August 20, Guatemala's anti-corruption candidate Bernardo Arévalo of the center-left Movimiento Semilla party won a resounding victory against establishment favorite Sandra Torres of the National Unity of Hope party (Unidad Nacional para la Esperanza) in the presidential run-off. Arévalo secured a 58 percent to 37 percent victory over Torres, obtaining the majority of votes in 17 of the Central American country's 22 departments, including a number of rural and indigenous communities. The new president is expected to take office on January 14.Arévalo's unexpected rise and landslide victory were a strong repudiation of the corrupt and entrenched interests that have ruled the country for decades. His triumph is a major triumph for Guatemala's democracy and offers an opportunity to tackle widespread corruption and restore the rule of law. The vote in Central America's most populous nation also marks an important victory against the wave of authoritarianism that has swept the region in recent years.The road ahead, however, will be rough. The country's political establishment appears set on using everything in its arsenal to disqualify Semilla and annul Arevalo's victory to maintain their grip on power.Challenging Road to TransitionOn August 28, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal certified Bernardo Arévalo's victory proclaiming him Guatemala's next president, and the outgoing president, Alejandro Giammattei promised an orderly and transparent transition of power. But an orderly transition remains far from certain as Semilla and Arévalo continue to face a wave of legal battles in attempts to block his rise to power.Despite Arévalo's resounding victory, the country's attorney general, Consuelo Porras, who was named to a second term by Giammattei and has been the subject of U.S. sanctions due to corrupt and undemocratic activities, is determined to push ahead with spurious cases against Semilla and election officials. Following the presidential run-off, her office also requested that charges be brought against election officials and has demanded the list of election workers.The threats do not stop there. Hours before the August 28 certification of results, the electoral registry, under mounting threats of prosecution, suspended Semilla pending further investigation, in violation of court orders that ostensibly protected the party until October 31, when the electoral process officially ends. Two days later, the leadership in Congress, led by the governing party, stripped Semilla's legislators of their party status; the move bars the party's current and incoming lawmakers from serving on committees or as part of the leadership. Given several credible threats to their lives, including two assassination plots, one involving state actors, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights issued a resolution calling for protective measures on behalf of Arévalo and his running mate, Karin Herrera. The resolution also noted repeated threats presumably coming from individuals linked to the attorney general's office.Porras has not commented on the assassination plots but, instead, unsuccessfully filed a motion before the Constitutional Court asking for protection measures of her own and denouncing posts on social media calling for her resignation, including from journalists.At the same time, Arevalo's rival, Sandra Torres, has refused to concede, and has filed a complaint alleging fraud in the vote count. However, the electoral observation missions of the Organization of American States and the European Union have validated the results, and several countries, including the United States, have recognized Arévalo's victory.Post Inauguration ChallengesPresuming the establishment's efforts fail and Arévalo can assume office on January 14, he will face steep challenges.He will confront a strong opposition in Congress dominated by clientelist and hardline right-wing parties. Semilla obtained 23 out of 160 seats. If the establishment succeeds in permanently suspending Semilla's legal standing, Arévalo will be left without a party bloc in Congress to help advance his legislative agenda.Moreover, the establishment will continue to exercise power through the courts and the public prosecutor's office, both of which have been stacked with its allies. By law, Porras, the attorney general, will remain in office until 2026 and will likely remain hostile to the incoming administration. Those who have profited from the status quo will fight him tooth and nail.Despite these challenges, there are reasons to be hopeful. Arévalo and Semilla are genuinely committed to democratic values and tackling systemic corruption. The path forward will require careful collaboration and agreements with other sectors, including members of the private sector who share their goals and are open to supporting needed reforms, as well as with civil society.Addressing the country's deep inequalities will require working with indigenous organizations and leaders and ensuring they have a seat at the table. Arévalo will also need to rely on the support of the international community. More important, he enjoys the support of an important segment of the citizenry that is eager for change and a better future. Managing their expectations will be critical to his success.US PolicyTwo years ago, the Biden administration launched a five-point, $400-million strategy to tackle the underlying causes of irregular migration from the region, but Central American governments have been reluctant to cooperate. The independent journalists, civil society activists, and other independent actors the U.S. has supported through the strategy have been the target of attacks, threats, and spurious charges by the region's governments, forcing many into exile. The Biden administration's relationship with the Giammattei government has been difficult as, at times, it has felt the need to cooperate on immigration enforcement matters, while, at others, it has sanctioned Guatemalan public officials due to corruption concerns.Arévalo's victory opens up new possibilities for the Biden administration. The president-elect understands the deep ties between both countries and is keen on developing a shared agenda with the United States. The U.S. is Guatemala's most important economic partner, and an estimated 20 percent of the country's GDP comes from remittances.He has vowed to improve basic services — education, health, access to water, and infrastructure — as well as to purge state institutions coopted by corrupt interests. He has promised to focus development efforts on the rural areas that have been most abandoned by the government. Almost half of Guatemalans live in poverty, and that rate rises to 80 percent among indigenous peoples, who make up over 40 percent of the country's 14.9 million people. Child malnutrition is one of the highest in the world, with nearly half of children under five suffering from chronic malnutrition, 58 percent among indigenous children.The Biden administration is likely to continue pressing for border enforcement cooperation, an issue that Arévalo seems to acknowledge and has signaled an openness to working on with the U.S. government.The Biden administration should view Arévalo's victory as an opportunity to revamp its Central America Root Causes Strategy and offer its political, technical, and financial support to help him succeed. First, it must continue to work with other countries in the OAS Permanent Council to exert pressure on the current Guatemalan authorities, as it did after the first round in the elections in June, to ensure that the will of the Guatemalan people is respected and that Arévalo is able to assume office and carry out his democratic mandate.