Search results

Diffusion holds the key to both the mechanism of carbon emission and a solution to the problem of emission excesses. In essence, diffusion represents spatial dependence through connectivity between states and affects their policies or even regulations entailed in the framework of global governance. Even though it is of critical importance to climate governance in influencing trust and incentives for cooperation, diffusion has received limited attention from international relations analysts of climate change. Using spatial modeling and systemic international relations theories, we uncover that, on average, diffusion adversely affects other states' emission efficiency and that emission by states with competitive trading activity is a major source of the adverse diffusion. This result holds even if international and domestic countervailing factors are taken into account. An in-sample simulation analysis confirms that, for better climate governance, the adverse diffusion can be neutralized by a coalition of numerous trading states, rather than by a limited number of large states (e.g., G20).

States often pool their sovereignty, capacity and resources to provide regionally specific public goods, such as security or trade rules, and regional organisations play important roles in international relations as institutions that attempt to secure peace and contribute to achieving other similar global policy goals. We observe failures occurring in these arrangements and activities in two areas: substance and image. To analytically account for this, we distinguish four modes of substance and image change and link these to specific types of failure and (lack of) learning. To empirically ground and test our assumptions, we examine instances of image failure in ASEAN (political/security policy) and substantive policy failure in EU labour migration policy. In so doing, this article contributes to several different fields of study and concepts that have hitherto rarely engaged with one another: analyses of policy failure from public policy, and regional integration concerns from area studies and international relations. We conclude with suggestions for ways forward to further analyse and understand failures at the international and supranational levels.

Global health security involves developing the infrastructure and capacity to protect the health of people and societies worldwide. The acceleration of global travel and trade poses greater opportunities for infectious diseases to emerge and spread. The International Health Regulations (IHR) were adopted in 2005 with the intent of proactively developing public health systems that could react to the spread of infectious disease and provide better containment. Various challenges delayed adherence to the IHR. The Global Health Security Agenda came about as an international collaborative effort, working multilaterally among governments and across sectors, seeking to implement the IHR and develop the capacities to prevent, detect, and respond to public health emergencies of international concern. When examining the recent West African Ebola epidemic as a case study for global health security, both strengths and weaknesses in the public health response are evident. The central role of public health surveillance is a lesson reiterated by Ebola. Through further implementation of the Global Health Security Agenda, identified gaps in surveillance can be filled and global health security strengthened.

This article develops a poststructuralist critique of the historical sociology of International Relations project. While the historical sociology of International Relations project claims to offer a more nuanced understanding of the state and the international, this article argues that it lacks critical reflection on the notion of a common ground on which 'history' and 'sociology' can successfully be combined. In order to problematize this 'ground', the article turns to Jacques Derrida's critique of attempts to solve the history–structure dichotomy by finding a perfect combination of historicist and structuralist modes of explanation. Exploring the implications of Derrida's critique, the article considers how the combination of 'history' and 'sociology' can be linked to a sovereign politics of time, which reaffirms rather than challenges the limits of the 'modern' political present and its relationship to the past, as well as the future. In response, it is suggested that a more radical critique is needed, one that seeks to disrupt the 'modern' political present and the contingent ground on which it rests.

This article locates Lord Hewart CJ's well-known dictum 'justice must be seen to be done' in the context of early 20th century concerns with the composition of the League of Nations' Permanent Court of International Justice. These concerns related to perceptions of judicial independence but his remarks now sustain an impartiality analysis criticised both for its amorphous nature and for its failure to address the relational dimensions of public confidence and legitimacy. In the 21st century, the composition of the judicial bench is once again an issue of concern but the imperatives are those of democracy and accountability. From this perspective, the appearance of justice is best served by judges who are reflective of the community they are appointed to serve. The 'fair reflection principle' of judicial international standards brings renewed attention to the issue of the composition of the judicial bench, giving contemporary substance to Lord Hewart's remarks and illustrating further the dynamic connection between evolving national and international norms.

By using microeconomic policy instruments, a country attempts to increase their international economic competitiveness, among other things. This means supporting the competitiveness of domestic products on international markets (price and quality). However, this does not always work. The goal of this paper is to investigate how certain specific government measures influence regional competitiveness. For each instrument, the author is posing the research question, "Does this microeconomic policy instrument used by governments increase regional competitiveness?" Using research in international and Czech literature as a basis, the conclusions are made. ; Pomocí nástrojů mikroekonomické politiky se stát snaží mimo jiné zvýšit mezinárodní ekonomickou konkurenceschopnost země, to znamená podpořit konkurenceschopnost domácích produktů na zahraničních trzích (cena, kvalita). Ne vždy se mu to však daří. Cílem článku je zkoumat vliv některých konkrétních opatření státu na konkurenceschopnost regionů. Autorka si u každého nástroje klade výzkumnou otázku: "Zvyšuje tento nástroj mikroekonomické politiky státu konkurenceschopnost regionů?" ?" Na základě rešerše zahraniční i české literatury jsou učiněny závěry.

International audience ; This paper addresses the work of early critics of colonialism and Eurocentrism within Italian geography in the Age of Empire. At that time, a minority but rather influent group of Italian scholars, influenced by the international debates promoted by the anarchist geographers Reclus, Kropotkin and Mečnikov, fumed publicly at Italy's colonial ambitions in Africa. Their positions assumed, at least in the case of Arcangelo Ghisleri, the character of a radical critique of both political and cultural European hegemony. These approaches were linked to a similar critique of 'internal colonialism', both Austrian in the Italian-speaking regions of Trento and Trieste, and Piedmontese in Southern Italy. Based on primary sources, and drawing on the international literature on imperial geography and colonial and postcolonial sciences, this paper conjures up the Italian example to discuss how some European geographers of the Age of Empire were also early critics of racism, colonialism and chauvinism, and how these historical experiences can serve current debates on critical, radical and anarchist geographies.

Aux Comores, le droit maritime est une discipline qui, depuis longtemps, est restée dans le flou. Les textes internes qui étaient censés régir le droit maritime aux Comores étaient presque inconnus et difficilement trouvables. Ces textes hérités de la France, mériteraient d'être amendés ou remplacés par de nouvelles dispositions tenant compte des réalités et de normes internationales. A ce jour, le pays n'a adhéré à aucune des conventions internationales en vigueur régissant le droit maritime international. Il est en manque cruel de spécialistes en droit maritime, alors que les différends dans ce domaine ne cessent d'augmenter. Plusieurs zones d'ombre et de non-droit planent sur les questions relatives au droit maritime. en nous référant au droit français avec lequel le droit comorien entretient toujours d'étroites relations, cette thèse a pour objectif principal de revisiter le droit maritime comorien afin d'en déceler les lacunes et les originalités, dans la perspective de pouvoir proposer une réforme d'ensemble du droit maritime comorien

Reducing CO2 emissions from the shipping sector represent a challenge for the international community. The European Union has given a step forward with the adoption of Regulation 2015/757 establishing the obligation to all ships calling for an EU port to surrender detailed information regarding the CO2 emissions for the entire voyage. Such an obligation may raise issues of jurisdictional overreach of European Law when ships come from beyond a member State's EEZ, and will overlap with the IMO regulatory task pursuant the Kyoto Protocol Art. 2.2 mandate. The aim of this essay is firstly to assess the current policy options to address the shipping emissions conundrum, review the existing regulatory framework at the international and community level and see how international actors interact with each other in the policymaking process. Secondly, Regulation 2015/757 and its application problems will be assessed, especially the jurisdictional concerns, to conclude that the active legislative role of the EU is desirable towards encouraging the IMO to reach a global agreement on CO2 decisive reduction.

Since the end of World War II, the infamous structure-agent problem in studies of International Relations has perhaps never been as complicated and multi-dimensional as it is today. The popular phenomenon of the emerging middle powers (EMPs) has led to further conflicts—particularly in investigating the agent dimension. EMPs have also presented a new challenge to the conventional theoretical attempts. Employing a Bourdieusian understanding of structuration, this study aims to reveal the gap between theoretical expectations from and practical limitations of EMPs. The three chosen cases concern Turkey's increasing foreign assistance, its mediation in Iran's nuclear swap deal, and its involvement in the Syrian civil war. Selecting these cases has implications and affects projections for an EMP's policy-makers with regard to discourse and actions within a boundary that the structure has plotted to halt other agents' potential threats against the international system's functioning. The distinction between high-politics and low-politics is also highlighted here as an important factor that determines the limits and positioning of EMPs in the international order.

States often pool their sovereignty, capacity and resources to provide regionally specific public goods, such as security or trade rules, and regional organisations play important roles in international relations as institutions that attempt to secure peace and contribute to achieving other similar global policy goals. We observe failures occurring in these arrangements and activities in two areas: substance and image. To analytically account for this, we distinguish four modes of substance and image change and link these to specific types of failure and (lack of) learning. To empirically ground and test our assumptions, we examine instances of image failure in ASEAN (political/security policy) and substantive policy failure in EU labour migration policy. In so doing, this article contributes to several different fields of study and concepts that have hitherto rarely engaged with one another: analyses of policy failure from public policy, and regional integration concerns from area studies and international relations. We conclude with suggestions for ways forward to further analyse and understand failures at the international and supranational levels. ; Published version

This article develops a poststructuralist critique of the historical sociology of International Relations project. While the historical sociology of International Relations project claims to offer a more nuanced understanding of the state and the international, this article argues that it lacks critical reflection on the notion of a common ground on which 'history' and 'sociology' can successfully be combined. In order to problematize this 'ground', the article turns to Jacques Derrida's critique of attempts to solve the history–structure dichotomy by finding a perfect combination of historicist and structuralist modes of explanation. Exploring the implications of Derrida's critique, the article considers how the combination of 'history' and 'sociology' can be linked to a sovereign politics of time, which reaffirms rather than challenges the limits of the 'modern' political present and its relationship to the past, as well as the future. In response, it is suggested that a more radical critique is needed, one that seeks to disrupt the 'modern' political present and the contingent ground on which it rests.

While debate continues around the usefulness of the concept of Science Diplomacy, in practice international scientific relations are already facilitating diplomatic engagement, and diplomaticrelations are supporting international scientific engagement. This interaction takes place in the context of the current global knowledge structure where industrialised or developed states are the "producers" of knowledge, and developing states the "consumers". With science, technology and innovation integral to addressing transnational challenges, this article considers the expanding body of literature, which is primarily from developed states, highlighting the shortfall in understanding the role of developing states in science diplomacy. The article then considers developments in South Africa's science diplomacy, arguing that Pretoria demonstrates a two-track approach; one that reflects the state's pursuit of international recognition as a "producer" and exporter of knowledge at the centre of the global knowledge structure; and the second, where a shortfall in capacity and resources has increasingly seen the state as a "consumer" or importer of knowledge in meeting domestic priorities.

International audience ; La mondialisation a permis à certains pays peu scrupuleux de commercialiser leur souveraineté. Ces États mènent une politique du type "beggar-thy-neighbour", qui leur permet d'accueillir un certain nombre de sièges sociaux de multinationales après des négociations fiscales particulièrement intéressantes avec les gouvernements en place. Quelles sont leurs méthodes, les États coupables, les multinationales concernées, le coût pour le service public, la violence des inégalités, la nouvelle insécurité pour la santé internationale et la protection des citoyens ? Les paradis fiscaux menacent la démocratie. ; Globalization has enabled some unscrupulous countries to market their sovereignty. These states pursue a policy of the "beggar-thy-neighbour" type, which allows them to receive a number of multinational firms registered offices after particularly attractive financial tax negotiations with governments in place. What are their methods, the guilty States, the multinational firms concerned, the cost for public service, the violence of inequality, the new insecurity for international health and protection of citizen? Tax havens threat democracy.

Under Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) ; Reproductive rights are constructed through a gender-conscious reading of already recognized human rights. We argue that despite the increasingly strong recognition of reproductive rights in international human rights law by the treaty-monitoring bodies and international tribunals, the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights ("ECtHR" or "the Court") reflects a limited understanding of women's experiences, does not adequately challenge gender stereotypes, and often ignores reproductive rights dimensions in the standards it is setting, as well as the narratives it is creating. Our analysis of the Court's jurisprudence on abortion, home birth, non-consensual gynecological examinations, forced sterilizations, and assisted reproduction reveals that a woman's reproductive capacity continues to be her defining feature. Motherhood is seen as a woman's default life plan, her decisions regarding her body, health, and ultimately life, are perpetually under scrutiny and the contours of her agency subject to medical professionals' views, the legislators and the general public.