Suchergebnisse

Issue 39.3 of the Review for Religious, May 1980. ; REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS (ISSN 0034-639X), published bi-monthly (every two months), is edited in collaboration wilh faculty members of the Dbpartment of Theology of St. Louis University. The editorial offices are located at Room 428:3601 Lindell Blvd.: St. Louis, MO 63108. It is owned by the Missouri Province Educational Institute; St. Louis, MissQuri, © 1980. By REVIEW FOR REL~O~Ot~S. Composed. printed and manufactured in U.S.A. Second class postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri. Single copies: $2.00. Subscription'U.S.A.: $8.00 a year: $15.00 for two years. Other countries: $9.00 a year, $17.00 for two years. For subscription orders or change of address, write REVIEW FOR RF.L~CaOt~S: P.O. Box 6070: Duluth, Minnesota 55802. Daniel F. X. Meenan, S.J. Robert Williams, S.J. Dolores Greeley, R.S.M. Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Jean Read Editor. Associate Editor Associate Editor Questions and A nswers Editor Assistant Editor May, 1980 Volume 39 Number 3 Correspondence with the editor and the associate editors, manuscripts and books for review should be sent to REVlF.W FOrt RELIGIOUS; Room 428; 3601 Lindell Blvd.; St. Louis, MO 63108. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; Jesuit Community; St. Joseph's College; City Avenue at 54th Street; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19131. "Out of print" issues and articles not re-issued as reprints are available from University Microfilms International; 300 North Zeeb Road; Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106. A Check on Our Availability: The Examen George A. Aschenbrenner, S.J. Father Aschenbrenner is engaged in campus ministry, and at the same time, working nationally with priests and religious. He resides at Scranton University, Scranton, PA 18510. [n an earlier issue (January, 1972, "Consciousness Examen") I had written about a renewed understanding of the traditional lgnatian exercise of the daily examen. In that article I preferred to talk of an "examen of con-sciousness," because most of us had come to understand "conscience" in a narrowly moralistic sense. This had turned the examen into a fairly negative practice, soon discarded when we got into the typically busy apostolic life. To set aside specific time each day to see what we did wrong was not very much help. Nor did the practice enrich our apostolate much, because it gradually turned God into Someone always catching us .doing something wrong--and thus we wrought havoc on our self-esteem. A good sense of self-value, an ef-fective apostolate, and our image of God are always intimately connected. A Positive~ Understanding of the Examen .~: The formal examen should rather be a time of prayer about how much God has loved me in the yery existential details of my day, and how he could have loved me more in certain situations if my inner spiritual decisiveness and external presence had been a bit different. This is not just a different articula-tion of the meaning of the examen. Rather, it leads to an enormous difference attitudinally and effectively. A healthy self-esteem has to be ultimately and ir-revocably rooted in our Father's love, climaxed in his victory in Jesus. This neither excessively highlights, nor denies, my daily sinful weakness. Rather it leads to a consoling humiliation, found in a Father's forgiveness that is con- 321 :322 / Review for Religious, V~olume 39, 1980/3 stantly available in Jesus as my personal savior. In this way, the daily effect of my sinful condition is not to tear down self-worth, but to build up true apostolic humility, which itself is the source of genuine self-esteem. This positive understanding of the examen helps avoid another fallacy. Many times the full, rich prayer of the consciousness examen shrinks into a quick, superficial reflection over the day, and the five traditional elements of the examen thus collapse into the third element by itself--a general survey of the day's activities. The formal examen, however, was never intended to be just a quick thinking-over of the day. It is supposed to be prayer--and that within a fairly specific form, one related to the daily contemplation but not identical with it. And if the examen is to be chiefly about God's love for me, then gratitude should play a major affective role. Of course, it is the gratitude of a sinner who is at peace with the nothing he can do on his own, because he is still wonderfully learning how our Father's love turns everything to good--even his own sinfulness. The Examen Is Essential to Availability In the conclusion of his letter to the Society. of Jesus on "apostolic availabi_lity," Father General Pedro Arrupe made thi~ statement: To become partly immobile through lack of availability on the part of individuals and the consequent fear of superiors to give them the missions called for by our apostolate today, would constitute a most serious threat to the very existence of our vocation . lgnatian availability is the guarantee and the conditio sine qua non of our practice, which leads to salvation, and alone is of interest to the Society and the Church. A strong claim! My central point here is that the daily examen is the primary means to maintain this disposition of Ignatian and, indeed, of all apostolic availability. Even so, why should a brief period of prayer assume such great impor-tance? This leads us to another insight often neglected in the past. The formal examen-prayer, with its five elements, (usually) lasting about a quarter-hour, is always a means to the informal examen, which is a special faith-sensitivity that is with one all through the day. Often in our early years, we have turned the formal examen-prayer into an end-in-itself, giving to it a rigid fidelity that corrupted its significance. Of course it would be illusory to imagine that we can grow into living the informal examen=sensitivity without the early development of habitual practice of the formal examen and a con-tinuing adaptation of our involvement with this type of daily prayer. Through the informal examen, a person acquires a special ability for discerning (or examining) "presence" in everything. For Ignatius, this quality-presence was more important and extensive than the formal examen-prayer, inasmuch as this presence helps the person to recognize ,the grace of apostolic availability and flexibility that is being'offered in every situation. Apostolic availability is a profound faith-experience that roots one's iden-tity and security in God's love. When a person's security is too rooted in a job The Check on Our A vailability: The Examen / 323 or a place, or even a certain reputation, there results a stubborn rigidity that undermines his availability, just as availability canequally be undermined by a disordered need for change and variety--as when a person is so superficially committed that he really doesn't care whether he's changed or where he's assigned. In that same letter, Father Arrupe pointed up some of the challenges for what we have termed apostolic availability that are especially present in the new directions, institutional involvements and types of service that are re-quired in the modern world. What is fundamental; though, is that availability ¯ is primarilya readiness and sensitivity of heart, not simply a changing of job and/or place. In the heart of a person serving for many years.in the same mis-sion there can be an availability that is very apostolic and invigorating~--and often more difficult than the "availability" that leads to a new assignment. Apostolic availability and genuine perseverance in the same task orplace can never be opposed. In the formal examen, we hold up our day to be seen against the light of God's love. Sometimes this will be more instructive for us than was the experience itself., We may appreciate what we didn't even see in the actual experien.ce. At other times, we can savor the depths implicit in our sensitivity in the actual experience of the day. The continuing informal examen makes us sen-sitive in every situation to a Father's love that is always available, makes us ready to respond in filial 10ve to the Father's desire, as Jesus was--especially on Calvary. At such a point of insight, we see how often our cowardice or disordered desires reveal us to be persons of the "Second Class" (Spiritual Exercises, 154), who seek to make God come to what we desire. This is precisely backwards: consolation and greater apostolic service are to be found in our coming to what God desires. The sensitivity of apostolic availability distinguishes the heart ofa person of the "Third Class" from one of the "Second Class." The difference can become very subtle in one's interior af-fective life, but what~is always at issue is nothing less than better service for the justice of God's kingdom. Availability and Discernment In our sinful human condition, apostolic availability does not at all come naturally to us, but often is born of our decisive dealing with desolation in ac-cordance with the principles of Ignatian discernment. The seven capit.al sins, as inner affective experiences (.before we intentionally act on them), are each a type of desolate violence endemic to our sinful condition. They infringe on, and restrict the freedom of our availability. In decisively going against this desolate violence (see Exercises319), we become interiorly available to God's loving and consoling attractiveness, which a!ways frees us for whatever his Heart desires of us now. In this way, Jesus' own decisive availability to his 324 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 Father, in service to our world, is gradually born in our affectivity through our careful living, with all the subtlety of discernment, in the face of our inner, desolate violence. The daily examen is the most practical and regularmeans to practice, this discernment for availability. Our particular examen could then focus on the flaw or weakness that now is most keeping us from this fuller apostolic availability. What is that flaw or weakness? It is not so much something that we decide on, but rather what God will reveal: to us in his loving concern that all of us should belong to him ~ver more totally. By responding to his call through the particular examen, and directing our attention and effort primarily against that flaw or weakness, we are allowing ourselves to be drawn more into the apostolic availability of Jesus where he and we best find the Father. The Examen: An Action-Reflection Model Apostolic renewal is not simply being able to get more done. Apostolic ac-tivity is not measured simply in quantity, but must respond to the dictates of a wise sensitivity in the zealous lover of God. A certain degree of.reflectivity is essential to the growth of this sensitivity. Although in the beginning this reflectivity may seem labored and artificial, as one matures in the Spirit it becomes more integrated, less obvious, and part of the "presence" one has everywhere. There is much talk about various action-reflection models to help renew our apostolic presence, and, indeed, some such model can be an essential instrument and method for apostoli~ religious formation from the novitiate onward. I suggest that the examen is precisely such an action-reflection instru-ment, one that is built right into our daily life, and capable of fostering apostolic availability as a whole way of life open to service to the needs of our world for God's greater glory. In these models, we reflect on our experience, hoping that the reflection will lead us to better quality in our apostolic efforts. Hence the reflection is never for itself, nor directed to a self-centered sanctification, Often in the past, the examen did not have an hpostolic orientation, ~but tended to a suf-focating introspection. As we mature in outpractice Of the examen, the separate steps of action-reflection-action integrate into a sensitivity of presence in the activity that makes us available in everything for the call of our Father's love, in whatever way he desires for his greater glory in our world. Just as the routine and regularity of the daily order help to keep the con-templative monk attuned to God, so the examen can keep the apostolic religious, who is both active and contemplative, a~ttuned to God's love, and allow us, mortified by apostolic availability, to find in everything of this world a son's filial, loving service of his Father. Missionary Prayer and the Problem of Inculturation Carl F. Stark/off,' S.J.~ Father Starkloff's last article in our pages, "Oppression, Death and Liberation: Thoughts in a Context," appeared in the issue of November, 1978. He continues as superior and director of St. Stephens Indian Mission; P.O. Box 294; St. Stephens, WY 82524. The', title of the recently published National CatecheticalDirectory--Sharing The Light of Faiths'is more provocative than one might think upon first sight, if one reads it as a missionary statement. It can be interpreted in the light of a eatechesis that is meant tO instruct Catholics in the faith handed on through baptism. But if we examine those places in the DireCtory that dis'cuss the relationship between faith and culture,' we may be sufficiently disturbed to make us probe more deeply the rfieaning of what it is to share our faith. To speak of the missionary apostolate brings to mind the turbulent history of the exegesis of the so-called "Great Commission" in Matthew 28:18-20, which is placed on the lips of the risen Christ as he sends forth his joyous (though not yet spiritually rejuvenated) disciples to teach all nations about the source of their joy. This gospel mandate began a missionary enterprise that sent preachers of the Good News throughout the known world and outward to the barbarians of northern Europe, the East and to the far-off British Isles. J. Verkuyl points out that the early reformers, probably because of their sense of urgency to establish their movement among European Christians, wanted (mistakenly) to restrict Jesus' mandate to the time of the Apostolic Age.2 The ~ Sharing the Light of Faith: National Catechetical Directory for Catholics of the I~lnited States (Washington: United States Catholic Conference, 1979). See especially pp. 7-16; 85-98; 116-119. 2 j. Verkuyl, Contemporary Missiology: An Introduction, tr. Dale Cooper (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1978), pp. 18-19. 325 326 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 nineteenth century, however, witnessed phenomenal growth in mission activi-ty among all Christian denominations, and the confident expansionist attitudes of the period endured up to the mid-point of, our own century. Today, however, there is a widespread "malaise" among missionaries, as Walbert Buhlmann puts it, though he is careful to note that such a condition is one environment that can nurture hope.~ In any case, there is a c'risis of confidence in the Church's self-image as a "sent" community, and the crisis extends back from the mission frontiers into families and communities, and into individual souls, as Christians question their right and duty to "spread the Gospel." This is a cultural and theological crisis that offers promise of much growth in understanding of the relationship between faith-proclamation and cultural sharing, or, to view it from the dark side, between preaching the Good News and cultural imperialism. A great quantity of material is flowing, from the pens of missiologists about this prob-lem, and there are various theories dealing with the faith-culture question. I have shared in this effort elsewhere. This article, however, is an attempt at a "spirituality" that might further an experiential approach to faith and culture as it is rooted in the life of prayer. Fundamentally, prayer is at the root of this crisis that touches catechesis in the "established" Church, and ,even touches relationships between parents and children. Chesterton wrote somewhere that to deny the right of parents to teach religion to their children is to deny them the right to teach them anything. If our prayer lacks conviction, we are easy prey to dp~bts about this right and duty. In this article, I do not intend to discuss whether there should be missions; I happen to believe there should be. Nor do I intend to take up the much-debated question of a "moratorium on missions"; 1 happen to believe that missions are part and parcel of Christianity. That "mission" should be done differently, with consideration of mutual'resources and values between the missionary and the local culture is beyond iluestion.And that mission should cease to be mission and become church is a prominent New Testament value articulated by St. Paul in his dealing~ with theJocal churches. But amid all the discussion of liberation and oppression, of imperialism and colonialism, of faith and culture, there shines the Light at the center, who is Jesus Christ--the only ultimate justification for all missions. The love of God as manifested in him must be preached-- no doubt in a~.growing way much more by Africans and Asiatics and Other third world people t.o p~eople of the first and second worlds. But they, too, must heed their calling to be transparent mes~sengers. The transparency of which I speak is primarily a question of the missionary's "spiritual life, and that is the subject of this article. A recent b~ok on mission spirituality stresses the importance of the mis-" sionary's life-style for his or her witness to the Gospel. Michael Reilly writes: ~ Walbert Buhlmann, O.F.M., Cap., The Coming of the Third Church, trans. Ralph Woodhall, S.J. (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1977), p. 405. Missionary Prayer and the Problem of Inculturation / 327 How can the life-styles of these countless men and women who did so much to spread Christianity in the early centuries be described? There is no lack of testimony and evidence on this point. It can be summarized under five categories: the transformation and moral uprightness of their personal lives, their fellowship and social concern for others, their joy, their endurance under hardship and persecution, and the power which they exercised by virtue of their faith.' This iri general speaks of the awesome demands laid upon the missioi~er. Certainly no mission labors c~in be sustained without these qualities, to which we will more explicitly add perseverance in profound daily prayer, even and especially amid the many "dark nights" that cultural conflicts can create or intensify. The growih in a person's ~n spiritual life should be a continuing conv'er-sion in the intellectual, moral and religious orders, of which Bernard Lonergan writes in the transcendental phenomenology of his theological method.~ Missionaries above all, because they confront so many new and challenging experiences, must undergo such conversion, which is fed by, and, in return, nourishes a gospel-centered awareness. The,apostle must have also that unqualified, unreserved "being in love with God" that Lonergan calls religious faith,6 and this faith should be anchored in the historical reality that is:Christianity. Lonergan writes: ""There is a personal entrance of God himself into history, a communication of God to his people, the advent of God's word into the world of religious expression.'" The missionary will have to apply this dynamic of constant growth to cultural realities and religious values, as well as to his or.her own sources of spiritual power, experiencing these with both.pas-sionate involvement and prayerful detachment. The title "missionary" is not only audacious and shocking; it is unforgivably arrogant unless one assumes in it the motive that stems from the experienCed knowledge of Jesus Christ as the embodied presence of God's love in the world. This love incarnate becomes most explicit in the various' gospel texts that order the proclamation of salvation to all peoples. To preach eternal salvation is fundamental to all missionary zeal. But because salvation is incarnate for the Christian, his preaching cannot merely" project salvation into eternity, disembodied and unattached. The Good News calls people to ex-perience God's love and kindness within temporal existence, Otherwise, why take creation with any seriousness, at all? Our reading of the various reports of the life. and work of Jesus of Nazareth has been conditioned by our catechetical upbringing. We have learned to see Jesus as laying down his life when.he wills to do so, meanwhile battling with the scribes and pharisees in their apparent hypocrisy and their intransigent insistence on external conduct. But it is to the credit of the Michael Collins Reilly, S.J., Spirituality For Mission (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1978), p. 53. Bernard J. F. Lonergan, Method in Tti'eology (New York: Herder and Herder, 1972), pp. 3-25. Ibid., p. 105, ' Ibid., p. 119. 32~1 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 "liberation theologians" that they have forced us to become aware of the pervasive and persistent struggle of Jesus to win for the poor of Yahweh a humane existence, snatching their lives from the hands of powers that oppress them with needless burdens and joyless, unwarranted submissiveness to human domination. Thus missionary zeal is summoned to examine itself about its concern for a basic humaneness of life; it should feel great pain whenever the Good News is kept from persons because they are humiliated and demeaned, when they suffer oppression or oppress one another. Indeed, our spiritual resources must be strong enough to make us believe that faith can thrive under oppression, but our contemplation of the Gospel also shows us that Jesus fought conditions that enslaved people, Jesus' mission, and that of the Church, is to work for the conditions that permit a joyous and free wor-ship of God. This is a profound social dimension of the Gospel that more and more who read it are coming to perceive. For the prayerful and devout Christian, one of the most urgent motives-- perhaps the motive--for mission.activity, at least in the year~; of Catholic and Protestant missions since the sixteenth century, has been the brooding con-templation of countless hordes of souls going to hell because they did not con-fess Jesus Christ. With the reflective work of modern theology and Vatican Council 1I (rooted incidentally in some very good and very old "natural theology"!), we may still have concern for our neighbor's salvation, but there is also the opportunity for a more enlightened appreciation of the values to be found in the religious traditions of all peoples, and for a more modest assess-ment of the spiritual condition of the non-Christian. This appreciation of the spiritual values of other religion, along with the sense of a Gospel permeated with social values, leaves mission theorists with the task of formulating new attitudes towards the mission apostolate. In fact, this qualifying of the sense of missionary urgency has led to a growing spiritual crisis for many church people, most especially those in an active mission apostolate. Toward a Missionary Spirituality The approach to prayer that I hav~ chosen to discuss here is one that might help the follower of Christ to find "seeds of the word" and a means of salva-tion in the religions of non-Christians or in elements of tribal spirituality not explicitly Christian. At the same time, however, it seems to me a nullification of the Christian vocation to deny or to bypass the person of Jesus Christ, taken both historically and in the Pauline cosmic dimension, as the fullness of divine grace intended to be the Father's greatest gift to humanity. 1 do not say this as a scriptural or dogmatic fundamentalist: the praying Christian should also be an inquirer into the more sophisticated areas of comparative religion and scripture scholarship. Still, whatever level of hermeneutics we may under-take, the New Testament constantly reminds us that courteous dialogue with non-Christians is only part of our calling. The prayerful realization of what Christ means in my life can do no less than move me to tell my dialogue Missionary Player and the Problem of Inculturation / 329 partner how utterly central Christ is for me. What the other does with his ex-perience of my witness is a matter of his personal decision, always to be respected. But that person should know that my life of prayer has shone out through my personal testimony and conduct. Juan Luis Segundo has proposed a helpful approach to the centrality of Christ and tile witness of the Church. He reminds us that the principle "no salvation outside the Church" should not be taken as a matter of church boundaries but rather that it deals with the mediatory role of the Church.8 Segundo calls the Churcha reality at once particular (pertaining to cultural realities), since it is a historical movement serving as a sacrament, and univer-sal, since it serves as a medium of salvation: "It is the expression of the mystery of Christ himself.''9 In Christ the missionary preaches God's love to people, and if he feels unable to broadcast the triumphalistic boast that no one outside the Church will be saved, he is still conscious of the unique gift of Christ. Segundo calls the Christian "one who knows"-- knows Christ as the beginning of the Father's plan that moves into the future and permeates all of time. The Christian is not the only one to enter into this plan, but he is the one who knows it through Revelation.'° This is anything but a revival of primitive gnosticism; it is rather a consciousness (grounded in prayer) of the gift of sav-ing knowledge and the acceptance of a calling found through hearing the Word of God. Such a "knowledge" given.to the Christian is the content as well as the experience of conversion, a living faith that Lonergan calls an "other-worldly falling in love."" What the Christian knows then becomes the driving force for the labor of proclamation. It is, for one thing, a deeply biblical spirituality, for our encounter with the Word of God in Scripture and preaching is our summons to mission. However, I have chosen here to offer a more particular approach or method based on resources within my own Jesuit order, hoping that these resources will serve others in developing a mission-centered prayer life. Recent documents of the Society of Jesus remind us that the Jesuit's self-knowledge is found in the sense of being a sinner who is nonetheless called to be a companion of Jesus.'2 We redeemed sinners are by vocation a "com-munity of dispersion," ready to be sent on mission." The basic dynamic of this vocation, paralleling similar resources in other communities, is the Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius o( Loyola, which, made, serve to mediate the gospel-conversion-mission experience. Examining the experience of conversion and mission, we immediately con- 8 Juan Luis Segundo, S.J., Tr. John Drury, A Theology For Artisans of a New Humanity (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1973), Vol. I, p. 76. 9 Ibid., p. 78. ,o Ibid., p. 13. " Lbnergan, Op. Cit., p. 240, ,2 See Documents of The 31st and 32rid General Con.gregations of the Society o f Jesus (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1977), p. 401. ,3 Ibid., p. 405. 330 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 front the problem/mystery of Christ and culture, of the universal sway and dominion of the Risen Christ .and the particular authenticity of cultural values. Indeed, the Exercises are themselves a partictilar cultural phenomenon within which the Christian faith is rekindled and nourished, and which have proved themselves to contain certain universal values. One who truly receives the liberating love of God in the Exercises comes in touch with the sovereign God in a discovery so powerfully expressed by Karl Barth: The love of God stands where there is disclosed, beyond and above and in the twofold negation, the preeminent affirmation--Jesus Christ, the .Resurrection and the Life~ Blessed discovery! God stands in light inaccessible. Blessed discovery! All flesh is as grass and all the glory of men is as the flower of the field. When, in spirit and truth, one of these discoveries is made, the other is involved in it, for both are in fact operations of the One God, whose universal majesty is the "Yes" in the"No.'"' The gift of a knowledge0of the love of God is so moving and powerful (perhaps in a very quiet way), that it is no wonder that enemies of the lgnatian Exercises have called them a brainwashing. The radical freedom of Christian conversion, as Barth so stirringly tells it above, calls us into a permanent state of tension. This tension is made up of what, to borrow from a number of spiritual writers, we might call "moments" of the Exercises--the two moments of conversion and of mission, I call them moments in the sense that they are kairoi, transcendent of any chronological order; they are experienced in an interweaving rather than in succession, and not merely in time of retreat but in the insertion into comrhunity and ministry. In the Exercises, the first truth one comes to grips with is God's sovereign-ty over one's life and destiny. One has to wrestle with and deeply assent to the fact that we are created to praise, reverence:and serve God, and thus come to salvation. I use the word "wrestle" here because the ascesis of,the Exercises contains much wrestling (though in the end we seethe folly of all this muscle!); no human being readily surrenders his or her own sovereignty andautonomy to anyone, even to God. Nor should they readily surrender. We are persons gifted with dignity, and until we realize that this dignity can be brought to final perfection in God alone, through obedience rather than abject slavery (an important reflection in ministry to the oppressed), we should not sur-render our autonomy. Yet we finally do have to surrender to God as Chris-tians, having,wrestled with him and been so wounded that we manifest in our very steps, as Jacob did, the divine-human struggle that eventuates in our ob-taining his blessing. Then the believer, too, becomes an Israel who realizes that all this effort was part of a foolish bout with God's love. I wish to return to this matter of conversion later, for it is the genuine source of crisis (under-stand "decision") in the missionary's grasp'of problems of culture and social justice. Karl Barth, The Epistle to the Romans, tr. Edwyn Hoskyas (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 321. Missionary Prayer and the Problem of lnculturation / 331 Once the Christian has yielded to divine sovereignty (or arrived at a stage of acceptance, for the faith-choice that expresses this yielding occurs many times in "becoming a Christian"), he has again accepted the reality of his own sinfulness--the disobedience, the recalcitrance, the anger at God's insistence on submission. There goes with this an even more difficult acceptance of divine love, for within our sinfulness we find an inability to let ourselves be loved, and even glory in perversely thinking about God's "No" to us and fear His "Yes." With the opening to grace we rejoice in that essential Christian ex-perience of acceptance of self as loved by God. The loving power of Christ is the "tree of life" that nourishes our circle of existence at its very center--a powerful Amerindian image that indicates a wholeness of life based on devo-tion to its source. But the moment of conversion is hardly complete with repentance, or with the return of the prodigal. The once-lost younger son will discover now the meaning of mature membership in his father's household, that it is shared life and companionship, but also involvement in the labor and the suffering. Such a call to deeper filial piety may well bethe sequel to the Prodigal Son parable, in which the erring but more attractive younger son is equalized with the dour older brother who we all quietly tend to scorn. The sin in all of us resists true belonging. Thi~ is why the SpiritualExercises lead the Christian to understand what it is for Christ to be a "King" in our lives, for him to have a loving sovereignty 'rather than by an imperious and aloof barking of orders that avoids deeper ih~,olvement. David Fleming describes the Meditation on the Kingdom of Christ as the placing of oneself into a "mythical situation, or the kind of story-truth of which fairy tales are made."'~ One seeks to know Christ in whatever fashion one may need in ~order to bring home the fact of his lord-ship. The meditation on Christ's kingdom is thus thematic forall contemplation of the life, death and. resurrection of Christ. All the while meditating on the ministry of Jesus, a retreatant prays for the grace to know him more intimately, to love him with grea~er intensity and to follow him more closely. One can begin to attempt this radical Christian prayer, having first meditated on the mystery of the Incarnation, which we shall later take as the basic model for the missionary apostolate. St. Ignatius presents the Incarnation con~ templation as a mental trylStich, representing the Godhead in heaven, humani-ty struggling on earth, and the young woman of Nazareth who assents to the mysterious calling to' archtypically stand for every Christian's response to God. This meditation enters into the second moment, or moment of mission, but first of all it reminds the Christian that the essential grace to be gained from meditating on the life of Christ is "an interior knowledge of the '~ David L. Fleming, SoJo The Spiritual Exercises: A Literal Translation and a Contemporary Reading (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1978), p. 65. 332 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 Lord, who for me has become man, that I may more love and follow him.'''6 This "for me" (so dear to St. Ignatius-- as well as to Martin Luther!) is the ex-pression of faith in a God who never remains for himself alone but perpetually gives of himself. It is the expression of the love of a missionary God. As the Christian enters more deeply into the mystery of the Incarnation, he realizes how much of the sinner hangs on, and how the moment of conversion is ever-present. As the Meditation on the Two Standards or Two Leaders-- Christ and Satan- shows us, the threat of fear and pride and exaltation of the false self is never far away. Within the gospel accounts one also contemplates types of persons who experience different degrees of submission to God, and so asks himself in what way this reflection applies personally to one's life. As the dread reality of St. Luke's journey to Jerusalem looms up, the Christian is made to realize, along with St. Matthew's newly appointed head of the Church, the still unconverted :Simon Peter, that each one of us shares in that journey. Somewhere within this period of meditation, St. Ignatius' Three Modes of Humility challenge the follower of Christ with the call not merely to avoid all sin, but to enter into his poverty and humiliation and suffering-~-to share fully in his mission. The Third Week of the Exercises is an entering into the fullest meaning of the passion of Christ, not merely with tears of empathy but with readiness for full association. The apostolic moment of the Exercises is mysteriously present here: one comes to sense the many possible challenges that could in the future demand a personal appropriation of the kenosis of the Son of God. Once again, the Christian may fear Christ and remain_ sitting outside the Garden of Olives, only to fall asleep, to avoid the grim strain of apprehension. Or, the disciple might insist with Peter that he will never betray Jesus, and almost in the same moment deny even being with him. We thus discover that it was a relatively simple matter to love God in a childish way as our understand-ing Father, in contrast to our acceptance of his Son as an intimate friend. Friendship can demand so much, and we fear the maturity that it requires, especially when we find that the Son of God, in his hour of greatest need, calls his disciples "friends." This is the opportunity to pass even more dramatically through the ever-deepening dying of "becoming a Christian," which, as Kierkegaard wrote, is all that we ever do in relation to Christ; we never fully "arrive" in this life. But if the Christian perseveres in prayer, there may come, finally, the gift of identification ~,ith Christ in which the cloak of sinfulness falls away and true companionship is accepted. If the Christian embraces the mystery of the cross (according to his or her own personal vocation), there comes that peace which pervades one's prayer at the. entrance to the sepu!chre. A true Christian is a child of the Resurrection, an heir to the joys of the Ibid., p. 70. Missionary Prayer and the Problem of Inculturation / 333 triumphant Christ, and a bearer of that joy. The Christian contemplates and absorbs the spirit of the risen life as the spirit of his own life, and, according to Ignatius, reaches holiness through sharing the joy of the Friend who has defeated death. It should be no surprise that this experience, too, is a conver-sion in the intellectual, moral and religious dimensions of life. We do not easily accept joy in our lives, or the fact that we are created for joy, as C. S. Lewis was astonished to discover. In the face of the grief in the world (and, if we are idealistic missionaries or social activists, our own tenden-cy to take too seriously our personal warfare with all this grief), we find it hard to transform our, solemn frowns into laughter of rejoicing. Perhaps we cannot but think of God as the Ruler of Olympus who becomes jealous of our hubris at thinking we might ever simply be happy. And there is that temptation to sadness in the anticipation of apostolic struggles. So conversion to Christian joy, and the mission to share that joy, are again telescoped into two moments of one experience. St. Ignatius did not leave us simply to contemplate the Resurrection with the first disciples. He has bequeathed to us the Contemplation for Obtaining Divine Love, which is summed up in God's desire to share himself with his friends. There is given here a recapitulation of all good gifts that descend from the Father of Lights in whom there is no shadow, (Jm 1:16-17). We consider all gifts received, and more, we affirm ourselv~es as gifts of God's favor. A joy-filled Christian can thus say: Take, Lord, and receive all my liberty, my memory, my intellect, and all my will--all that 1 have and possess. You gave it to me;to you, Lord, 1 return it. All is yours, dispose of it according to your will. Give me only your love and grace, for this is enough for me." This contemplation also expresses an aspect of the apostolic moment, both in the call to offer one's gifts in the divine Service, and in the vision of God dwelling in and giving life to all creatures. The consideration of the labor of God within all things helps to feel his presence as the very life of the ministry. There is here, too, a profound theodicy that enlightens the missionary about the working of the Holy Spirit in all created reality, where the Word is somehow present before his preaching even begins. It is a great blessing for an aspiring young missionary (or an older one seeking renewal) to be able to sum up his spiritual experience with the vision of all good gifts descending from above--the gifts of justice, goodness, pity and mercy--"as from the sun des-cend the rays, from the fountains the waters." This is ongoing conversion in the highest sense. The Translation of Prayer Into Mission Let us get "practical" about all of this. Where does one go missiologically Ibid., p. 140. 334 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 with the experience of conversion-mission? If I am a redeemed sinner, saved by God from my own self-oppression as well as from the,oppression of false spirits, l am under a mandate t~ p.roclaim that experience to all people. Fur-ther, as Barth has written, we have surrendered our old way of thinkingto the divine "No" and thus ~have been .renewed in a life of grace through His "Yes." To believe that one is saved is the ultimate experience of freedom, and if one has been gifted with a share in God's holiness, he may even sense a call to relinquish homeland and culture in order to announce that freedom to others. Such a state of soul is a great gift and a great mystery; it is also a great problem, and without ongoing intellectual conversion, can leave one open to many deceptions. There is hidden in this experience the danger that the con-verted Christian will interpret some of the chltural trappings of his conversion as essential to conversion itself. In fact, I woul,d venture the guess that much of the zeal to save "savages" has arisen from an uneducated state of mind in x, relation to what one sees as their "unhappy and primitive state." Metanoia in its most profound etymological sense must be part of any missionary prepara-tion and part of an ongoing learning process. Perhaps the most helpful spiritual approach to a missionary openness to foreign experiences is faith in the Incarnation as a continuing contemplation. So St. Ignatius' Meditation on the Incarnation might well serve as the fun-damental reflection of the apostolic moment of the Exercises.lncarnational theology has, of course, been thematic in the thought of theologians and in Church documents since Vatican Council II. Its frame of reference is the historical context of gospel proclamation, which stresses the service of Christ and his Church to .the temporal order, and the hope this service offers to humanity for a more truly di~,ine-human life. A healthy incarnationalism is also eschatoiogical, and in its optimism does not forget the reality of sin. It realizes that God's becoming human does not empty him of his transcendence but rather gifts humanity with a share in that transcendence. In simple w~ords, the Incarnation has its total fulfillment outside history and awaits the kingdom of God in faith even as it expresses its presence already. In. the con-rex: of missiology, incarnational theology proclaims the en-flesh-ment of God within cultures, and challenges all cultures to reach beyond themselves. Ignatius Loyola was a man of great sensitivity to the ways in which the Gospel is to be received humanly, as his instruction for the use of the senses in prayer attests. The Contemplation on the Incarnation is an experience of the divine entering history, of the Good News transforming human cultures and confronting the evils that threaten what is truly of God's creation in them. ln-culturation does pose a tension, if not even a dilemma, for the Christian, as I have already indicated. The zealous missionary who is filled with a desire to show Christ's love to the world iS a person who has acquired the gift of detach-ment from a familiar environment, though perhaps not to the degree he may think he has acquired it. Even the most dedicated Christian carries his or her native culture along as mental and affective baggage, and tends to extend that Missionary Prayer and the Problem of Inculturation / 335 culture, along with the Gospel, to other peoples. To offer the good things of one's own culture to others is a natural and authentic aspiration, if one is aware that these things are not coextensive with the Good News of Christ. This awareness can come only from a deep study'of the culture and from a "participation" in it to whatever degree is compatible with Christianity. Another factor of great importance is the relationship the Christian, has towards the people to whom he is missioned,. There is a danger that one will project one's own degree of commitment into these people, and thus expect of them too soon that same kind of response. Likewise, to compare one's own "surrender" or submission to God, acquired with the help of many cultural blessings and advantages, to the enslavement of oppressed peoples and its concomitant apathy or resistance, is of course a tragic confusion of entirely different experiences. Worse yet, one might even miss the signs of a people's dedication simply out of a failure to comprehend their ways of expressing it. However, meditation on the Incarnation, if we supplement it with proper cultural training, inserts us into the saving love°of the Godhead as well as into the infinite patience and empathy of Jesus Christ, who met people "where they were," living with them in their struggles and calling them to converison. Christ never destroyed or shattered a person's life, however great a shock he may have dealt, but rather uplifted and sanctified the life of every person. In the Contemplat!on on the Incarnation, St. Ignatius in. structs the retreat-ant to "see" the various persons in the eye of the imagination: "those on the surface of the earth, in such variety in dress and in actions; some white and others black; some in peace and others in war; some weeping and others laughing; some well, others ill; some being born,, and others dying . ,,,8 One is to continue by imagining how so many live in blindness, how they swear and blaspheme, how th6y kfli and go down to hell. And in the same mental exer-cise, we are shown how Father, Son and Holy Spirit conspire to work out the salvation of the suffering human race, and how the messenger Gabriel goes to speak to the Virgin of Nazareth. Whatever Ignatius had in mind as he described the misery of our race (in his own cultural terms!), and however we may have evolved in our attitudes about,how many benighted pagans are going into damnation, a sensitive response to his vision of a suffering humanity draws one deeply into a sharing of the human condition. The point here is that human beings have always injured and oppressed one another in various ways; but the much stronger aspect of this truth(See St. Paul'spollo mallon in Romans 5.) is that all types and cultures, all races and .nationalities, enter into the divine compassionate vision and its willto save and transform. Those who are to be saved will be saved as black or white or red or yellow, whether they wear three-piece-suits or loincloths or nothing at a!l, whether their music is rendered by pipe organs or jazz bands or ancient drums. We do not really know what God has in mind to Ibid., p. 72. 336 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 do with diversity in the kingdom of heaven; we do know that he has a total disregard for differences as far as the equal dispensation of his kindness is concerned. Thus a meditation on the Incarnation, if carried through with full involve-ment, takes a missionary into the midst of the culture he serves. It prods him to study anthropology and sociology and comparative religion, both in books and in lived exp~erience, as well as to do all that is necessary tomake him atten-tive, intelligeni, reasonable and responsible. It serves as the affective nourish-ment of all the intellectual and procedural efforts one may bring to work in a foreign culture. It would seem, therefore, that a missioner's own prayer life would change, to some degree, along cultural lines: An openness and sensi-tivity to the people will lead to a sharing of indigenous forms of prayer and worship. No matter how hard 1 may try, I will never become a Native American or South African black or campesino, especially if the culture I serve has a history of deep Wounds inflicted by the very society and church I represent. This should in fact be an initial experience of inculturation--to realize that onb is a foreigner or guest, or better, a pilgrim, and that one naturally resists becoming part of a new culture, especially in its startling and strange aspects. But still, we ~can take on many qualities of our environment, and should do so if they insert us better into the life of the people and help us to grow personally. Generally, the first experience of mission life for the outsider is one of conflict. This is emphatically true of all who enter into work among societies suffering from powerful structures and histories of persecution or cultural invasion. To become part of a wounded culture is to absorb inevitably the feel-ings of frustration, anger and despair; to experience the "diminishment" that occurs within as one responds again and again to expressions of these negative feelings. There may also be a deep dissatisfaction with oneself over the failure to remain tranquil and "understanding" in the face of such assaults. The mis-sionary must then turn, in a way perhaps never before experienced, but anticipated in earlier prayer, to the reality of a suffering and dying Savior, who himself knew pain and rejection and the feeling of being an outsider. When'the Word pitched his tent among us, he certainly had to live as an alien in our midst, with disciples who failed to understand, with authorities who re-jected him, with hangers-on who melted away in the face of conflict. The mis-sionary can be helped spiritually, through intellectual resources and the study of the history of injustice or persecution in the area of hi~ activity. For exam-ple," in studying the near genocide of a number of ti'ibal cultures at the hands of invaders who made these people aliens in their own lands, the missionary can learn to approprihte the sense of weakness often felt by Christ himself in the face of the burdens of history. However, even in a badly wounded culture, one can experience gifts in greater number. Among many of the more traditional, or "primal," societies Missionary Prayer and the Problem of Inculturation / 337 of Africa or Asia or the Americas, can be found spiritual attitudes remarkably resonant with the Christian experience: creative suffering, prayer, contempla-t! on, worship forms, acceptance of death, ascetical practices. One can learn to appreciate the reverence of the people, the sense of appreciation for nature, the deep respect for spiritual realities. It is possible to learn to enjoy the music, the dance, the language, the good times, as they occur in a natural cycle of tribal events. Perhaps the missioner will even find in the new culture (not because he hates his own but because he loves it too) a new"sacred space" in which to be at home. As this occurs, one finds oneself both proclaiming and experiencing conversion. Missionary prayer is then truly coming to birth according to the mystery of the Incarnation. To sum up, then, Christian conversion is not a narrowing experience. While it focuses our gaze upon Christ as the Father's unique expression of love, it also constantly opens our horizons and leads us to greater social and cultural understanding. But the conversion process must be a composite of in-tellectual, moral and religious growth. Prayer alone will not achieve this, but without prayer the missionary is merely another cultural invader. A strongly incarnational prayer reminds one constantly that in Christ the Father has reconciled the divine and the human, and that we can indeed preach a transcendent faith that finds roots in local cultures. "When Did We See You?" Donald Macdonald, ,S. M.M. Fr. Ma~cdonald, master 6f novices for the Montfort Fathers, is stationed at the house of Maria Bhavan; D.R. College P.O.; Bangalore 560029; India. ~ watched a group of sisters, out walking, slowly pass a row of hovels. Out-side one of them, a little girl was squatting, cutting wood. Seeing the sisters approach, she put down her knife, joined her hands in the Indian way of greeting, and gave them a lovely smile. The sisters (presumably) never saw her. Three other sisters were walking some five or six yards further back, and I thought that perhaps one of them would have seen what happened, and so stop for a moment to make a fuss over the child. They, too, walked past. I still see the quizzical look on the child's face. Clearly, mistakes are easily made. It is also unfair and invalid to draw a general conclusion from a particular instance. But from years spent in pastoral ministry, not least with religious, I suggest that there may be more in that incident than many of us would care to see. Such insensitivity may be the rule rather than the exception. Those sisters may be like that even with each other. They just do not see. This same lack of insight may be a consistent feature of their everyday world: They may never really live in the present moment, and so miss so much of what is happening about them. If the mature person is "one whose center of gravity is where he actually is," it may explain the immaturity of some religious lives." What is needed is the ability to be both part of, and apart from, the present moment, to give oneself wholly in the present as an expression of a mature Christian faith. So much of religious life, especially as one gets older, can be so unsatisfactory for so many, because they are never really "alive." Any one, for example, who has ever been in the company of the present Holy Father, might judge that he is in fact a great parish priest of the time when such men 338 "'When Did We See You?" really knew their people. He is always aware of what is happening. Though he may be unable to speak to everyone individually, yet he neglects no one, regardless of how many are about him. What steps, therefore, can the religious take to try to become fully alive to the present as an expression of a mature Christian faith? Listen Like a Disciple Once upon a time, most religious began the day with a "morning offering." I suggest that this once-common custom should be revived to help give a precise focus to our day. A line adapted from Is 50:4 makes an ideal morning prayer: O Lord, give me a disciple's tongue. So that 1 may know how to reply to the weary, provide me with speech. Each morning, wake me to hea~, to listen like a disciple. We should pray that we may speak only what we have learned of God--a disciple's tongue. We beg that we may never ignore the weary, and so have something to say ~to the child, the~neglect of whom began these reflections. Ideally, we want to be able to answer the questions people dare not ask. We want to offer not just sympathy but empathy,, the ability to feel for and with these persons of our world. We must have time for those that n'o one else has time for. So important is this approach to the present moment, that we should ask God to wake us each morning to hear. But, more than that, we should ~vant to listen like a disciple. In whatever circumstances we are placed, we want to be aware of all that is happening, to assimilate our experience. The whole world is sacrament. Thus we are eager to listen like a disciple, to try and catch every, nuance and inflection of the world in which we live. Most of us share a com-mon degree of hearing and vision. What separates us one from another is insight, or the ability to respond to the unspoken word or gesture. Our prayer, therefore, should be that God would give us the sensitivity to be fully alive in our global village. Our center of gravity is ~vhere we actually are. A day begun with ~suCh a reflective prayer to God can ~urely help give definition to our approach to the present. If our minds progressively assimilate the assumptions underlying the prayer, experience, in whatever form it comes, will be integrated into our lives in God. Through Love in His Presence The religious may further deepen that basic insight, by attempting to share the grasp of reality found in the superb opening prayer of the letter to the Ephesians. There Paul's present situation is prison. The future prospects, in his estimate, probably included death by execut~ion.The past, an apostolic life of mixed fortunes, was evidently drawing to a close. In such circumstances :340 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 notice the approach of a mature Christian faith, and the astonishing balance given by such a center of gravity: "Blessed be God the Fathe~ of Our Lord Jesus Christ, who has blessed us with all the spiritual blessings of heaven in Christ" (Ep 1:3). There, the first move is to God. And what a God--"the Father of Our Lord Jesus Christ," who has given us everything. This, from a man in prison, towards the end of his life; no self-pity, nor justified disappointment, nor even the pretence of whistling in the cemetery to pretend he is not scared. His perspective is anchored in "God the Father of Our Lord Jesus Christ." Whata marvelously expansive opening to a prayer from a man shut in, and about to lose his career and his life. Then his faith, grasping reality,, takes him almost beyond the limits of imagination to the point of saying: "before the world was made he chose us, chose us in Christ" (Ep 1:4). The sense of awe and wonder is evident as it dawns on him, "the very least of all the saints" (Ep 3:8), that these moments of life have been given him by God. The immediate present is received as a gift from God in Christ offered before even the world was made. How does one quantify love on a scale like that? From this perspective, the present moment is an expression of the depth of the love of God for us that is quite literally beyond computation. One just receives and adores. To the extent that I can share this outlook, I allow God to love me in the present moment. Receiving life as so charged with the love of God, 1, too, deepen my capacity to love. I do not know when I first knew God, but from "before the world was made" God knew and loved me. The present moment is the focus of such love, where I "live through love in his presence" (Ep 1:4). This, l suggest, can be the center of gravity of a mature Christian faith. His Spirit Living in You Following Saint Paul, the religious can go still deeper into the present moment. "Do you not know that you are God's temple and that God's Spirit dwells in you?" (l Co 3:16). Individually or collectively, God is present among us in the only way that is real to us--through knowledge and love. Anything else is superficial. The point is given added emphasis when we remember that the word translaied "temple" i~s no(our word for Church, b~t rather, "tabernacle." "God's love has been poured into our hearts through the Holy Spirit which has been given to us" (Rm 5:5). Religious, aware of God so present to them and in them, could only respond in wonder and awe. Their very personality would reflect adoration. "Your body, you .know, is the temple of the Holy Spirit, who is in you since you received him from God" (l Co 6:19). If the religious truly listened like a disciple to words like that, the love of God, found in the present moment, would take them to !he heights, and give them "the strength to grasp the breadth and the length, the height and the depth, until knowing the love of Christ which is beyond all knowledge, ~you are filled with the utter fullness of God" (Ep 3:19). "When Did We See You?" / 341 For the Praise of His Glory Despite possible appearances to the contrary, the above approach to reality, stemming from an understanding of baptism, is simplicity itself. It has to be if it is to center on the present moment. Here the religious is never in the position of the harassed motorist driving at night, and trying to cope with all the signals he is receiving at a busy road junction. Nor is it an artificial con-struct pieced together from a possibly outdated literary-form. Quite simply the religious is aware that he is loved by God. He has always been present to God. Life is God's gift to him, moment by moment. In responding to life so given, all that is deepest in him echoes awe, adoration and love. Thus does he begin to sound the depths of "the unfathomablk riches of Christ" (Ep 3:8). Aware of the presence of God within him, he believes that with that gift he has received everything (see Rm 8:32). As the reality of this dawns on him, the love of Christ overwhelms him, as he begins to see that "for anyone who is in Christ, there is a new creation" (2 Co 5:14,17). His center of gravity is moving gradually from self to Christ. Inescapably, and often at a level beyond words, his faith expresses itself in love, adoration, gratitude. In time, as he continues to allow God to 10ve him,his "life is hidden with Christ in God" (Col 2:3), so that, however imperfectly, he realizes, as a baptized Christian, "I live now not with my own life but with the life of Christ who lives in me" (Ga 2:20). Thus he tries to allow God full play in his life. As many religious know, such an approach to the present moment comes to be as natural as breathing. It is the normal, prosaic everyday basis of his life. It is the common coin he uses moment by moment. Living therefore in Christ in a sacramenthl world, one lives in the presence of God, not at some degree removed from him, as though he were a spectator. The smile and greeting of the child which provoked these reflections, can be seen as an expression of the love of God. Her puzzlement as she was ignored was surely an echo of the rejection of the love of God. The insensitivity of the religious presented a glimpse of Christ handicapped, unable to express his love for the child in that instance (see Ph 3:18). Attempting to listen like a disciple to what God might be saying in an incident that was over in seconds, one realizes all too well that, in addition to the above, there may be other inferences. Lord, in the child and the religious do I see you and me? Do I see your love always expressing itself in the most unlikely situations--and my response? Again, is that how I am to the people who come into my life? This reflection does not depersonalize the child, nor take from her her integrity as a human being. She is not a cipher. But viewed from the stand-point of Christian baptism, which is the basis and point of religious life, it is surely not illegitimate for us to deepen the realiz~ation that we are loved by God, that, as a result, we must "owe no one anything, except to love one another" (Rm 13:8). We are in debt, therefore, to everyone we meet, as we can never adequately repay love. There is perhaps no more exacting test of the authenticity of one's faith. The Threat and,the Thrill of Dominion Labour# Beneviile, S.C.C. Sister Labour~ teaches at Delone Catholic High School; S. Oxford Ave.; McSherrystown, PA 17344 Let us m~ike man in our image, after our likeness. Let him have dominion over the fish of the sea, the birds of the air, and the cattle, and over all the wild animals and all the creatures that crawl on the ground (Gn 1:26). In the light of the Genesis account, we know ourselves to be the hallmark of the creative power of God who transformed the darkness over the a~yss; the God who shaped the formless waste which was the earth; the God who made light to dispel the darkness; the God whose touch brought forth vegetation and seeds of every kind. Custodians of creation, we are challenged to find joy and fulf!llment in this awesome burden of nurturing the universe. To do so, however, we must discern the subtleties of our behaviorand try to strip away any repressive thought patterns which distort our presence to reality. By un-consciously excluding that which is painful, fearful, or even sublime, repres-sion is the ego's means of scaling down life-- that is, of reducing ffc~th terror and ecstasy to something within our control. From infancy on, we have been schooled to block out that which either threatens or diminishes our own stature; thus anxiety is minimized and we are able to move through life with a kind of equilibrium. 'Capstones of God's creative power, we are marked by an ambivalence which suffers from the pain of finitude as well as from the glorious burden of mirroring Infinitude. We live simultaneously on the brink of obliyion and the brink of infinity. Because the possibility of both destruction and transcendence are threatening, we too readily settle for the protection which illusion offers. But truth and ultimate fulfillment demand that we live face to face with the realization that the universe is teeming with wonder and danger 342 The Threat and Thrill of Dominion / 343 of colossal proportion; and we cannot let our consciousness of this inure us to the utter magnificence of that which has been entrusted to us. Instead of deflecting the wondrous mysteries of the world, we must so sensitize ourselves to our task and privilege that the fullness of God's glorious creation opens up before us, and thus we can revel in the inestimable joy to which we are heirs. ". mountainsand hills shall break out in song before you, and all the trees of the countryside shall clap their hands" (Is 55:12). The innate fear by which we resist the greatness to which we are called-- a Jonah complex according to psychologists--prompts us to entrench ourselves in mediocrity, security and conformity rather than bear the risk of the superlative. In the depth of our souls we glimpse our godlike possibilities, but quiver at the thought of having our potentials actualized. Intensity hurts. Pain--albeit a "nice" pain--is the counterpart of intense living. "We are only the earthenware jars which'hold this treasure to make it clear that such an overwhelming power comes from God" (2 Co 4:7). Our spiritual and.emo-tional yearning often seems to exceed our human capacity to withstand. Repression of the sublime is the defense which enables us to maintain our balance in a universe which would sweep.us off our feet if we were totally sen-sitive to it. Ecstatic moments, for instance, are too charged to be endured for long. Because we lack the strength to bear the miraculousness and force of life at its fullest, we cut back to an idle; we moderate the degree to which we will let ourselves experience the grandeur of it all. Closing ourselves off to the possibility of unlimited greatnessthus enables us to remain intact, untouched in the face of an overwhelmingness which might otherwise be devastating. In Thornton Wilder's Our Town, Emily perceives the truth of life only after she returns from the grave: "Oh, earth, you're too wonderful for anybody to realize you. Do any human beings ever realize while they live it--every, every minute?" The stage manager answers: "The saints and poets, maybe--they do some." Just as the fear of greatness keeps us walled up, so does the fear of little-ness. In contrast to the rest of creation, we are at best miniscule, and that's ter-rifying. Man, the self-aware capstone of creation, is, in fact, insignificant. Our fragile position in a mighty world began with our helpless condition at birth. Despite unconscious efforts of denial, none of us can ever quite forget the fact that we were once dirty-faced, cry-baby kids who needed another even to change our diapers. As a species we may have been given dominion, but as individuals our personal histories are at best embarrassing. Unlike animals, we are endowed with a self-awareness which makes the truth of our fragility even more terrifying. "It means to know that one is food for worms., to have emerged from nothing, to have a name, consciousness of self, deep inner feel-ings, an excruciating inner yearning for life and self-expression-- and with all this yet to die.''t Ernest Becker, The Denial of Death (New York, 1973), p. 87. :344 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 Paradoxically, it's this very terror of our own nothingness which has generated such self-assumed authority, such egoism. The instinct for self-worth and self-preservation has sparked the fantasies and repression which delude us about our true condition. Unable to cope with the reality of our littleness, we have let our egos construct vast networks of illusions by which we assert and argue our own value. Without these lies to feed off, life would be nightmarish. The rose-colored vision which repression insures protects us from the omnipresent bogeyman whose terrors would disarm us: if we ever dropped the mask of importance. According to Kierkegaard, the lies perpetrated by the ego are: the most natural ,defense against the anxieties of life. Dread would be overwhelming without the escape hatch which repression offers. Fantasizing about one's role or place in the cosmos is a comforting ex-ercise by which the emerging person obscures the truth which lies at the root of the human condition. The egoism which dominates us doesn't ring of pride as much asit does of escapism. It's weak man's instinctual defense against his smallness; against . total negation in an apparently capricious and topsy-turvy universe. Let's face it, over and above the natural disasters which threaten us, the evils We heap on one another are staggering: the haunting memory of six million Jews exter-minated; the wake of Three Mile Island and the threat of nuclear extinction; four hundred thousand boat people drowned; incessant wars and rebellions which decimate the hopes of nations. Rather than live vis-a-vis our fragile position, we prefer, in fact, to pull the wool over our own eyes. The crux of our failure to resonate with the challenge of dominion, then, is two-edged: a fear of greatness and a fear of littleness. Repression serves to protect us from a double apprehension about the latent power which might be unleashed in us, as well as from a sense of feebleness in the face of a vast universe. By blocking out any mystery or terror which dwarfs our stature, we live comfortably with the illusion of control. Repression makes the dark so cozy that we forget our need for the light. The price of this illusion, though, seems to be a lobotomy of the soul. We have anesthetized our spirits as a means of maintaining our balance. Undoubtedly, to have been made in the image of the Creator and subsequently entrusted with undisputed authority is a fearful heritage. If we are to attain our true stature, however, we must be persons who accept their creaturehood and are brave enough to live without the facade of power or righteousness or control. We will enjoy the thrill of dominion and minimize its threats only to the degree we can live with our own vulnerability--that is, to the degree we can shed the protective armor which has shielded us from so much of life. Thus psychology and religion merge as we relinquish the security blanket of egoism, which has so falsified our percep-tions, and posit our faith in the God who created us. The formula for such faith is basically simple: "One is a creature who can do nothing, but one exists over against a living God for whom 'everything is The Threat and Thrill of Dominion / :345 possible.' -2 The Scriptures clearly delineate the nature of this call to faith: faith in a God who has told us every hair on our head is numbered; faith in a God who knows when every sparrow falls to the ground; faith in a God who feeds the birds of the air and clothes the grass of the field with splendor; faith in a God who has said,. "No one who comes to me shall ever hunger and no one who believes in me shall ever thirst" (Jn 6:35); faith in a God who himself conquered death through resurrection. Such faith is the death knell to all the claims which the ego has so jealously guarded. Instead of making our own arrogant assertions the touchstone, our fundamental identity with Ultimate Power gives us our significance. Creaturehood is no longer a liability--rather, it's a hotline to the Creator. The very One who has called us into existence and given us authority stands behind us and before us. The secret fears which once eroded our joy and op-timism are dissipated the moment we see creatureliness as our claim to the Creator. Similarly, the inner yearning to proclaim ourselves and to experience the something more of life takes on new meaning as we accept our role as capstones of God's creative power. Our identity lies in imaging the Father and in nurturing that which his loving touch has brought forth. No longer is our personal worth determined by social and cultural norms; on the contrary, our individual worth is affirmed by our link with the transcendent God who created us and gave us dominion. Love has shared Itself. We have been made in his image. "Before you were born, 1 called you by name," The mystery at the heart of each of us makes sense and finds fulfillment only in relation to the Mystery at the heart of creation. ~ Becker, p. 90. Towards Mutuality in Ministry Sally Kenel, D. W. Sister Sally serves in the pastoral ministry of St. Mary, Gate of Heaven Parish. She resides at 85-28 Forest Parkway; Woodhaven, NY 11421. Which do you identify with more? A typewriter or a piece of paper? Santa's bag or a Christmas stocking? ~ These either/or questions attempt to indicate a basic tension that exists in identifying oneself as either a "giver" or a "receiver." We religious engaged in ministry probably tend toward the giver option. It is true that mfnistry requires service, but a forced choice between giver and receiver can set up a dualistic I-as-opposed-to-you dynamic. This dynamic, in turn, can be d block to the growth of the minister. Much of our training in religious life has reinforced the notion that "it is more blessed to give than to receive.'" Evidence of our working out of this framework can be found in such everyday responses to people as, "What can 1 do for you?" Immediately, the giver/receiver dualism is established. It is my contention that it is blessed to give and to receive; that the clear cut distinction between giver and receiver does not exist in reality; that there can be, indeed must be, mutuality in ministerial relationships. Since this belief was brought home to me in my ministry with the elderly, reflection on this concrete experience is what will give shape to much of this article. However, mutuality in ministerial relationships can exist between people of different ages, backgrounds, sexes, and so forth. In fact, all our relationships offer the possibility of blurring the lines that separate us, plunging us into that unity of all things in Christ. At first cons'ideration, the elderly may seem an. unlikely group to demonstrate that mutuality in ministry is possible. Often, our culture tends to focus only on the losses and depreciation of old age. Economically, in terms of the relationship Of expenditure to production, the aged person is viewed as Acts 20:35 346 Towards Mutuality in Ministry / 347 a liability. From the viewpoint of the dominant values of medicine, the process of human aging is considered to be totally negative. Moreover, the experiences of many people attest to the losses of aging: loss of income, loss of role, loss of status, loss of affection, loss of competency, loss of power-- to name a few.2 .Certainly, the elderly seem to be a group with serious needs, and meeting these needs can become an all encompassing task. However, to look only at the negative aspects of aging and to focus solely on the needs of the aged, starts us ministers on the road to that dualistic l-as-opposed- tozyou mentality. If mutuality is to be a possibility, we must get beyond the needs to the person. As we meet the person, it is my experience that we will find that revelation continues to take place, that we can receive. "What we like best about your visits, Sally, is that they help us to remember." This comment of one of our parishioners personalized what Becker describes as the special function of the pastoral minister, that is . to "bring up to date," so to speak, the treasury of accepting relationships in the life of the older person. The personal relationships which the pastor activates in the contem-porary history of the elderly will help them to "remember" (anamnesis) the past mercies of God, the past loving, unconditional acceptance of family, friends and members of the household of faith (hopefully)? ~ Becker goes on to indicate that this remembering is biblical in nature. It takes on the import that it has in the Scriptures especially in the Old Testament where "remembering was understood not merely in the sense of recall, but in the sense of reliving, reactualizing by recollection.'" Thus, in listening to the story of a~person's life, often we hear an individualized, unique version of salvation history; a testimony tothe action of God i'n the life of that person. ~ Nouwen says that the "great vocation of the minister is to continuously make connections between the human story and the divine story.''~ Several of the elderly people with whom I have had contact have made,these connections themselves during the course of their lives. From them 1 have learned much about their individual lives, much about the mystery of life, and much about the God who informs all our lives. From them, too, I have learned much about m~own humanity and my identity as a religious. That I would learn about the htiman condition 'from the elderly did not surprise me; in fact, 1 expected to learn from those who had experienced so much more of life~ However, 1 was unprepared for the fact that the lives of the elderly would have so much to say about religious,life, Yet, aging thrusts a person into new relationships with poverty, 10helines~ and oppression, the very conditions to which the vows speak. Thus,. 1 found that the elderly stand with us religious in witnessing to 2 Evelyn E. Whitehead, "Religious Images of Aging", in Aging and the Elderly, Spicker et al., eds., p. 37. ~ ~ Arthur H. Becker, "Judgment~and Grace in the Aging Process", Pastoral Psychology, XXVII (Spring 1979), p. 188. ' Ibid., p. 188. ~ Henri J. M. Nouwen, The Living Reminder (New York: Seabury Press, 1977), p. 24. 3411 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 common values. Let us explore this a little more deeply. According to Johannes Metz: Poverty as an evangelical virtue is a protest against the tyranny of having, of possessing and of pure self-assertion. It impels those practicing it into practical solidarity with those poor whose poverty is not a matter of virtue, bui is their condition of life and the situa-tion exacted of them by society.6 Actually, many middle-class people are impelled into practical solidarity with the poor by old age. Living on a fixed income in our inflation-ridden society does not allow some elderly people even modest comforts. For these, poverty is a new experience which can either be creative or devastating. It is creative for those who, during the course of their lives, have realized that the quality of a person's life is not determined by possessions or achievements. On the other hand, if a person's life has been completely caught up in amassing more money and possessions, the poverty that old age brings will be devastating. Those who deal with their new poverty in a creative way have much to say to those of us who accept poverty willingly. These people demonstrate how poverty can open the heart to surprise, wonder and delight in the simple things of life. Consider, eighty-nine-year-old Bernie whose eyes sparkled as she showed me a jar of grape jelly, the gift of her granddaughter. The jar of jelly represented much more than a welcome addition to her diet; it told her that she was loved and remembered. To Bernie, it was a confirmation of the goodness of people, and ultimately, the goodness of God. Faced with this sincere gratitude for such a little thing, I find myself becoming more'and more aware of the many gifts I have been given. Material possessions fade in mean-ing next to such gifts as good health, friends, and joy in living. It is with people such as Bernie that we religious can grow "to recognize, even celebrate, a deeper truth-- that no one ever earns his way, that life's meaning is more a gift than a reward.'" However, while appre~:iating the qualities such as gratitude which the elderly manifest, we must not lose sight of the poverty in which' they are rooted. This poverty is real. It is the kind of poverty that makes three meals a day a luxury and has the elderly counting out their last bit of change in the supermarket. It is the kind of poverty that keeps the house cold all winter long because utility costs are skyrocketing. It is the kind of poverty that isolates because traveling is impossible and a telephone is beyond their means. In short, it is the kind of poverty that invades one's very being; If we allow ourselves to see poor people like these, to meet them and to be touched by them, 1 believe that we religious will be challenged. What the outcome will be in terms of living out poverty will be up to each of us. But the elderly will have ministered to us, repeating the words of Christ: "There is one thing more you must do. Go and sell what you have and give to the poor; yow will have 6 Johannes B. Metz, Followers of Christ (New York: Paulist Press, 1978), p. 49. ' Whitehead, op. cir., p. 45. ~ Towards Mutuality in Ministry treasure in heaven. After that, come and follow me.''8 Metz goes on to define celibacy:. . celibacy as an evangelical virtue is the expression of an insatiable longing for the day of the Lord. it impels toward solidarity with those unmarried people whosecelibacy (that is to say loneliness; that is to say not having anyone) is not a virtue but their social destiny, and towards those who are shut up in lack of expectation and in resignation.9 ~' Along with poverty, old age often brings a new form of loneliness. Distance from family and friends becomes a foe too formidable for the decreasing energy of the elderly to overcome. Opportunities for making new friends are often more severely limited than before. Ultimately, death itself provides the final separation. With the realization that much more of one's life lies in the past than in the future, loneliness can assume new proportions. Only when they are older do some ~people seem to realize how lonely their lives have been. John, a single adult of seventy-six, admits that now he is fascinated by children. He loves to be with them, to talk with them, to play with them, to watch them. He claims that in his younger days I~e never reflected on what it would mean to "live on" through children. Now, he sees this as a definite lack in his life, a choice that he drifted into rather than con-sciously made. Loneliness has made him a~are of his lack of responsibility for his life and he regrets what might have been. However, his new awareness of the fact that life is meant to be lived with and for others has led him into caring for his older sister who is handicapped. Thus, loneliness for John, has led not to resignation but to service. Our loneliness which results from our celibate way of life can lead to ser-vice also. However, this is different from using ministry to neutralize one's loneliness. Just as John has moved from the experience of loneliness to that of being with and for another, so too, must we religious come in touch with our loneliness in order that we may capture its implications for service. For some people, the lonelines~ of old age is a new experience, one which can make them more vulnerable. Consider eighty-nine year old Bill who, in the nice weather, spends most of his time enjoying the warmth of the sun in front of his house. One day he was approached by a well-dressed man who claimed to be a friend of his son. After some pleasant conversation, Bill in- ViCed him into his home where the man proceeded to rob him. Bill's hurt and outr,age stemmed not so much from the loss of mbney but from the fact that "he came as a friend, but in reality was a crook." Yet, Bill was willing to risk again. He opened his door to me, another stranger, and invited me to share a part of his life. For him, loneliness helped to keep alive the hope that relation-ships are possible. This willingness to risk is an important quality for us religious to cultivate. What is the point oi" celibacy if we surround ourselves with people who protect us from meeting strangers? Our celibacy demands that we also be open to Mark 10:21. Metz, op. cir., p, 60. ~150 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 others in ways that manifest the hope that relationships are possible. Such openness calls for risks, and the elderly who often have been separated from their life-long companions can show us how to take such risks. The loneliness of the elderly, which is accentuated by a new awareness of death, can lead them to greater depths of faith and hope. If the, lives of the elderly tell us that relationships with people are possible, so too do they announce the reality 6f ~ relationship with God. Moreover, this relation.ship with God is not merely limited to the present, but has eternal dimensions as well. The elderly 1 have come in contact with have revealed a variety of ways of relating to the Lord in prayer. For some, recitation of formal prayers like the rosary is very comforting. Others have discovered fgrms of contemplative prayer. One woman, unable to leave her home, said tl~at at first she missed attending church, but then came to the conviction that the whole worldis a cathedral and that God is truly present everywhere. She looks forward to experiencing this presence in a new way after death. For me, her faith~an~d hope serve as a reminder of Jesus' words: "I am the resurrection. If, anyone believes in me, even though he dies he will live, and whoever lives and believes in me will never die.'''° It is in union with people such as these that our "longing for the day of the Lord" takes on corporate dimensions. It is in union with people such as these that we religious can break out of our own "lack of expectation and resigna'- tion." It is in union with people such as these that we religious can penetrate into the true meaning and value of our celibacy. Finally, Metz defines the ex~angelical virtue of obedience as: the radical and uncalculated surrender of one's life to God the Father who raises up and liberates. It impels one to stand close to those for whom obedience is not a matter of virtue, but the sign of oppression and of being placed in tutelage, and to do this in a prac-tical way.'t Growing older changes relationships, and often the elderly find themselves the victimsof oppression. A well-meaning son or daughter becomes convinced that the aged parent cannot live alone, and forces a move either to a relative's home or to a nursing home. An irate landlord, angered by the low rent an elderly person pays, refuses to make needed repairs. Doctors who refuse to make house calls make more frequent hospital stays necessary. The violent who prey uppn frail older persons can turn a routine trip to the bank in.:io a traumatic experience, and cause a person to live locked at home in fear. It is much the way Jesus put it to Peter: "When you were young you put on your own beet and walked where you liked; but when you grow old you will stretch out your hands, and somebody else will put a belt around you and take you where you would rather not go.'''2 Recently, I received a phone call from a woman whose children and grand- John I 1:25-26. Metz, op. cit., p. 67. John 21:18. Towards Mutuality in Ministry / 351 children were trying to move her to another state to be with them. "Please, please save me from their clutches." Her cry touched me deeply. Several days later I visited her. The pain of moving, the pain of leaving what had been home for forty-five years, the pain of separating from friends and neighbors, the pain of uncertainty about the future, were all still .there. However, something else was there, too. "They want me to move because they love me, and so I am going," she told me. Love was able to penetrate through her pain and make surrender a positive action. It is from this woman that 1 have learned much about "letting go," a characteristic so necessary for obedience. This attitude does not act as a sedativ~ for the pain that can result from having our desires and plans thwarted. It is not a withdrawal from life, a giving up because we cannot have what we want. Rather, it involves an active acceptance of what is, embracing the pain along with the joy. "Letting go" calls for seeing things in true perspective without the warping that our own fears and prejudices can bring to a situation. When we cannot let go of something it is usually because we wish that it were other than it is. We hold on to a relationship after its vitality is gone, wishing that it could return to its former intimacy. We insist on our way of ministering to others, wishing that their needs matched our own gifts a little more closely. We hold on to our anger and hurts, savoring them, but wishing that we were not so fragile and vulnerable. And yet, the wishing changes nothing. Our former friend moves out of our life. The ways in which we are asked to serve are often not what we would choose. We remain vulnerable people. It is in the difficulties that We experience in "letting go" that we religious are most closely united to those subject to oppression. Neither situation is easily remedied; both requi~e struggle. Yet the struggle itself is not sufficient to achieve liberation. This remains the gift of God. "If the Son makes you free you will be free indeed.'''~ And so, while we continue to struggle, we learn from others that the love which makes surrender possible is available to us. The elderly can teach us that liberation is a real possibility. In conclusion, as I have~ been ministering to the elderly, they in turn have ministered to me in a variety of ways. They have helped to bring about a new awareness and sensitivity in my ministry. I have become more conscious of the mutuality, in relationships, more apprec~ia~ive of the role of others in my life. "Giver" and "receiver" no longer seem like isolated, opposed ways of being. In fact, I understand to a greater degree how "it is in giving that we receive." This understanding helps me to approach others with more'humility and respect. No matter in what ways I minister to others, I am aware that they also are ministering to me. Mutuality in ministerial relationships offers oppor-tunities for growth that few of us, if any, can afford to pass by. John 8:36. Come and See: The "Cottage Program" M. Basil Pennington, O.C.S.O. Father Pennington's last article, "The Vocation of the 'Vocation Father,' "appeared in the May, 1979 issue. He continues to be "Vocation Father" at St. Joseph's Abbey; Spencer, MA 01562. The "Cottage Program" is an instrument of our cooperation in the mystery of the genesis of a vocation that I wanted to share with you through these pages. In our times, as it had been in the eleventh or in the fourth century, or in the time of Christ himself, serious-minded young men and women seek a teacher, a guide, a master-- someone who could give a fuller meaning to their lives. Andrew and John had traveled south, taking time off from their work. They had heard tell of a teacher, a prophetic man of God, on the banks of the Jordan, and joined the stream of seekers heading in that direction. They listened, they learned, they understood--perhaps more deeply than most, because, when the teacher pointed to another, they followed him. And he asked them: "What do you seek?" Ultimately,. that is the question the Lord addresses to each one of us. And the answer we give is the most significant decision of our lives, the decision that, consciously or unconsciously, decides all else that we do. If we listen to the deepest ye~arning of our hearts, we, too, will respond, "Master, where do you dwell?" Master!. Yes. Be our master, our teacher, our guide, and let us abide with you, wherever that may be for us. And he replies, "Come and see!" It is when we experience this presence of God, speaking to our deepest hearts, that we know we have found our Master, our Way, our Life. Some years ago I was in Rome taking part in a vocation conference sponsored by the Sacred Congregation for Religious. There were brothers and 352 Come and See: The "'Cottage Program" / 353 sisters, priests and lay religious from many nations taking part in the conference. One of the modern features of this conference was that each par-ticipant was :free to speak in his or her own language. One evening in the course of the program we had a question box. Archbishop Paul Philippe, the Secretary of the Congregation, was presiding, reading out the questions found in the box, and inviting answers from the floor. "Now, here is an interesting question," he said. "How do you get across to a young person the idea of the contemplative life?" A little priest from Brazil, a Salesian with an Irish name like McHale, jumped up. In rapid-fire Portuguese he explained that the only way one can convey to a person the nature and meaning of the contemplative life is to bring him or her into con-tact with it, and let him or her discover its meaning, l think Father was right. And I believe that is equally true of any way of religious life or anylife of a transcendent nature. "Come and see." That is the thinking behind theCottage Progr.am. There is on the property of St. Joseph's Abbey (near Spencer, Massachusetts) a small stone house with six rooms in all. It was built in the 1920's, hut the lodge-like living room boasts beams over two-hundred years old, taken from a barn that stood in the days of Ethan ~llen, the onetime owner of the property. The kitchen and dining-room have been converted into bedrooms. The garage is now a chapel, dedicated to St. John the Baptist, the 'first vocation director. In an icon over the altar he points to Christ in the tabernacle. Standing in the shadow of the recently built abbey, the cottage offers young men interested in monastic life the opportunity to "come and see." It is usually full, and at times more than full ("full" means five men, but the rooms can accommodate two, and there is also the attic. There is always room for one more!). Those staying at the cottage follow very much the same schedule as the monks. They' form a little community of their own, so they won't feel strange or lost in the large monastic community, but they do join the monks for the Office, the Eucharist and work. The men are welcome to come for a day, a weekend, a week, or sometimes even 'longer-- whatever seems good for them. They are encouraged to think of the cottage as their home--a sort of spiritual home base. They may come whenever they wish. To date, no one has abused this open hospitality. The first visit is usually preceded by some reading about life .in the monastery. Each evening the candidates (or "cottagers," as they are sometimes called) gather around the great stone hearth for a colloquium or a conference with the Vocation Father, where they can learn of the wisdom and ways of the monks and have their questions answered. In the course of his visit, each young man is given practical instructions on how to do spiritual or faith reading and how to meditate. If he already has a method of meditation which has proved fruitful for him, he is encouraged to continue in it. If it is one learned from an Eastern master, he is helped to see how to place it in a Christian framework so as to open it to the Spirit, to faith, 354 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 and to love, so that it can truly be prayer. Before he leaves, the candidate is asked to formulate his own rule of life and to go over it with the Vocation Father. Our method for this is simple: After reflecting prayerfully on l Corin-thians 2, the candidate takes four sheets of paper. On the first; he tries to ex-press as succintly as he can the present goals of his life as he sees them. On the second, he lists as fully as possible the things he has to do to attain these goals. On the third, he lists the things he sees have been preventing him from moving toward his objectives. And, finally, on the fourth, he formulates a daily pro-gram for himself, and also a weekly and monthly schedt~ie of particulai: events.* This gives the candidate a concrete, practical support for bringing into his everyday life something of what he has learned and experienced as he shared the monks' life accordin.g to their Rule. Such an experience helps the young man to recognize and foster' the grace of vocation he is receiving. In some chses, it may be a long time before an individual can enter the monastic community. The qottage, though, already gives him a sense that in some way he already belongs, that he has his place in the monastery and a'spiritual father who cares for him. In some cases, the cottage experience puts the young man in touch with the contemplative dimen-sion of his life and shows him how to develop it, even as he moves on to some other vocation. It is not as easy for active religious communities to provide a Cottage Program as it is for monastic communities whose life is centered in a stable fashion in one place. But it is not impossible, and I think it can be, in some way or form, very useful. Let me suggest what I think could be an ideal form for an active religious institute. Obviously, the ideal always has to be adapted as it finds its ieal incarnations. It has been my experience over the years that there are a significant number of active religious who feel the call to a more contemplative form of life, either on a temporary or a permanent basis. It seems sad that they must, in most cases, think of going outside their own communities to realize this. :Far better would it be I think, if, ea~:h province or congregation had its own contem-plative house or house of prayer. Here a core group of members, committed for varying periods of time, could live the spiritual dimension of the particular charism of the community in a fuller way, and devote time.to a deeper study of the institute's proper ~:harism. It would be a place where the other members of the community could come, for days of recollection or longer retreats, to get more deeply in touch with their shared charism, their own deepest spirit. Such a house of prayer or contemplative center would, of cours~e, form a very precious and enriching adjunct for the novitiate and house of formation. It could also greatly encourage and inspire the retirement community as the seni6r members live out their life commitment in a more c0nte.mplative way. Here, though, I am thinking of such a house as a context within which the o *For a fuller treatment of this method, see°the Epilogue of my book, Daily We Touch Hhn. Come and See: The "'Cottage Program'" / 355 vocation father or mother could offer the ministry of hospitality. The aspirants would be able to perceive in the core group,a good expression of the spiritual and communal aspects of the life of that community. It is precisely an attraction to these aspects that often leads ~ oung men and women to explore the possibility of living out their commitment to Christ and his Body in a religious community. There would always be a group of professed religiou~ there with whom the candidates could pray and work. These would normally be members more reflectively conscious of the charism of their community, of their own participation in the grace of the founder. And so they would be able to help the aspirants to identify the grace stirring in their own hearts. Such an arrangement-- a vocation program within the context of a house of prayer or contemplative center--will not always be possible, or even desirable in some cases. Another alternative for a Cottage Program would be the house of formation or novitiate, if the vocation father or mother could find a bit of space there; a few rooms, for the candidates and themselves, and a common room are enough. The formation team could be the "stable com-munity" providing the lived experience for the aspirants. And these young men or women could readily identify with the young people in the formation or novitiate program. Whatever the arrangements, the ingredients that seem to contribute to the makimal success of such a program are:" 1. The presence of a professed community which obviously lives the spiritual aspects of the vocation., though thi~ does not exclude involvement in active .apostolates. 2. Access to the younger members of the community who have recently embarked on this life and with whom the candidates can easily identify. 3. A vocation father/mother willing and able to function as a spiritual father/mother, to instruct in the spiritual arts, to pray with the candidates, and to pray for them. 4. Practical instruction in spiritual reading, meditation (we usually use Centering Prayer), and the art of receiving spiritual guidance. Merton's little book, Spiritual Direction and MeditatiOn, published by Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, is good for this. 5. A rule of life. 6. An open and welcoming hospitality. We have found that frequently candidates tell others of their experience at the cottage and are eager to have them share ira this program. This has added to the almost geometric increase of caffdidates we have experienced since we have inauguratedthe Cottage Program. There are many other programs underway~in different religious orders and congregations, which include~ one or othi~r of the aspects of the Cottage Program. I do not propose this program as the only way or the best way, but simply share it as one way, a way that has worked very well for us. I believe it 356 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 has been not only successful in fostering vocations for our own community (we have seventeen in the novitiate at the moment), butin making a contribu-tion to other religious communities, and to the Church at large. This year more than three hundred fifty have stayed at the cottage. All have found it a beneficial experience. Each learned at least a little more~ about prayer; about community, about Christ our Lord and his great love for each one of us. Such fruit makes a Cottage Program more than worthwhile. Now Available As A Reprint Celibate Genitality by William F. Kra[t Price: $.50 per copy, plus postage. " Address: Review for Religious Am 428 3601 Llndell Blvd. St. Louis, Missouri 63108 Vocations: Identity and Commitment M. Marceiline Falk, C.PP.S. Sister Marcelline teaches at Bishop DuBourg High School; 5850 Eichelberger; St. Louis, MO 63109. Clearly we are living in times of crises. There are financial and political crises that make the front pages of our daily papers and evening newscasts. But there is another crisis, one that is becoming, or should be, of great interest and concern to those who love the Church of.Christ: that is the crisis of voca-tions to women's religious communities. " For centuries women religious, by their consecrated lives and devoted labors have fulfilled an important mission in the Church. Will they be able to continue that mission? Only if they are able to maintain their membership in sufficient numbers to continue in existence and so perform the apostolic ser-vices that the Church has entrusted to them. The severe drop in the number of vocations to women's religious com-munities is well-known. It is interesting to observe that both the sudden drop in religious vocations and the massive exodus of religious women engaged in active apostolates occurred at the same time that many communities were discarding religious habits, leaving earlier apostolates for other forms of ser-vice, and adopting life-styles more nearly !ike those of their secular counter-parts. Is there a causal relationship or at least a significant correlation between these concurrent phenomena? Are commitment to a specific apostolate and a readily perceived identity important factors in the viability of religious com-munities, as they are in other groups and organizations? Does a distin-guishable garb help to build an identity, promote a visibility which encourages vocations, make known that a religious woman is somehow different? Does a specific apostolic commitment attract the generosity of young women? Are 357 358 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 external life-style practices related to the number of vocations that a religious community can expect? If the answer to these questions is "Yes" then perhaps this will be instructive in our efforts to reverse the trend of too few vocations. In an attempt to find answers to the above questions, to ascertain the percentage of youthful members' in communities, and to establish a possible correlation between youthful membership and some readily observable life-style characteristics, 1 conducted a survey during the spring and summer of 1978. The results of this survey indicate that, indeed, the answer to these ques-tions is in the affirmative~ The results clearly show that religious communities which have kept a readily identifiable religious habit, however modified, and which engage in well-defined community apostolates do have more vocations. Many have adopted modified habits, but they are still readily identifiable as religious women~ Further, the term, "a definite community apostolate," need not preclude other works of charity being undertaken by the community in response to real need, when the work is not contrary to the spirit of the com-munity, and does not detract from the primary apostolate. The following questionnaire was sent only to major superiors of 300 active religious communities.2 The names were selected in a random manner from approximately 800 listed in the 1975 Catholic Directory. Responses were received from 223 or 74°70 of the sample. Of these, two were incomplete. The questionnaire used follows: Survey on Religious Life-style Practices A. 1. Nameofcongregation (or province) 2. Number of final professed sisters " 3. N~mber of sisters in temporary commitment 4. Number of novices of postulants 5. Number of other types of formation (pleasespecify) B. Policy of Congregation in regard to the following: 1. Is there a (superior, coordinator, Yes.____, No___. 2. 3. 4. .) in charge in each local house? Is this person elected , appointed ., other Other types of local government Are personnel appointments made a) __ by direct appointment.'?, ~. b) __ by choice of individual? c) __ by assignmer~t after consultation with the sister d) __ other (specify) Does your congregation have a definite commitment to a specific apostolate in the Church? Yes , No ? What is/are the principal apostolate(s) your sisters serve? Does your congregation have an official, d~stmctive habit? Yes " , No~__. ' Youthful membership includes sisters in temporary profession or promises and novices. Total membership includes final professed, temporary professed and novices. 2 Very small communities and contemplative communities were not included. Vocations: Identity and Commitment / 359 8. Does your congregation permit the use of secular dress? Yes~, No__. a) At the sister's own discretion? b) With thepermission of the major superior? c) Other (please specify) 9: Do the sisters have the use of a personal bridget? Yes~, No~. a) Is there a fixed amount? b) For what purpose may this budget be used? The questions in Part A we~:e used to provide information about the number of religious, and to determine the percentage of youthful membership in the congregations surveyed. The percentage of youthful membership can be used as an indicator of viability or numerical stability. Data from questions in l~art A were analyzed, and results are given in the following table. Com-munities were divided into nine groups, according to the percent of youthful members: Table I Group 07o Youthful Members No. of Communities % of Total Sample I Over 10% 18 8.1 o10 11 9.9-6.00/o 19 8.6°1o 111 5.9-4.507o ' 23 10.4070 IV 4.4-3.5070. " 28 12.6070 V 3.4,2.0070 29 13.1 070 VI 2.4-2.0% 29 13.107o VII 1.9-1.5°/0 23 10.40/o VIII 1.4-1.00/o 27 12.2% IX Less than 1 070 25 I 1.3% Let us assume that an average of about 10%0 of young members will allow a religious institute to maintain its membership,3 and that about five years elapse between entrance into the novitiate and final profession. This would mean that an average yearly entrance rate of about 2% would be required to maintain a numerically stable community.' If we accept this percentage of new members as necessary for the maintenance of numerical stability in the community, it takes into account an expected loss of 2% due to death or departures. Communities, then, which can categorize 10% of their population as "young," and which also have an influx of new members at the rate of 2% per year, would have a numerically stable, or even increasing membership. If a community can only describe 5% of its membership as young, this would indicate that it has been receiving new members at a rate of about 1%. A youthful population of 2% would suggest admissions at the rate of 0.4% annually. In each of these instances, given the typical 2% proportion of change due to death and departure, losses to the total membership would be statistically predictable: 1% and 1.6% respectively. The same predictability ' "Religious in the World (Statistics up to Dec. 31, 1974)," Consecrated Life I, No. 1 (1977). ' For example, a community of 500 would need an average of ten new members per year to main-tain a stable membership. 360 / Review for Religious, l/olume 39, 1980/3 would pertain to each of the nine categories of communities in our sampling. On the basis of these calculations, Group I would be expe.cted to maintain or increase its total membership. Communities in Groups II find IlI could be expected to have progressively slightly reduced membership. If the present trend continues for groups IV, V, and VI, their membership would probably be halved in three to five decades, while those in Groups VII, VII1 and IX might well cease to exist in about three decades. Obviously these calculations are premised on present trends. Factors, however, coulffchange in the future, and this could retard the fulfillment of these predictions-- or accelerate them. Part B of the questionnaire is concerned with som~ external, behavioral characteristics. The characteristics chosen are different from those usually associated with ~ecular life-styles, and traditionally have been common characteristics among active communities of religious women. Numbers one and two have to do with community governance. Numbers three through six are concerned with apostolate and personnel assignment. Numbers seven and eight deal with the matter of religious habit, and nine, with the question of personal budget. In each of thes~ areas, change became evident after the Second Vatican Council. One of the purposes of the survey was to explore the possibility that these changes had an influence on the incidence of vocations to the respective communities. To this end, the number and percentages of communities which evidenced a particular characteristic were tabulated, and compared against the percent-age of young members each community enjoyed. My fullest hopes in pursuing this investigation were not realized. Nothing could be concluded about postulants, or persons in other types of formation. Responses to questions 2 and 3B, concerning local governance, proved ambiguous, and indications concerning amounts and usages in the matter of personal budgets were too varied to admit of interpretation. Therefore, for purposes of our study, only Part A and questions 1, 4, 7, 8 and 9 of Part B proved useful for our analysis. In the tables which follow, the responses to the various items are grouped on the basis of .the proportion of youthful me.rnbers, i.e., on the basis of how those communities have succeeded in draw-ing new members to join them. Table 2 Percent of Communities With a Person in Charge at the Local Level Number in Group % of Group 10070 15 out of 18 83.3%0 9.9-6.007° 16 out of 19 84:2°/0 5.9-4.5070 18 out of 23 78.3070 4.4-3.5070 20 out of 28 71.4%0 3.4-2.5% 17 out of 29 58.4% 2.4-2.0% 18 out of 29 62.1% 1.9-1.5o/0 17 out of 23 73.9°70 1.4-1.0% 15 out of 27 55.6% Less than I% 21 out of 25 84.0% :Vocation~: Identity and Commitment / 361 Table 3 Percent of Communities with Personnel Placement After Consultation Number in Group °/o of Group 10% 16 out of 18 88.9% 9.9-&0%o 16 out of 19 84.2070 5.9-4.5°7o 17 out of 23 73.9°/o 4.4-3.5¢/0 24 out of 28 85.7%0 3:4-2.5%0 18 out of 29 62.1°/0 2.4-2.0%o 24 out of 29 82.8% 1.9-1.5%0 14 out of 23 60.9% 1.4-1.0% 20 outof 27 70.1% Less than 1% 20 out of 25 80.0% Table 4 Percent of Communities With Specific Community Apostolic Service Number in Group a/o of Group 10% 15 out of 18 83.3% 9.9-6.0% 16 out of 19 84.2% 5.9-4.5% 19 out of 23 82.6% 4.4-3.5% 23 out of 28 82. 1% 3.4-2.5% i4 out of 29 48.3% 2.4-2.0% 15 out of 29 51.7% 1.9-1.5% 14 out of 23 60.9% 1.4-1.0% 12 out of 27 44.4% Less than 1% 12 out of 25 48.0% Table 5 Percent of Communities with a Distinctive Habit Number in Group °/o of Group 10% 16 out of 18 88.9% 9.9-6.0% 15 out of 19 80~0% 5.9-4.5% 13 OUt of 23 56.5% 4.4-3.5% 23 out of 28 82.1% 3.4-2.5% 14 out of 29 48.3% 2.4-2.0% 14 out of 29 48.3% 1.9-1.5% 11 out of 23 47.8% 1.4-1.0% 8 out of 27 29.6% 1.0% 13 out of 25 52.0% Table 6 Percent of Communities Permitting Secular Dress at Sister's own Discretion Number in Group ~o of Group 10% 2 out of 18 I1.1% 9.9-6.0% 4 out of 19 21.0% 5.9-4.5%0 6 out of 23 26.1% 4.4-3.5% 9 out of 28 32.1% 3.4-2.5% 15 out of 29 51.7% 2.4-2.0% 17 out of 29 58.6% 1.9-1.5% 15 out of 23 65.2% 1.4-1.0% 19 out of 27 70.4% 1.0% 17 out of 25 68.0% 362 / Review for Religious, 'Volume 39, 1980/3 Table 7 Percent of Communities Using a Personal Budget Number in Group % of Group 10% 5 out of 18 27.8%0 9.9-6.0% 10 out of 19 52.6%o 5.9-4.5% 16 out of 23 69.6%0 4.4-3.5%o 22 out of 28 78.6%0 3.4-2.5% 27 outof 29 93.1% 2.4-2.0% 28 out of 29 96.6% 1.9-1.5% 20out of 23 ¯ 87.0% 1.4-1.0% 26 out of 27 96.3% 1.0% 25 out of 25 100.0% These tables indicate that the characteristics of a specific community apostolate and a distinctive habit do have a strong influence on the number of youthful members, and therefore, on the number of vocations to a com-munity. To test the degree of relationship between the given characteristic and the percent of youthful membership, a statistical analysis of the data given in the previous tables was made. The usual instruments of the Spearmann cor-relation coefficients and significance tests were used to demonstrate statistical correlation between the percentage of youthful members and .the various characteristics with the following results,~ The correlation between youthful membership and the characteristic of having "a person in charge at the local level" did not show any 'appreciable significance. The correlation was 38.33.07o with a corresponding significance of ¯ 154. This is evident from the data, which do not show much variation. Most communities reported a person in charge. Answers to the questionnaire on this point were frequently qualified by such statements as: "Yes, but not in smaller houses," or: "No, except in the larger houses." The correlation between youthful membership and the use of a personal budget is even less, at -31.67070, having a significance of .203. The negative correlation indicates that there is some slight decrease in the use of the budget as the percentage of youthful members increases. Again, although most com-munities indicated the use of a personal budget, the amount and kinds of restrictions on its use varied from very small amounts for the purchase of small, personal items to large amounts with practically unrestricted use. It was interesting to note that the use of th.e personal budget was least evident among communities which did not permit secular dress. Personnel placement after consultation with sisters shows a somewhat higher correlation, of 60.0°70, and a significance of .044. Possibly there is a ~ Spearmann correlation percentages, based on O- 100%, measure the tendency of two variable~ to vary ~together, that is to show a relationship to each other. Significance tests decide whether dif-ferences between values obtained from the samples and theoretical expeclations could be due to chance. A low significance factor indicates that the relationship studied could not be due to chance. Vocations: Identity and Commitment / 363 relationship between community apostolate and the placement of personnel in areas of community commitment. Of significance is the very high correlation between the number of young members and the existence of a specific community apostolate (90.0°7o and a significance of .001). This strongly suggests that a community commitment to a specific service in the Church has a strong influence on vocations. Such apostolic services were not necessarily limited to only one area of the apostolate. Many communities, in fact, indicated a wide range of apostolic services. But they were community apostolates, and not left to individual choice. A distinctive religious habit is also a significant factor in the number of youthful religious in a community. In this case, the correlation percent is 77.8070, with a significance factor of .007. The most highly significant correlation was the inverse ratio between the number of youthful members and the use of secular clothes at the sister's own discretion. Here a-98.33070 correlation coefficient, and a significance of .001 clearly indicate the negative influence of this characteristic on vocations.6 Ap-parently commun~ities having an open option for secular clothes fail to attract many young women. The characteristics analyzed in this study cannot be the only ones which in-fluence the number of vocations, and so affect the numerical stability of a religious community. Neither are they necessarily a measure of the internal fervor, or of the importance of a particular community's contribution to the Church and the People of God. Other aspects, such as the quality ofcom-munity prayer life, the kind of apostolate, the geographic location,ethnic origin, time of founding--as well as many other intangibles, such as com-munity spirit, understanding of the vows, and other internal characteris-tics- will certainly also have an effect on the overall picture. However, the statistical analysis of the data obtained in the questionnaire does clearly indicate that, generally, communities with a specific and well-defined apostolate, and those which retain the visible sign of the habit do have a significantly greater number of young members. Apparently these two fac- . tors do, in large measure, provide the initial visibility, the instant recognition of "Who We Are," and "What We Do" that are capable of drawing new members to the communities that possess them. 6 The negative percent means that the use of secular dress has a strong adverse effect on religious vocations. 364 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 Since these characteristics, a reasonably specific apostolic service and a distinctive habit (or nonuse of secular clothes) does seem to show such a high significance, it might be interesting to apply the conclusions to a real community. I made an analysis of membership trends for one particular community. This community changed its apostolic thrust from education to an open-ended .apostolate, according to which its present policy is to permit new members to choose their own apostolic field of service. The use of secular dress was also left to the discretion of each sister. A comparison of the membership of this community between the years 1961 and 1978 shows the following:' Table 8 1961 1978 Nurfiber of Final Professed 513 458 Number in Temporary Vows 47 1 I Novices 48 3 Total Membership 608 472 In 1961, the youthful membership (novices and "juniors") was 95, or 15.6% of the total. In 1978, these numbered only 14, or 3% of the total membership. This represents a net los's of 136 sisters during this seventeen year period, a 22% loss. During this same period, 94 sisters died, and there were 80 new admissions. There were also over 100 departures. The major loss due to departures and a decline in admissions began in 1968, when the policies of individual choice of apostolic service and the use of secular dress became effective. At this time, a new formation program was introduced, placing a strong emphasis on self-fulfillment and promoting individual choice of apostolic service and of the mode of dressing. The median age in 1961 was about forty-eight years. In 1978, it had risen to about 63 years. In 1961, about half the community was professed less than twenty-five years. By 1978, half the community was professed for forty or more years. During the last ten years, since the new policies of self-choice in apostolic service and the use of secular dress went into effect, only fourteen sisters made first profession. Surely this would indicate that the rise in median age is rather due to a lack of new vocations, and of departures, than to a ¯ general rise in the median age of the population at large. Further, it is clear that the median age of this particular community is much too high for com-placency about the future. The following table shows the shift which took place in the median age of this community: ' The year 1961 was chosen as starting date because it was the last year before Vatican ll; 1978 is the latest date for which statistics were available. Vocations." Identity and Commitment / 365 Table 9 1961 1978 Number of Years Number of % Number of % of Professed Sisters Total Sisters Total More than 53 18 3.0 61 13.0 48-52 22 3.6 44 9.3 43-47 30 4.9 65 13.8 38-42 40 6.6 79 16.7 33-37 55 9.0 42 8.9 28-32 65 10.7 32 6.7 23-27 78 12.8 37 7.8 18-22 65 10.7 32 6.7 13-17 39 6.4 40 8.5 8-12 48 7.9 15 3.1 4- 7 54 8.9 8 1.7 3 or less (Including Novices) 95 15.0 14 3.0'- Prognostications from this table make it clear that if the trends continue, and are not somehow reversed, it will become increasingly difficult for this particular community to continue its service to the Church, that, indeed, it faces a struggle for survival in the not too distant future. The. decrease in religious vocations is a grave concern for the whole Church, as the following statement of Paul VI in an address to religious women indicates: ~ In truth, here again we have to" make a double observation that is not a happy one. Religious vocations, for women, too, are falling off; yet both the Church and secular society have a gro.wing need for these vocations. This is one of th~ problems of our time, for whose solution we must work and pray? The importance of identity and apostolic commitment in fostering voca-tions is stressed by Cardinal Pironio, Prefect of the Sacred Congregation for' Religious and Secular Institutes: In a serious study of consecrated life--particularly in evaluating certain attitudes and concrete activities--there is no doubt that many things would change if we responded with loyalty to this question: "What do Christ, the ecclesial community, and the world in which we live expect of us?" At any rate, there are three aspects in consecrated life which it would be well to emphasize: The Church expects religious to be faithful to their identi-ty, to their essential values, and to their evangelical relevance . Religious are, before all else, Christians, but they are religious in a way that is unmistakably distinct . Religious identity d0es not segregate religious from the rest of the members of the People of God, nor does it remove them from the world; on the contrary, it identifies them and involves them in the world with their own, unmistakable specificity . The loss of identity is one ~ Pope Paul VI, "New Horizons for Women Religious," address given to women religious on the feast of the Nativity of our Lady, 1964, Documents on Renewal for Religious, Daughters of St. Paul, 1974, p. 57. 366 / Review for Religious, Volume 39, 1980/3 of the causes today of the drop in vocations to consecrated life. When an institute's iden-tity disappears, or is jeopardized, it is only logical for young people to lose their en-thusiasm and become disoriented. Being faithful to one's self is therefore to take on a strong commitment with God and with men. it is the essence of our vocation, and of our consecration, and of our mission.~ I The words of our Holy Father, John Paul II, spoken to mothers general on November 16, 1978, just one month after his election, are particularly significant: And if your consecration to God is really such a deep reality, it is not unimportant to bear permanently its exterior sign which a simple and suitable habit constitutes; it is the means to remind yourse!ves constantly of your commitment which contrasts strongly with the spirit of the world; it is a silent, but eloquent testimony that our secularized world needs to find on its way, as many Christians, moreover, desire. 1 ask you to turh this over carefully in your minds. '° This study of external behavioral characteristics as related to vocations is an attempt to contribute to a serious study of possible causes for the evident decline in the number of religious vocations to active communities of women in the United States. While it is true that this is only part of the total picture, it is hoped that a spirit of openness would encourage communities to consider seriously the impact of these external behavior patterns on the perception of what religious life is all about. The interior spirit of a community is of the ut-most importance, but the external manifestation of that spirit of dedication, the willingness to be recognized by a religious habit and the having of a specific apostolic commitment to the service of Christ in the Church and the world is also important. These externals advertise for all to see: "We are religious! We do believe that our.being and our service are essential to our specifically religious witness." 9 Eduardo Cardinal Pironio, "Th~ Joy of Fidelity," Consecrated Life Ill No. ~, 1979. ,o Pope John Paul 11, "Be True Daughters~ of the Church, Not Orily in Words But in Deeds," Strain Forward, Vol. 12, No. 1, January 1979. How About a Semi-Sermon Sometime? M. Eucharista Ward, O.S.F. Sister Eucharista teaches at St. Ladislaus Higl~ School; 2697 Caniff Ave.; Hamtramck, M 148212. It was hard to imagine how God could add to a spiritual nurturing that for ten years had seemed almost the equivalent of hothouse conditi

Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa: Società, politica e istituzioni(XIX-XX Secolo) ; Una curiosa espressione di Jacques Delors, più volte utilizzata nel corso della sua carriera, definì le istituzioni comunitarie come un "O.P.N.I., oggetto politico non identificato". L'affermazione di Delors appare come un compromesso tra l'interesse a tutela dei diritti degli Stati e la necessità di attribuire al processo di integrazione europea istituzioni stabili e soprattutto autonome. In realtà, i caratteri di profonda instabilità mostrati dal modello di Comunità ne fecero scaturire due orientamenti interpretativi differenti. Il primo considerò il raggiungimento dell'obiettivo prefissato nella realizzazione di una unione politica; come sostiene Riccardo Perissich, "Ai limitati trasferimenti di sovranità già decisi, altri ne sarebbero seguiti, anche se sempre in modo graduale. Coerentemente con questo approccio, le istituzioni avrebbero dovuto evolvere verso un modello classico. La Commissione si sarebbe trasformata in un esecutivo federale; il Consiglio dei ministri in un "Senato degli Stati"; l'Assemblea parlamentare in un vero Parlamento federale"1. Il secondo orientamento si basò sull'idea che il principio di sovranità non potesse essere frammentato e che il conferimento di potere previsto dai Trattati fosse più di carattere tecnico che politico. Questa seconda interpretazione aumentò i dubbi e la diffidenza nei confronti della Commissione e ancor più del Parlamento. C'è da dire inoltre, che gli Stati firmatari dei Trattati si riconobbero più nella prima lettura del modello, con un necessario distinguo per la Francia che, all'epoca dell'entrata in vigore era presieduta dal generale Charles De Gaulle, fortemente contrario, come noto, all'idea di una qualsiasi minima cessione di potere a livello sovranazionale. A seguito della fusione di CECA, CEE ed EURATOM una sola Commissione unificò l'apparato amministrativo mentre al Parlamento europeo venne assegnato unicamente il compito di esercitare il potere in materia di bilancio, oltre ad una funzione meramente consultiva; l'elezione diretta del Parlamento fu contemplata nell'articolo n.138 del Trattato istitutivo della Comunità europea nel quale, oltre ad essere indicato il sistema di elezione dei parlamentari europei delegati come provvisorio, 1R. Perissich, L'Unione Europea una storia non ufficiale, Milano, Longanesi, 2008, p.54. venne previsto che il Parlamento avrebbe elaborato progetti volti alla realizzazione di una procedura di elezione uniforme per tutti gli Stati membri. Di fatto, negli anni che intercorsero tra il 1951 e il 1976, furono presentate numerose proposte orientate all'istituzione della procedura di elezione a suffragio universale diretto che, dopo molte difficoltà, trovarono soltanto nel 1979 la loro attuazione; questo risultato rappresentò l'inizio di una nuova era in cui l'importanza della comunicazione politico-istituzionale giocò un ruolo fondamentale per creare il necessario contatto con i cittadini, in previsione della loro partecipazione al voto europeo. Ricordiamo come nel 1974, al vertice francese presieduto da Valéry Giscard D'Estaing, venne adottata la decisione di istituire il Consiglio europeo e l'elezione diretta del Parlamento. L'evento avrebbe esercitato una notevole influenza nella dinamica istituzionale europea; nonostante il suo assetto di Assemblea diversa da quelle nazionali, il Parlamento europeo direttamente eletto avrebbe preteso un aumento della propria influenza politica così come del proprio peso istituzionale. Attraverso le elezioni, i cittadini europei avrebbero potuto accrescere progressivamente il loro interesse nei confronti dei temi comunitari riuscendo a percepire meglio l'esistenza di un'istituzione fino ad allora poco conosciuta. Su questo aspetto federalisti e "gradualisti" si collocarono su posizioni discordanti, in quanto i primi da sempre consideravano il Parlamento eletto come "Congresso del popolo europeo" e quindi come il potere costituente della futura Federazione europea. Personalità di spicco sui singoli piani nazionali, costantemente impegnate nella causa dell'integrazione europea (solo per citare alcuni nomi si ricordano Altiero Spinelli, Simone Veil, Helmut Kohl, Jacques Chirac), oltre ad esponenti politici ed intellettuali che interpretarono un ruolo di forte influenza all'interno dei loro partiti riguardo alla scelta europeista (per l'Italia ricordiamo Giorgio Amendola, Enrico Berlinguer, Mauro Ferri, Gaetano Arfè), si impegnarono con l'intento di legittimarne il ruolo rispetto alle altre istituzioni, in particolar modo la Commissione. I parlamentari eletti nel primo suffragio universale diretto si trovarono quindi ad affrontare temi che andavano dalla questione dei paesi comunisti ai rapporti con il Terzo mondo, alla progettazione di una televisione europea fino alla necessità di redigere una prima bozza di Costituzione europea. Il ricorso alle candidature di personalità politiche ben note all'opinione pubblica quali Enrico Berlinguer, Simone Veil, Willy Brandt, si pensò potesse offrire un maggiore potenziale all'organizzazione della propaganda. La campagna elettorale del giugno 1979, così come le altre due successive, fu tuttavia caratterizzata, soprattutto in Italia e Francia, da argomenti troppo spesso collegati alla dialettica politica della propria nazione. In ogni caso l'informazione data ai cittadini europei fu in grado di suscitare un inevitabile interessamento ai problemi comunitari, ma soprattutto alla realtà sovranazionale. L'affluenza al voto fu comunque inferiore rispetto alle elezioni nazionali. Nei motivi della scarsa partecipazione al voto, oltre l'assenza di dibattito propriamente europeo vi fu anche il fatto che le strategie dei partiti tesero ad una sorta di strumentalizzazione delle elezioni europee, puntando attraverso le campagne elettorali al perseguimento di obiettivi nazionali. Il primo scrutinio diretto fu in grado comunque di dare una ventata di novità al concetto di democrazia europea. La nuova legittimità consentì al Parlamento di consolidare nel tempo i propri poteri e di interpretare un ruolo all'interno del processo decisionale comunitario che all'epoca poteva dirsi quanto meno "nebuloso". Una volta fissato il periodo di svolgimento delle prime elezioni, le forze politiche nazionali dovettero sostenere una sfida che le avrebbe costrette a rimettersi in gioco, cercando di rinnovare gli argomenti e i temi individuati per le campagne elettorali nazionali. Una maggiore consapevolezza riguardo alla necessità di allargare l'orizzonte, senza trascurare tuttavia il contatto con i propri elettori e cercando le possibili somiglianze con gli altri partiti europei, avrebbe consentito di conciliare la propria ideologia in un contesto più ampio. Occorre tener presente come tra il 1975 e il 1979 si fossero create all'interno dell'Assemblea parlamentare non eletta, formazioni politiche rappresentative di partiti accomunati da un orientamento affine a quello nazionale. La diversità di ideologie, tuttavia rendeva queste coalizioni molto deboli, soprattutto per via della tanto difficile integrazione ostacolata dalla predominanza degli interessi nazionali anteposti a quelli comunitari. La primazia dei partiti nazionali ha sempre costituito un ostacolo all'autonomia di azione dei gruppi e delle federazioni lasciando, fino ad oggi, inattuata la costituzione di veri e propri partiti europei. All'indomani del primo suffragio universale diretto, tuttavia, il nuovo parlamentare europeo avrebbe assunto il ruolo di trait d'union tra il proprio elettorato, il proprio partito, la coalizione europea e il Parlamento stesso. I tratti caratterizzanti il percorso politico-istituzionale del Parlamento europeo sono stati oggetto di approfondimento nello studio dei casi relativi ai tre Paesi considerati rivelando le differenze che, per la natura stessa del ruolo giocato nel contesto sovranazionale, non hanno risparmiato il processo di integrazione e, nel caso specifico, la partecipazione alle elezioni dirette del Parlamento. Accomunando Italia e Francia, paesi fondatori della Comunità europea che si dimostrarono troppo intenti a trattare temi nazionali durante le campagne elettorali, nel Regno Unito l'idea di Europa si coniugò con la costante valutazione di tutti gli elementi che sarebbero risultati convenienti per partecipare, senza che tutto ciò costringesse a modificare o rinunciare a quanto già in possesso, atteggiamento che trovò nella linea di governo di Margaret Thatcher una perfetta interpretazione durata per l'intero decennio esaminato. Se per il primo suffragio universale diretto l'attività maggiore fu quella di approntare nuovi metodi organizzativi per le campagne elettorali, adatti alla ricerca di un consenso più ampio, diretto a legittimare l'istituzione sovranazionale, nella seconda e terza tornata le riflessioni delle forze politiche si resero necessarie per cercare di individuare le cause del progressivo calo partecipativo. I difetti di una comunicazione politica spesso basata su issues nazionali, soprattutto riguardo la Francia, ha di sicuro rappresentato una delle possibili cause, ma l'atteggiamento stesso dei partiti, apparso frequentemente poco incline a credere seriamente nell'importanza delle elezioni, ha lasciato percepire incertezza ai cittadini europei. Per altro verso, anche le campagne elettorali comunitarie, sebbene abbiano investito molte risorse per cercare di catturare il consenso dell'opinione pubblica, hanno mostrato la parziale efficienza dei mezzi messi in atto. Elezioni di second'ordine quindi? E' possibile parlarne ancora in questi termini? Da quanto emerso nel corso della ricerca condotta sul versante storico-politologico, il livello delle elezioni europee non risulta affatto secondario. Il dato partecipativo, anzi è inversamente proporzionale alla quantità di lavoro preparatorio sia dal punto di vista politico che amministravo-istituzionale, ben superiore a qualsiasi suffragio nazionale. Ci si chiede allora perché gli elettori non abbiano risposto con altrettanto entusiasmo. Qui le risposte trovano differenti possibilità da tenere nella giusta considerazione: la poca attenzione ai temi comunitari, la qualità della comunicazione, l'errore di propagandare l'evento troppo a ridosso delle date di svolgimento, l'eccessiva distanza tra istituzioni e cittadini, il livello culturale degli elettori, i giorni della settimana individuati per i suffragi spesso troppo vicini ad elezioni nazionali appena svolte, la classe politica poco convinta. In realtà tutti questi fattori rappresentano concause della scarsa partecipazione. Il cittadino europeo in mezzo a questo guazzabuglio è il personaggio principale di una performance in cui lui stesso determina la riuscita. Nonostante i numeri evidenzino una progressiva flessione nei dieci anni esaminati, i cittadini non sono rimasti indifferenti di fronte alle novità introdotte dal processo di integrazione europea. Spesso, soprattutto durante i sondaggi, accanto ad una percentuale di "indifferenti" o "euroscettici", molti intervistati hanno lamentato la poca autorità del Parlamento europeo nel contesto istituzionale comunitario2 confidando in ulteriori progressi strutturali. Il mancato raggiungimento di questo obiettivo, preannunciato già prima del 1979, insieme alle vicende politiche legate al proprio Paese, ha gradualmente provocato negli elettori reazioni di protesta attraverso il non voto o il voto negativo3, comportamenti capaci di delineare una partecipazione differente rispetto alla decisione di esprimere la propria scelta. Questo tipo di elettore ha mostrato di essere stato raggiunto dall'informazione diffusa durante le campagne elettorali e, sulla base di quanto appreso, ha deciso consapevolmente di non votare o di esercitare un voto diverso annullando o votando scheda bianca; quindi si è recato ai seggi, 2 Si vedano a questo proposito i risultati emersi nella pubblicazione della Commissione delle Comunità europee, Eurobarometro – L'opinione pubblica nella Comunità europea, Vol.1, 32/89, Direzione generale Informazione, comunicazione e cultura, Bruxelles, 1989. 3 Cfr. A. Gianturco Gulisano, La fenomenologia del non voto, in R. De Mucci (a cura di), Election day. Votare tutti e tutto assieme fa bene alla democrazia?, cit. non è rimasto inerte disinteressandosi di quanto stava accadendo. L'auspicio di un consolidamento istituzionale del Parlamento e di una maggiore coesione politica della Comunità europea non ancora raggiunti, anche per responsabilità delle politiche nazionali, ha posto l'elettore in condizione di negare il proprio contributo o protestare verso il mancato conseguimento dei risultati. L'accrescimento della conoscenza e del coinvolgimento, sebbene presenti, non sono andati di pari passo con la partecipazione. Elementi di insoddisfazione hanno caratterizzato il comportamento dell'elettore realmente europeista. I cittadini europei possono in realtà collocarsi in tre macro aree nelle quali si ritrovano gli europeisti, gli euro avversi e gli euroscettici. Se le aspettative degli europeisti sono rimaste deluse, gli euroavversi hanno parzialmente esercitato il diritto di voto alimentando quelle liste comunque presenti nella competizione europea. Gli euroscettici, invece hanno rappresentato il punto nevralgico dell'elettorato. Trovandosi in quella parte di popolazione attenta ad osservare quali e quanti cambiamenti sarebbero avvenuti a partire dal 1979 hanno avuto modo di consolidare la loro posizione continuando a percepire la Comunità ancora lontana e prevalentemente scomoda se non inutile. A differenza dell'europeista deluso che comunque ha continuato a partecipare, magari protestando, e dell'euroavverso che ha espresso il suo disappunto preferendo i partiti antieuropeisti, l'euroscettico ha proseguito nell'osservazione, affiancandosi agli incerti che sono rimasti a casa. A questo punto sono apparse inevitabili ulteriori valutazioni verso quegli elementi che caratterizzano le elezioni in genere. Ciò che attrae il cittadino ai seggi elettorali è prevalentemente il peso che le elezioni possono esercitare sui cambiamenti del governo nel proprio Paese. Il "less at stake" delle elezioni europee ha rappresentato sicuramente uno dei motivi scatenanti i sentimenti appena descritti; lo scenario si profila diverso, In such 'marker-setting' elections, voters have an incentive to behave tactically, but in a sense of the word 'tactical' that is quite different from what we see in National elections, where large parties are advantaged by their size. In a markersetting election the tactical situation is instead characterized by an apparent lack of consequences for the allocation of power, on the one hand, and by the attentiveness of politicians and media, on the other4. La mancanza di conseguenze sul livello nazionale garantita dalle elezioni europee ha "alleggerito" l'elettore della responsabilità di orientare con la propria scelta il corso della politica nazionale. Sebbene nel 1979 vi fu un'attività partitica a livello transnazionale, consentita anche dalla disponibilità di fondi in quel periodo, l'attenzione dell'elettorato fu minima. In termini di risultati transnazionali la percezione fu praticamente irrilevante; circa il cinquanta per cento dei votanti ammise di non aver idea di quali gruppi avessero ottenuto maggiori consensi. Altro aspetto da non sottovalutare si collega allo sproporzionato successo ottenuto dai partiti più piccoli rispetto ai grandi; è in questo caso che si può parlare di voto punitivo nei confronti della politica del governo nazionale. Molte le sfaccettature e tutte fondamentali per riuscire a capire il perché delle differenze comportamentali dell'elettorato, differenze che nei tre Paesi oggetto di studio si sono rivelate estremamente rappresentate. In linea con la tradizione, gli elettori dell'Italia e della Francia hanno mostrato una partecipazione considerevole, evidentemente legata alle vicende che hanno caratterizzato il dibattito politico nazionale negli anni 1979 – 1989. Il voto "pseudo-obbligatorio" dell'Italia ha mantenuto alta la percentuale dei votanti, ma i risultati hanno mostrato orientamenti variabili nelle tre tornate esaminate. Il caso francese ha mostrato una escalation della destra attraverso i consensi ottenuti dal Front National in risposta ad un importante declino del Partito comunista, anche in considerazione di una progressiva dispersione di voti dovuta alla presenza di numerose liste, in particolar modo nel 1989. Il caso anglosassone si colloca in una posizione particolare rispetto agli altri due Paesi, ma sarebbe più giusto dire rispetto a tutti gli altri. A fronte di un orientamento nazionale tendenzialmente contrario alla Comunità europea, fra le ideologie maggiormente rappresentative si è distinto un Partito conservatore desideroso di giocare un ruolo importante nel contesto europeo, consapevole quindi del significato che la competizione europea 4 C. Van der Eijk, M. Franklin, M. Marsh, What voters teach us about Europe-Wide Elections: what Europe-Wide Elections teach us about voters, in "Electoral Studies", vol. 15, n. 2, p. 157. avrebbe potuto assumere per la riuscita dell'intento. L'importanza del suffragio sovranazionale non fu invece immediatamente compresa dai Laburisti, che di fatto ottennero una pesante sconfitta nel corso del primo appuntamento con lo scrutinio europeo, ravvedendosi in seguito e riuscendo a superare i Conservatori anche grazie all'inizio del declino del governo Thatcher. Un elemento che ha accomunato tutti i Paesi della Comunità è stato rappresentato dalla progressiva affermazione dei Verdi. Lo studio effettuato attraverso una costante attenzione al dibattito politico di ciascun Paese, insieme alle strategie attuate dagli attori, consapevoli fin dall'inizio che la sfida europea li avrebbe impegnati non più o meno di quella nazionale, ma sicuramente in modo diverso, ha condotto ad un approfondimento verso il singolo cittadino che assumendo in sé il ruolo di attore principale ne ha determinato gli esiti. Le risultanze dei dati emersi dalle consultazioni avvenute negli anni 1979 – 1989 non possono considerarsi soltanto per il puro dato numerico. La molteplicità dei fattori che hanno influito sulla scelta di votare o meno ha mostrato un elettore che, pur appartenendo a paesi diversi e con differenti livelli culturali, è stato in grado di decidere basandosi su considerazioni affatto superficiali, operando un'attenta scelta dei numerosi elementi che avrebbero potuto favorire il rafforzamento politico-istituzionale europeo: una tacita selezione dell'elettorato, che inevitabilmente ha lasciato fuori tutti coloro che non hanno ritenuto importante impegnarsi per una consultazione ritenuta priva di un qualsiasi tornaconto. Classe politica poco convinta, informazione discutibile, scarsa conoscenza da parte dei cittadini riguardo al ruolo del Parlamento europeo, inefficacia della comunicazione, hanno contribuito a costruire un elettore diverso dal solito, più attento, in possesso di maggiore senso critico nei confronti di uno scenario nuovo e molto più complesso rispetto a quello nazionale5. Dalla pluralità di elementi emersi durante la ricerca attraverso il ricorso all'interdisciplinarietà per cercare di comprenderne maggiormente i significati, sono emersi dettagli che hanno stimolato ad ulteriori approfondimenti. 5 Cfr. Commissione delle Comunità europee, Eurobarometro – L'opinione pubblica e l'Europa, 9/89, Direzione generale Informazione, comunicazione e cultura, Bruxelles, 1989. Successivamente alle considerazioni storico – politiche , ciò che si è voluto sottolineare, attraverso l'analisi sociologica, riguardo alle elezioni europee nel loro complesso e nella loro perpetua considerazione di elezioni secondarie, è che tutti i fattori esaminati ne mostrano un'immagine differente, che non vuole assolutamente porsi in contrasto con l'interpretazione dei dati puri, ma vuole indurre a considerare maggiormente i numerosi fattori, che per la qualità e la quantità riscontrata permettono di ottenere un quadro più completo dei fatti, andando oltre al mero dato partecipativo sul quale, indubbiamente, la differenza con la partecipazione nazionale è di tutta evidenza. L'esame approfondito è apparso ancor più necessario alla luce del tortuoso processo di costruzione europea e del macchinoso assetto istituzionale comunitario, al fine di poter tenere nella giusta considerazione il maggior numero di elementi possibile, non tanto per giustificare i risultati, ma quanto, piuttosto, per riflettere su di essi cercando di distribuire una responsabilità policentrica a partire dalle forze politiche per finire al cittadino stesso. ; Jacques Delors used to talk about European institutions as an O.P.N.I Object Politique Non Identifié. His opinion appears a compromise between his interest to protect National rights and the need to give lasting and autonomous governance to the European integration process. Actually from the European Community model, two different ways of thinking the governance derived both influenced by the instability of the model itself. The first one aimed at a political union; as Riccardo Perissich says: "Ai limitati trasferimenti di sovranità già decisi, altri ne sarebbero seguiti, anche se sempre in modo graduale. Coerentemente con questo approccio, le istituzioni avrebbero dovuto evolvere verso un modello classico. La Commissione si sarebbe trasformata in un esecutivo federale; il Consiglio dei ministri in un "Senato degli Stati"; l'Assemblea parlamentare in un vero Parlamento federale"6. The second one tried not to neglect the sovereignty principle by transferring technical and political power according to the Treaties. This second view increased doubts and mistrust towards the European Parliament and Commission as well. European Member States agreed above all with the first view, except for the France of Charles De Gaulle who was still convinced of his idea of not giving power to supranational level. Following the unification between ECSC, EEC and EAEC there was a single Commission for the whole administrative system while the Parliament had competence on the European budget; direct election to European Parliament was referred to as "temporary" in Article 138 of the European Community Treaty; then the Parliament would plan the way for a single procedure election regarding all Member States. Between 1951 and 1976 there were many proposals to define a direct universal suffrage, but only in 1979 this target was achieved. This result meant a significant change also for the polical and institutional 6R. Perissich, L'Unione Europea una storia non ufficiale, Milano, Longanesi, 2008, p.54. communication that became fundamental to reach citizenship during the election campaign. In 1974, during the French summit chaired by Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, were both established the European Council and the direct election of the European Parliament. The European Parliament finally elected by European citizens would require an increase in both political and institutional influence. The direct elections would enhance popular interest in European affairs as well as raise people's awareness of the Parliament itself. This last aspect emphasized the differences between the federalist and the "gradualist" trend. The first one considered the direct elected Parliament as a "Congress of European People", that is to say the constituent power of the future European Federation. Many famous people were constantly engaged in the European integration cause as politicians and intellectuals did by committing themselves to legitimizing the role of the European Parliament in relation to other institutions, particularly the European Commission. Reference can be made to Altiero Spinelli, Enrico Berlinguer, Simone Veil, Helmut Kohl, Jacques Chirac, just to mention some of them. Members of the European Parliament (MEP's) began their job by addressing many issues such as the question of communist nations or planning for a European TV or preparing a draft for the European Constitution. Appointing political celebrities such as Enrico Berlinguer, Simone Veil, Willy Brandt was a way to make the propaganda more effective. The 1979 election campaign as well as the other two following ones was, however, characterized by arguments too often associated with the national political discourse. All the information given to European citizens succeeded in generating interest in supranational reality above all. The turnout was lower than in national elections and the reason has to be found in the behaviour of political parties in discussing mostly national issues aiming at national targets. In spite of this, the first direct election to the European Parliament gave a breath of fresh air to the meaning of European democracy. The newly acquired legitimacy gave the European Parliament the opportunity to consolidate its power by acting a definite role inside the European decisional process that was, at that time, nebulous to say the least. Once the electoral date was scheduled all the national political parties had to face a challenge that forced them to renew their themes and topics previously chosen in national campaign. There was greater awareness of the necessity to broaden the horizon without loosing contact with voters by looking for similarities in other European political parties. This is what would allow single ideologies to merge in a wider context. We must to consider that between 1975 – 1979 inside the European Parliament there were representatives of parties sharing outlooks similar to the national ones, but different ways of thinking made these coalitions too weak, above all because of the predominant national interests. The primacy of national parties has always been an obstacle to the autonomy of groups and federations, neglecting the implementation of European parties. After the first direct European elections the new MEP's were a kind of "trait d'union" with their own electorates, their own party, the European coalition and the Parliament as well. The peculiar features of the political-institutional path of the European Parliament concerning the three countries studied showed differences that have characterized their participation in European elections. While Italy and France, founding members of EC, were too busy to deal with national issues during electoral campaign, the UK was more attentive to evaluate the benefits of participation and Margaret Thatcher, who was Prime Minister from 1979 to 1990 was particularly suited for such an attitude. While during the first direct election there was a need to bring some new element in organizing the electoral campaign in order to reach a wider consensus, the following two elections made political forces more reflective about the decline in turnout. Too many national issues made the communication weak, particularly for the French campaign. What citizens perceived was the little confidence of political parties and that was the reason for such a large incertitude among the people. On the other hand, the Community campaign too showed a partial efficiency. So what kind of elections are we talking about? Still "second order" elections? This is not the picture that emerged from my research conducted on the historical and political fields. Participation is inversely proportional to the preparatory work, both from a political point of view and from an administrative-institutional one, which was far superior to any national suffrage. So, why didn't voters participate so enthusiastically? Many answers are possible because many are the causes of such an odd behaviour: little attention to European issues, quality of communication, propaganda too close to the election date, distance between citizens and istitution, the cultural level of voters, election dates too close to those of national elections, lack of confidence of the political class were all contributing factors in low participation. In the middle of this mess the European citizen becomes the protagonist for the success of such a performance. Despite numbers reveal a gradual decline in the ten years examined, European citizens have not remained indifferent to the changes introduced by the European integration process. Many surveys showed that in addition to a percentage of "indifferent" or "eurosceptical" people, there were citizens who asked for a stronger Parliament hoping that this result would be reached sooner or later. The failure to achieve this goal as well as the political events of each nation have gradually caused an outcry against the vote expressed either in nonvoting or in negative-vote; these different behaviours show a different way of participating . The voter who, though informed by the electoral campaign, decided not to vote or to give a different vote by cancelling his vote or returning blank−voting ballot, went nevertheless to the polling station and didn't stay at home ignoring what was happening. The unfullfilled hope for an institutional strengthening of the Parliament and for greater political cohesion of the European Community, due to political responsibilities, didn't allow the voter to contribute or protest against the non-achievement of results. Citizens' increased knowledge and involvement did not keep pace with the participation; some elements of dissatisfaction have characterized the behaviour of the pro-Europe voter. The three main groups in which European voters may be included are pro- Europe, anti-Europe and eurosceptics. Whereas the pro-Europe voters' expectations have been disappointed, the anti-Europe voters have partially exercised the right to vote feeding this kind of lists in the European competition. Eurosceptics, on the other hand were the centerpiece of the electorate. Being careful observers of which and how many changes have occurred since 1979, citizens have been able to consolidate their position by continuing to perceive the Community as still too distant and mostly uncomfortable if not useless. They have continued their observation by standing together with those uncertain people who stayed at home. At this point it appeared inevitable to assess also those elements that characterized the elections in general. What attracts people to the polling station is mainly the weight that elections may have on the governmental changes in their own countries. The "less at stake" of European elections surely showed one of the reasons just described. We are therefore facing a different context, In such 'marker-setting' elections, voters have an incentive to behave tactically, but in a sense of the word 'tactical' that is quite different from what we see in National elections, where large parties are advantaged by their size. In a markersetting election the tactical situation is instead characterized by an apparent lack of consequences for the allocation of power, on the one hand, and by the attentiveness of politicians and media, on the other7. The lack of consequences on the national level where European elections are concerned lightened voters by taking away their responsibility in directing the national political course. Although in 1979 there was a political activity at the transnational level, the electorate's attention was very scarce. The result showed 50% of voters admitting to their disinformation about the groups that achieved greater consensus. 7 C. Van der Eijk, M. Franklin, M. Marsh, What voters teach us about Europe-Wide Elections: what Europe-Wide Elections teach us about voters, in "Electoral Studies", vol. 15, n. 2, p. 157. Another issue is the large success gained by smaller parties; in this case it is possible to talk about a "punishment vote" against the policy of the national government. The three cases studied showed different ways of participating. Italian and French voters showed a considerable participation according to their tradition also because in the 1979 – 1989 period there was an interesting political debate. The Italian "pseudo-compulsory" vote kept the percentage of voters high, but the outcome showed changing directions during the above mentioned period. Looking at the outcomes got by the Front National the French case showed an escalation of the Right next to to a significant decline of the Communist Party. There was also a substantial dispersion of voting because of so many rolls, particularly during the 1989 elections. The British case is a special one for the particular behaviour towards the European integration process. The Conservative Party wanted to play an important role in the European context and for this reason European elections were considered as a way to succeed in it. On the contrary the Labour Party did not immediately understand the importance of such a crucial opportunity; the outcome of the 1979 European elections was disastrous and they met an evident defeat that therefore was useful to understand many things for future elections. All three countries have seen the progressive growth of the Green Party. The present study has paid constant attention to to the political debate in each country, and to the strategies implemented by the actors, who were aware from the beginning that the European challenge would engage them in different ways. It was, moreover, focused on the individual citizen's ability to determine the election outcome. Considering the outcome through the mere numerical data gives a partial view of the whole context. There are so many aspects that influenced the decision to vote or not. There was a selection among voters that showed citizens who desired a more political union operating a political and institutional strengthening in opposition to those who did not want to engage themselves in an election without any gain. An unconvinced political class, questionable information, lack of knowledge among citizens about the role of the European Parliament have built a different voter, a more attentive one, with a greater critical sense towards a newer context different from the national one. The diverse elements which have emerged from this interdiciplinary study have led to further insights. After historical considerations, a sociological analysis has been carried out on European elections as a whole and their "second order" perception. From these considerations a new picture has emerged, which is not in absolute contrast with the interpretation of the raw data. The quality and the quantity of so many factors allow a more complete picture of the facts, going beyond the mere participation on which, undoubtedly, the difference with the national presence is quite evident. Detailed examination appeared necessary in the light of the tortuous European building process, in order to take into account as many elements as possible, not only to justify the results, but rather because, to reflect on them trying to deploy a polycentric responsibility from the political forces to the citizens themselves.

A STUDY ON THE RELEVANCE OF MATERIALS IN ENGLISH TEXTBOOK "BRIGHT" FOR SEVENTH GRADERS OF JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL PUBLISHED BY ERLANGGA TO 2013 CURRICULUM Halimatul Kamila English Study Program, FBS, Surabaya State University halimatulkamila@gmail.com Ririn Pusparini, S.Pd., M.Pd. Lecturer of English Study Program, FBS, Surabaya State University rrn.puspa@gmail.com Abstract The Indonesia government has developed English standard competence which is stated in curriculum as the standard of teaching and learning English process. According to the curriculum, material is one of the important factors for determining the success of the teaching and learning process. The material which is usually used is in the form of textbook. Textbook must be in line with the components stated in curriculum. Although there are many textbooks that are claimed as a suitable material for 2013 Curriculum, it is not a guarantee that the textbook is relevant to the standard competences of the curriculum. An analysis to a textbook is needed, moreover after the new curriculum was launched. Based on the background of the case above, this study is conducted: 1) to analyze the relevance of the materials with the cognitive aspects which are contained in the 2013 English Standard Competence, 2) to analyze the relevance of the materials with the psychomotor aspects which are contained in the 2013 English Standard Competence. This study was designed in descriptive qualitative research because the object of the study was a documented book. Moreover, as the data was in the form of words and documents, so the data were analysed qualitatively. The instrument used to collect the data is observation in the form of checklists. After being analyzed, it is found that some of the materials are not relevant with the cognitive and psychomotor aspects which are contained in the 2013 English Standard Competence. However, there are more materials which relevant with with the 2013 English Standard Competence than the materials which not. Thus, it can be concluded that the materials in this textbook are quite relevant with 2013 curriculum, especially with the cognitive and the psychomotor aspects. Therefore, this textbook is appropriate with the 2013 curriculum and suitable to be used in order to help the teaching and learning process in the classroom. Keywords: analysis, relevance, materials, textbook, the 2013 Curriculum. Abstrak Pemerintah Indonesia telah mengembangkan standar kompetensi Bahasa Inggris yang disampaikan dalam kurikulum sebagai acuan dalam proses belajar mengajar. Berdasarkan kurikulum, bahan pelajaran adalah saah satu faktor penting untuk menentukan suksesnya proses belajar mengajar. Bahan pelajaran yang umum digunakan adalah buku teks. Buku teks yang digunakan harus sesuai dengan komponen-komponen yang disampaikan dalam kurikulum. Meski banyak buku teks yang telah dinyatakan sebagai bahan pelajaran yang sesuai dengan Kurikulum 2013, tidak menjadi jaminan bahwa buku teks tersebut relevan dengan standar kompetensi dalam kurikulum. Analisis terhadap buku teks sangat dibutuhkan, terutama setelah diluncurkannya kurikulum baru. Berdasarkan latar belakang tersebut, penelitian ini dilaksanakan: 1) untuk menganalisis kecocokan antara bahan pelajaran dalam buku teks "Bright" dengan aspek kognitif yang terdapat dalam Standar Kompetensi Bahasa Inggris 2013, 2) untuk menganalisis kecocokan antara bahan pelajaran dalam buku teks "Bright" dengan aspek psikomotor yang terdapat dalam Standar Kompetensi Bahasa Inggris 2013. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif karena objek yang menjadi bahan penelitian adalah buku. Selain itu, data penelitian dianalisis secara kualitatif karena data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini berbentuk dokumen. Instrumen yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah observasi dalam bentuk checklists. Setelah dianalisis, ditemukan bahwa beberapa bahan pelajaran di dalam buku teks tidak relevan dengan aspek kognitif dan psikomotor yang terdapat dalam Standar Kompetensi Bahasa Inggris 2013. Akan tetapi, lebih banyak bahan pelajaran yang sesuai dengan Standar Kompetensi Bahasa Inggris 2013 daripada yang tidak sesuai. Jadi, dapat disimpulkan bahwa bahan pelajaran dalam buku teks ini cukup relevan dengan kurikulum 2013, terutama dengan aspek kognitif dan psikomotor. Oleh karena itu, buku teks ini sesuai dengan kurikulum 2013 dan layak digunakan untuk membantu proses belajar mengajar di dalam kelas. Kata Kunci: analisis, relevansi, bahan pelajaran, buku teks, kurikulum 2013. INTRODUCTION English plays a very important role as a means of communication. It is because English is an international language that can be used for international communication. Knowing that English as an international language is necessary in facing globalization, English as a foreign language is being taught and learnt in many countries, included in Indonesia. As the main foreign language in this country, English has become a compulsory subject in Junior High School until Senior High School. Indonesia government has implemented English into the academic curriculum. The government has developed English standard competence which is stated in curriculum as the standard of teaching and learning English process. Curriculum is made based on the Indonesian learners' need and is developed to achieve the certain aim of education. Because of the development of the human needs, especially in education field, the Indonesian government always trying to make a better standard for teaching and learning process. As stated by Nunan (2003:5) that "For many years, the goal of language pedagogy was to find the right method." That is why, Indonesian government especially the National education department develops a new curriculum as the new standard for teaching and learning process. Recently, by Peraturan Pemerintah 32/2013, the educational system of Indonesia has launched Kurikulum 2013. Kurikulum 2013 is a school based curriculum, it is an operational curriculum which is constructed, developed, and implemented by each education unit (school). The purpose of the 2013 Curriculum is to draw up the next generations of Indonesia to be a religious, productive, creative, and innovative citizen who could contribute for the social life in the Indonesia and social life in all over the world (Permendikbud Nomor 68 Tahun 2013). The English standard competences in 2013 Curriculum are conducted in particular purposes, they are: the purpose of affective aspects, cognitive aspects, and psychomotor aspects (Amri, 2013:39). Affective is the aspect which related to emotion, feeling and attitude. Cognitive is the aspect which related to knowledge. While psychomotor aspect is related to motor skill. According to the curriculum, material is also important in creating a good teaching and learning process. Material is one of the factors for determining the success of the teaching and learning process. The material which is usually used is in the form of textbook. In fact, mostly Indonesian teachers use textbook in delivering the material. Textbook is one of the learning materials that can be used by teacher and students in order to help the teaching and learning process in the classroom (Tomlinson, 2003). Textbook is an important component in the process of teaching and learning. It is because textbook can be a main resource for the teachers in guiding them in the teaching and learning activity. Textbook must be in line with the components stated in curriculum. However, selecting a textbook is not an easy job for the teachers. They should be careful in choosing an appropriate textbook, it is a textbook which supports the implementation of the curriculum. As Byrd (2001) says, textbook evaluation should be viewed in terms of the relevance between the textbook and the curriculum. Although there are many textbooks that are claimed as a suitable material for 2013 Curriculum, it is not a guarantee that the textbook is relevant to the standard competences of the curriculum. Based on the explanation above, textbook analysis is one of the efforts that can be done in determining whether a textbook is appropriate with the curriculum or not. An analysis to a textbook is still needed, moreover after the new curriculum was launched. Thus, this study was conducted to analyse the materials in English textbook for seventh graders entitled "Bright" published by Erlangga. In this study, the researcher wanted to find out the relevance of the materials in the textbook to the 2013 English Standard Competence. Based on the elaboration above, the objectives of this study are formulated as follow: 1. To analyse the relevance of the materials with the cognitive aspects which are contained in the 2013 English Standard Competence. 2. To analyse the relevance of the materials with the psychomotor aspects which are contained in the 2013 English Standard Competence. Curriculum Teaching and learning process in a school is performed based on the curriculum. The curriculum is designed by the government, so that everyone could get same experience in education (Ali, 2009:1). The Indonesian government defines curriculum as a set of plan and systematization of aims, contents, materials as the guidance in the process of teaching and learning to achieve the certain goal (Permendikbud Nomor 68 Tahun 2013). According to Ali (2009:15), curriculum has a strong influence in the process of teaching and learning. The curriculum as the plan for learning contains of some aspects and purposes which are related to the teaching and learning activity. In the curriculum, also contain the objectives of the study which should be achieved by the learners. Therefore, the good teaching and learning process should be performed based on the curriculum. Oliver (1977:329) states that as the product of the thinking and action of human beings, curriculum should be improved. As the ideas of people change, as people's actions change, so does curriculum. Curriculum is developed based on the objectives and the learners' need. Therefore, the Indonesian government can change and improve the curriculum, if the previous curriculum is not suitable with the objectives and Indonesian learners' need. Recently, by Peraturan Pemerintah 32/2013, the educational system of Indonesia has launched Kurikulum 2013. The 2013 Curriculum The 2013 Curriculum is a school based curriculum, it is an operational curriculum which is constructed, developed, and implemented by each education unit (school) since 2013. The 2013 Curriculum is legalized by Ministry of National Education in 2013. The 2013 Curriculum contains of the plan for teaching and learning process, the rules of objectives and materials, and the method used in the process of teaching and learning (Permendikbud Nomor 68 Tahun 2013). The 2013 Curriculum is designed in three aspects, they are: affective, cognitive, and psychomotor. Affective aspects encourage students to; accept, perform, appreciate, and inspire. Cognitive aspects encourage students to; comprehend, apply, analyse, and evaluate. While psychomotor aspects encourage students to; observe, ask, try, find reasons, present, and compose (Permendikbud Nomor 65 Tahun 2013). The learning stages that are emphasized in the 2013 Curriculum are: 1) observing; the students collect the information, 2) questioning; the students are stimulated to question how the phenomena happen, 3) experimenting; the students try to apply the knowledge through some practice given by the teacher, 4) associating; the students try to relate the phenomena to the previous knowledge, and 5) communicating; the students tell others about their finding. The 2013 English Standard Competence contains some English basic competences which cover all of the English materials. According to the 2013 Curriculum, English Standard Competence contains two kinds of competences, they are: core competences and basic competences. Core competence is divided into four objectives. The first and second objectives emphasize on affective domain. The third objectives emphasize on cognitive domain, and the forth objectives emphasize on psychomotor domain. Each of the core competence is divided into basic competences which are used as a guideline in developing learning materials (Permendikbud Nomor 68 Tahun 2013). The Three Domains of Learning According to Krathwohl, Bloom and Masia (1973), objectives of study could be placed in one of three major domains, they are: cognitive, affective, and psychomotor. Bloom et al. (1956) in Ali (2009:78-81) explains about those three domains as follows: Cognitive Cognitive domain related to the learner's thinking. This objective emphasizes remembering or reproducing something which has been learned. Cognitive objectives vary from simple recall of material learned to highly original and creative ways of combining and synthesizing new ideas and materials. Bloom et al. (1956) states the learning level of cognitive domain, they are: knowledge, comprehension, application, analysis, synthesis, and evaluation. Anderson (2001) revises the cognitive domain in the learning taxonomy and made some changes. The most prominent changes are: 1) the names in the six categories from noun to verb forms, and 2) slightly rearranging them. The revised cognitive domain are: remembering, understanding, applying, analysing, evaluating, and creating. Affective Affective domain related to the learner's attitude. This objective emphasizes a feeling, an emotion, or a degree of acceptance or rejection. Affective objectives vary from simple attention to selected phenomena to complex. Krathwohl et al. (1973) mentions the affective domain as: receive, respond, value, organise or conceptualize values, and internalize or characterise values. Psychomotor Psychomotor domain related to the learner's skill. This objective emphasizes some muscular or motor skill, some manipulation of material and objects, or some acts which requires a neuromuscular co-ordination. Dave (1975) mentions the psychomotor domain as: imitation, manipulation, precision, articulation, and naturalization. Textbook Textbook is an important component in the process of teaching and learning. It is because textbook can be a main resource for the teachers in guiding them in the teaching and learning activity. However, selecting a textbook is not an easy job for the teachers. They should be careful in choosing an appropriate textbook. Byrd (2001) explains the criteria that should be used in evaluating and choosing a good textbook. They are: 1. The fit between the material and the curriculum Curriculum is a guidance of teaching and learning process, including the purposes of the program and the teaching procedures. Therefore, the fit between the material and the curriculum would help the students to achieve the goal of the program. 2. The fit between the material and the students Textbook is used by the students. Therefore, the materials should be fit with the students' needs, so that they can learn the materials effectively. 3. The fit between the material and the teacher Textbook is used by the teacher. Therefore, the materials in the textbook should help the teacher in organizing the process of teaching and learning effectively. Textbook is often used in schools, and schools follow the curriculum designed by the government to guide the teachers in developing the objectives of teaching and learning activities. Therefore, Tarigan and Tarigan (1990:22) add that a good textbook should be relevant with the curriculum. Textbook is very important in supporting teaching and learning process. Therefore, a textbook must be in line with the components stated in the curriculum. The materials in the textbook should be designed based on the competences stated in curriculum. A textbook should support the curriculum to achieve the instructional objectives. A textbook should support the three domains that become the objectives of the 2013 English Standard Competence, they are: cognitive, affective, and psychomotor. RESEARCH METHOD This research is concerned in analysing the relevance of materials in the English textbook entitled "Bright" published by Erlangga to the 2013 Curriculum. Whether the textbook presents the purposes of the 2013 English standard competence or not. Since this study dealt with analysis of the content of textbook especially the materials, the data were analysed qualitatively, without any statistical calculation. As Ary et al. (2010:424) states that qualitative researcher deals with data that are in the form of words or pictures rather than numbers and statistics. Moreover, as the data was in the form of words and documents, so the data were analysed qualitatively. The data of this study is an English textbook entitled "Bright" for seventh graders of Junior High School published by Erlangga. The data are in the form of documented materials existing in the textbook. The materials are divided into some activities. The data were analysed in order to answer the research problems stated in Chapter I. There are several instruments which were needed to collect the data. According to Ary et al. (2010:421), the primary instrument used for collecting the data in qualitative research is the researcher him- or herself, often collecting the data through direct observation or interviews. So, the first instrument for this study is the researcher herself, and the second instrument is observation in the form of checklists. They are two kinds of checklist that were applied to answer the research questions. First, the checklist used to analyse the relevance of the materials with the cognitive aspects which are contained in the 2013 English Standard Competence. Second, the checklist used to analyse the relevance of the materials with the psychomotor aspects which are contained in the 2013 English Standard Competence. The technique used to collect the data in this study was by conducting an observation. The observation dealt with all of the materials in the textbook and the relevance of it based on 2013 Curriculum. The researcher observed the data by using observation checklist. The observation was done through several steps. First, the researcher determined the textbook which is going to be analysed. Second, the researcher read and observed the materials of the textbook carefully. Third, the researcher compared the materials in the textbook with the 2013 English Standard Competence using checklist in order to know the relevance between the materials on the textbook to the 2013 English Standard Competence. The last, the researcher collected the data then analysed them. The data of this study were collected from English textbook entitled "Bright" for seventh graders of Junior High School published by Erlangga. In analysing the data, some steps were taken, they are: The researcher analysed the relevance of the materials with the cognitive aspects which are contained in the 2013 English Standard Competence. The researcher analysed the relevance of the materials with the psychomotor aspects which are contained in the 2013 English Standard Competence. The researcher described and elaborated the findings of the analysis. The researcher determined the conclusion. RESULT AND DISCUSSION The Presentation of the textbook entitled "Bright" "Bright" is an English textbook designed for seventh graders of junior high school. This textbook also designed to support the process of teaching and learning and it is developed for the compatibility to the 2013 English Standard Competence. "Bright" is printed in 196 pages. These pages are added with the preface, table of contents, feature of the textbook, mini dictionary, appendix, bibliography, and spaces for students' notes. In total, there are 204 pages printed on this textbook. There are eight units presented in this textbook. In the first semester, the students will learn unit 1 to unit 4; and the rest of it will be taught for the next semester. On each unit, the textbook provides fun corner and reflection table. In the fun corner, the authors give riddle question. For the reflection table, the students could use it after learning each unit as the reflection what they are good at, what they are ok at, and what they are bad at. Furthermore, for each unit in this book is divided into two parts: Listening and Speaking Activities and Reading and Writing activities. The first part focuses on listening and speaking skills. The latter part focuses in reading and writing. Expressions, grammar, explanations, and specific vocabularies that the students need for each activity and the students need to know are introduced and presented at the beginning of the activities, so that the students could understand the materials better. The Relevance of the materials in the textbook entitled "Bright" with the 2013 English Standard Competences Here are the tables to present the final result of the analysis to check the relevance of the materials in this textbook with the 2013 English Standard Competence. The researcher analysed the relevance of the materials based on the third and fourth basic competences. The Relevance of the Materials with the Cognitive Aspects Table 1. The Conformity of Textbook Materials to the Third Basic Competence The Relevance The Third Basic Competence Relevant Sub-basic competence 3.1.1, 3.1.3, 3.1.4, 3.2.1, 3.2.2, 3.3.1, 3.3.2, 3.3.3, 3.3.4, 3.3.5, 3.4.2, 3.5.2, 3.6.1, 3.6.2 Partly relevant Sub-basic competence 3.1.2, and 3.4.1 Not relevant Sub-basic competence 3.5.1, and 3.5.3 According to the table above, it can be seen that there are some materials which are relevant, partly relevant, and not relevant with the third sub-basic competence. The materials which relevant with the sub-basic competence are be able to fulfil the purposes of the topic, language features, and social functions that are intended to be achieve by the students. While the materials which not relevant the sub-basic competence are not be able to fulfil all of the purposes of the topic, language features, and social functions that are stated in the third sub-basic competence. There are two materials which partly relevant with the third sub-basic competence, they are: the 3.2.1 and 3.4.1 sub-basic competence. The 3.1.2 sub-basic competence is comprehending social functions, text structures, and language features in leave taking expressions and the responses according to the contexts. Leave taking expression is becoming one part of the greeting material and not being explained in-depth. Only few examples of leave taking expression occur in the table of greeting and the responses. There are not exercises for the leave taking expression, so that the social functions cannot be achieved. Thus, the materials are partly relevant with the 3.1.2 sub-basic competence. The textbook does have material of personal informtion that is stated in the 3.4.1 sub-basic competence. The goal of the competence is the students will be able to comprehend social functions, text structures, and language features from spoken text to mention personal information, while the material of personal information in the textbook is presented in the form of written texts and examples. Therefore, the materials are partly relevant with the 3.1.2 sub-basic competence. The Relevance of the Materials with the Psychomotor Aspects Table 1. The Conformity of Textbook Materials to the Fourth Basic Competence The Relevance The Fourth Basic Competence Relevant Sub-basic competence 4.1.1, 4.1.3, 4.1.4, 4.2.1, 4.3.1, 4.3.2, 4.3.3, 4.3.4, 4.3.5, 4.4.2, 4.5.2, 4.6.2, 4.7.2 Partly relevant Sub-basic competence 4.1.2, 4.4.1, 4.5.1, 4.7.1 Not relevant Sub-basic competence 4.2.2, 4.6.1, 4.6.3 According to the table above, it can be seen that there are some materials which are relevant, partly relevant, and not relevant with the fourth sub-basic competence. The materials which relevant with the sub-basic competence are be able to fulfil the indicators that are intended to be done by the students. While the materials which not relevant the fourth sub-basic competence are not be able to fulfil all of the indicators that are stated in the fourth sub-basic competence. There are four materials which partly relevant with the fourth sub-basic competence, they are: the 4.1.2, 4.4.1, 4.5.1, and 4.7.1 sub-basic competence. The textbook does have material of personal informtion that is stated in the 4.1.2 sub-basic competence. The goal of the competence is the students will be able to constructing spoken text in the form of leave taking with the appropriate social functions, text structures, and language features according to the contexts. However, the material of leave taking expression in this textbook is becoming one part with the greeting material. So the leave taking material is not being explained in-depth. Thus, there is no exercise that could help the students to achieve the goal of 4.1.2 sub-basic competence. Therefore, the materials in the textbook are partly relevant with the sub-basic competence. The goal of the sub-basic competence 4.4.1 is the students will be able to comprehend the meaning of spoken information. While the exercise and the example of personal information in the textbook is in the form written text. Therefore, the indicators cannot be fulfilled and the materials in the textbook are partly relevant with the sub-basic competence. The goal of the sub-basic competence 4.5.1 is the students will be able to construct spoken text for mentioning personal information with the appropriate social functions, text structures, and language features according to the contexts. The textbook does have material of personal information in unit 1. While the exercise of personal information in the textbook is intended to make students be able to construct personal information in the form written text. Therefore, the indicators cannot be fulfilled and the materials in the textbook are partly relevant with the sub-basic competence. The textbook contains of the sub-basic competence 4.7.1. The purpose of the materials is to construct written text in the form of labels with the appropriate language features according to the contexts.This textbook provide exercises about labels. However, there is no activity that aims students to construct their own labels. The materials cannot fulfil the indicators stated. Thus, this textbook does not provide activity to construct written labels. Therefore, the material in the textbook is not relevant with the sub-basic competence and the materials in the textbook are partly relevant with the sub-basic competence. CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS Conclusions This study is intended to analyse the relevance of materials in English textbook for seventh graders entitled "Bright" published by Erlangga to the 2013 English Standard Competence. The researcher analysed the materials relevance to the cognitive and the psychomotor domains. From the analysis, it can be concluded that the English textbook "Bright" is quite relevant with the 2013 English Standard Competence. The materials in the textbook are quite relevant with the cognitive aspects which are contained in the 2013 English Standard Competence. According to the tables presented in the chapter four, the third basic competences which objectives emphasize on cognitive domain are quite relevant with the 2013 English Standard Competence. There are sixteen tables for the third basic competences. There are twelve tables which show the materials are relevant with the basic competences, these materials could fulfil objectives of the main topics, language features, and social functions stated. There are two tables which show the materials partly relevant with the basic competences, these materials could only fulfil one objective or two objectives stated. There are only two tables that show the materials are not relevant with the competences stated, these materials cannot fulfil all of the objectives. The forth basic competences which objectives emphasize on psychomotor domain are also quite relevant with the 2013 English Standard Competence. There are eighteen tables for the fourth basic competences. There are eleven tables which show the materials are relevant with the basic competences, these materials could fulfil all of the indicators. There are four tables which show the materials partly relevant with the basic competences, these materials occur in the textbook but cannot fulfil the indicators stated. There are only three tables that shows the materials are not relevant with the basic competences stated in the 2013 curriculum, these materials do not occur in the textbook. According to the elaboration above, the materials in this textbook are quite relevant with 2013 curriculum, especially with the cognitive and the psychomotor aspects. There are more materials which relevant with the 2013 English Standard Competence than the materials which not. Therefore, this textbook is appropriate with the 2013 curriculum and suitable to be used in order to help the teaching and learning process in the classroom. Suggestions After finishing this research, the researcher would like to give suggestion for the teacher, the textbook writer, and the next researcher. The first suggestion is for the teachers, the teachers should be careful and selective in choosing the textbook to be used in helping them in the teaching and learning activities. They should choose textbooks that contain materials appropriate with the curriculum. The selected textbook should support the curriculum to achieve the instructional objectives. For the textbook writers, they have to follow certain criteria in developing the materials. The materials should be in line with the English Standard Competence stated in the curriculum. Moreover, the materials should be able to fulfil all of the indicators, the objective of the main topics, the objective of the language features, and the objective of the social functions related to the competences. Thus, the textbook will be relevant with the curriculum and appropriate to be used by teachers and students. For the next researcher, they can conduct the study which is intended to analyse the relevance of the materials of the same textbook to the 2013 curriculum and focuses on the activities that intended to be taught in the second semester. Otherwise, the next researcher can study other textbook with the different grade of the study and analyse the relevance of the materials to the 2013 curriculum. REFERENCES Ali, Muhammad. 2009. Pengembangan Kurikulum di Sekolah. Bandung: Sinar Baru Algensindo. Amri, Sofan. 2013. Pengembangan dan Model Pembelajaran dalam Kurikulum 2013. Jakarta: Prestasi Pustaka Publisher. Anderson, Lorin W. & Krathwohl, David R. 2001. A Taxonomy for Learning, Teaching and Assessing: a Revision of Bloom's Taxonomy. New York: Longman Publishing. Ary, Donald. et al. 2010. Introduction to Research in Education. Canada: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning. Bloom B. S. 1956. Taxonomy of Educational Objectives, Handbook I: The Cognitive Domain. New York: David McKay Co Inc. 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W artykule przyglądam się temu, jaką edukację polityczną warto rozwijać we współczesnej polskiej szkole i wszędzie tam, gdzie buduje się w ludziach zdolność do wspólnej i niewyalienowanej pracy. Kierunek rozważań wyznaczyła konieczność ustosunkowania się myśli pedagogicznej – i równoległego dostosowania praktyk wychowawczych – do zmian w sposobie koordynacji społeczeństwa, które dokonują się w atmosferze groźby wybuchu wojny. Rozważania te buduję na dotychczasowych badaniach własnych z obszaru uczenia się w ruchach społecznych, analizując trzy porządki zapewniające koordynację społeczeństw (neoliberalizm, nacjonalizm, militaryzm) w kontekście wykluczanych przez nie wartości: dobra wspólnego, samorządu i pokoju. Rezultatem pracy jest matryca przyporządkowująca te kontrwartości różnym typom współpracy (koordynacji, kooperacji i kolaboracji). Matryca pozwala identyfikować specyfikę konkretnych przykładów mobilizacji społecznej, jak i rozpoznawać luki w kształceniu kolektywnych umiejętności współdziałania. Rezultaty analizy pozwalają zoperacjonalizować praktyki oporu pod kątem celów wychowania i stawiają w nowym świetle problemy powiązań i nawarstwiania się wrogich szkole ideologii neoliberalizmu, nacjonalizmu i militaryzmu. ; The paper analyses types of political education worth developing in contemporary Polish schools and in other places dedicated to building human capacity to work together in a non-alienated way. The analysis is based on my own research from the area of learning in social movements. I analyze three orders ensuring social coordination (neoliberalism, nationalism, and militarism) in the context of the values they exclude: the common good, self-government and peace. The result of the work is a matrix assigning these counter-values, accordingly, to coordination, cooperation and collaboration. The matrix allows for identification of the specificity of some examples of social mobilization, as well as identification of gaps in teaching collective interaction skills. The results of the analysis can be used to operationalize the practices of resistance in terms of educational goals. They also put in a new light the problems of connections between and building up of ideologies hostile to schools, that is, neoliberalism, nationalism and militarism. ; satkow@gmail.com ; Uniwersytet Gdański ; Amici, F., & Bietti, L.M. (2015). Coordination , collaboration and cooperation. Interdisciplinary perspectives. Interaction Studies, 16 (3), 7–12. ; Armingeon, K., & Guthmann, K. (2014). Democracy in crisis? The declining support for national democracy in European countries, 2007–2011. European Journal of Political Research, 53 (3), 423–442. ; Bajaj, M. (2014). Pedagogies of resistance and critical peace education praxis. Journal of Peace Education, 12 (2), 154–166. ; Bieler, A., & Jordan, J. 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ENGLISH ABSTRACT My argument, that draws heavily on the works by scholars of social and welfare policy as, among others, Gosta Esping-Andersen (2002, 2013), Bruno Palier (2010, 2012), Brian Nolan (2013), Bea Cantillon (2011, 2012, 2013), Anton Hemerjick (2011, 2012, 2013, 2013, 2015), Maurizio Ferrera (1993, 1996, 1997, 2000, 2000, 2012, 2013), and Chiara Saraceno (2011, 2013) regards social investments as a twofold product of the neoliberal workfare model (Jessop 1990). On the one side, social investment prescriptions are to be understood as a counter-reaction to the neoliberal project of "rolling-back" the public sector involvement in social security. Social Investment infuses public intervention of a new centrality, one that finds its raison d'être in the need to mitigate the disruptive impact of market forces on social cohesion, as well as in the potential of welfare programs to foster individual productivity and sustain growth in post-industrial economies. On the other, social investment demonstrates a degree of continuity with elements of the neoliberal ideology, with particular respect to the stigma placed by the latter on unproductive, 'passive' entitlements, but also concerning the favor accorded to principles of welfare governance such as customer's choice, multi-level provision, and accountability The welfare system intended by proponents of the social investment model is meant to function in a radically different socio-economic context from those of the 1950s or even the 1980s. During the last three decades, along with demographic changes, European countries have witnessed the consolidation of a new service economy marked, as Andersen observed, by an increasing correlation between prosperity and the 'diffusion of knowledge and innovation' (2000). In the post-industrial knowledge society, goes the adage, human capital has become the prime engine of growth – a doctrine crystallized by the European Council in the Lisbon Agenda's notorious passage 'people are Europe's main asset' (European Council 2000). This PhD research project takes issue with the social investment paradigm, in particular the claim that a functionalist childcare strategy constructed upon the needs of currently employed individuals can prove effective for decreasing inequality in educational opportunity across socio-economic groups (SEGs). I advance the view that recent efforts to recalibrate welfare states towards activation policies have generated irregular dynamics of early childhood services expansion. Whereas over the last two decades both the number of day-care centres and overall participation rates in formal childcare have increased across the European Union (EU), this broadening of provision has not been accompanied by an equally broad commitment to create a universal legal entitlement to childcare. Likewise, EU countries have often been found wanting in enacting adequate measures to remove financial and cultural barriers preventing families with low socio-economic status from taking up more hours of formal early education. The PhD focuses on the case of early childhood governance in the Autonomous Province of Trento / APT (Italy) throughout the 1995-2015 period, which makes for a paradigmatic example of social investment-inspired childcare strategy. Over the period in question, renewed public investment has raised childcare participation considerably in the APT, but concurrently it fell short of setting the foundations for a universal model, capable of ensuring access to all SEGs. Overall, the research points to the emergence in the APT of "twin fault lines" of childcare fragmentation, between socio- economically distinct groups and between providers. The socio-economic fault line refers to the unequal distribution of childcare across SEGs, telling apart affluent families from those that struggle to shoulder childcare costs. The second line touches upon the remarkable cleavage in training and qualification requirements that separates the staff employed in day-care centres under public jurisdiction and private providers that are exempt from compliance with these norms. With respect to the 'socio-economic fault line', childcare policies in the APT have followed a choice- increasing pattern, which ensued the rise of para-public and private day-care centres, as well as of family-based services. Whereas the Regional government has attempted to ensure equal access through means-tested subsidies and voucher schemes, both public and non-public centres still present flat fees and higher tariffs that run the substantial risk of crowding out low-income families. In general, the distribution of childcare remains dramatically skewed along socio-economic lines, with higher-income families recording much higher participation rates. Concerning the 'professional fault line', over the same twenty-year period, a concurrent trend of increasing staff professionalism has run parallel to the expansion of services in the APT. Since the late 1990s, both minimum qualification and training requirements for childcare staff have been raised from secondary school to a bachelor's degree in a field related to psychology or education. Applicants are also required to have undergone a minimum of 200 hours of training/practice. Whereas such reforms have translated into a significant upgrade of entry level qualifications for early years practitioners, pointing to a shift towards increasing professionalism in the sector, these regulatory changes have only applied to the public and para-public sectors, leaving fast-growing private and family-based services largely unaffected. ABSTRACT ITALIANO Background Il tema centrale di questo progetto di ricerca, che prende le mosse dai lavori condotti da studiosi di politiche sociali e sistemi di welfare quali, per citare i più noti, Gosta Esping-Andersen (2002, 2013), Bruno Palier (2010, 2012), Brian Nolan (2013), Bea Cantillon (2011, 2012, 2013), Anton Hemerjick (2011, 2012, 2013, 2013, 2015), Maurizio Ferrera (1993, 1996, 1997, 2000, 2000, 2012, 2013) e Chiara Saraceno (2011, 2013), è un'analisi del graduale processo di consolidarmento di un nuovo paradigma welfarista, conosciuto come 'social investment', o 'welfare dell'investimento sociale'. L'emergere di questo approccio, che ha investito tanto la sfera della governance quanto quella relativa alla sostenibilità finanziaria della spesa sociale, ha acquisito forza in Europa a partire dalla seconda metà degli anni Novanta, ed è stato definito come un duplice prodotto di quella che Jessop (Jessop 1990) ha definito la natura lavorista del welfare neoliberale, il così detto workfare state. Alla stregua di questa intuizione, il paradigma del social investment può essere considerato, al contempo, come un contraccolpo, una reazione, all'idiosincrasia liberista verso il dominio pubblico della sfera sociale, affermatosi con prepotenza nei decenn successivi alla Seconda Guerra Mondiale, e come una manifestazione di continuità con alcuni dei principi cardine che, invece, caratterizzarono dal punto di vista organizzativo il sorgere negli anni Settanta e Ottanta di un'alternativa ferocemente anti-keynesiana all'amministrazione del welfare. Se dunque, da un lato, il paradigma del social investment ha infuso di una nuova legittimità l'intervento pubblico nel campo socio-assistenziale (ma anche educativo), legittimità che trova nella tutela della coesione sociale e nella protezione del cittadino dalle forze centrifughe del libero mercato la sua raison d'être essenziale, esso ha comunque mantenuto un alto grado di scetticismo verso la 'passività' degli strumenti di protezione tradizionali, caratteristici della fase espansionista nota come Trentennio Glorioso (1945-1975) e giudicati gravemente inadeguati alla realtà post-industriale del XXI° secolo. Contrariamente al modello welfarista post-bellico, lo Stato dell' investimento sociale ha infatti quale focus d'interesse primario le politiche di attivazione, conciliazione e, in termini più generali, i programmi funzionali ad incrementare lo stock di capitale umano a diposizione dell'economia nazionale, ritenuto fondamentale per sostenere la crescita, sempre più vincolata a settori ad alta intensità di competenze ('skill-intensive'). Ma, se il superamento dei vecchi paradigmi è una mossa dettata da esigenze di adattamento, o di ricalibrazione, a un contesto europeo in profonda trasformazione, la transizione iniziata negli anni Novanta ha anche ridisegnato, in chiave produttivista, il rapporto esistente tra Stato e cittadini, i quali, non più beneficiari garantiti di un regime di sostegno, si sono visti trasformare a tutti gli effetti in attivi fautori della propria dimensione di sicurezza. A cambiare è stata la ratio profonda dello stato sociale europeo, che da "rete protettiva", tesa a tutela di lavoratori e famiglie dai rischi intrinseci al sistema economico industriale (disoccupazione, infortunio, malatia, vecchiaia), diveniva un "trampolino di lancio" nell'economia della conoscenza ('knowledge economy'), una complessa rete di programmi e policies "capacitanti", o di empowerment, orientata a fornire pari opportunità di ingresso e permanenza nel mercato del lavoro a qualsiasi individuo abile, indipendentemente dal genere o dalle condizioni socio-economiche di partenza. Il paradigma dell'investimento sociale si regge, dunque, su tre ipotesi centrali: (i) nel contesto economico post-industriale un ampio bagaglio di competenze (cognitive, sociali, comunicative) rappresenta la più efficace risorsa sulla quale il cittadino possa contare, ai fini di assicurare la propria sicurezza economica; (ii) responsabilità dello stato sociale moderno non è più quella di gararantire il soddisfacimento di una filiera di bisogni essenziali, o diritti sociali acquisiti, bensì creare le condizioni per le quali i cittadini possano, in autonomia, sviluppare le competenze necessarie a raggiungere una condizione di sicurezza; (iii) una società composta da cittadini competenti, equipaggiati degli strumenti appropriati a prosperare nell'economia della conoscenza, è anche una società inclusiva ed egalitaria, e dunque operare per incrementare il capitale umano di un numero sempre maggiore di cittadini significa, implicitamente, muovere verso una riduzione delle disuguaglianze sociali esistenti. In questo nuovo contesto, come è evidente, i sistemi di istruzione e formazione hanno acquisito una rinnovata centralità. I servizi socio-educativi per la prima infanzia, in particolare, sono stati oggetto di una radicale riconfigurazione: da strutture profondamente connotate in senso conciliativo-assistenzialista, finalizzate primariamente a favorire la permanenza all'interno de mondo del lavoro di un numero, relativamente esiguo, di madri lavoratrici, a settore strategico per lo sviluppo precoce di competenze, passaggio imprescindibile per il raggiungimento di quegli obiettivi di crescita economica ed inclusione intrinseci alla strategia dell'investimento sociale (Heckman and Carneiro 2003, Heckman, Stixrud et al. 2006, Cunha and Heckman 2010) Ipotesi e domande di ricerca Questo progetto di prefigge un duplice obiettivo d'indagine. Il primo, in linea con l'approccio discorsivo-istituzionalista definito da Vivienne Schmidt (2006, 2008, 2011, 2015, 2016), consiste nel fornire una ricostruzione della traiettoria di istituzionalizzazione seguita dai servizi socio-educativi per la prima infanzia, in Italia e in Trentino, nel corso degli ultimi 50 anni; un resoconto storico capace di mettere a fuoco i momenti chiave nella lenta e frammentata transformazione del settore da servizio residuale ai margini della tradizionale architettura welfarista, a sfera strategica del progetto di investimento sociale. Nel contesto di questa ricostruzione diacronica si vuole dare risalto non soltanto alla concatenazione di documenti, programmi e decisioni politico-strategiche messe in atto dagli attori istituzionali, quanto sottolineare la corrispondenza tra cambiamenti di strategia e il graduale processo evolutivo che, nel corso dei decenni, ha sostanzialmente modificato il modo di guardare alla prima infanzia. Il secondo obiettivo della ricerca, in linea con la direzione d'indagine indicata da studiosi come Bea Cantillon (2011, 2013), Wim Van Lancker (2013, 2017) ed Emmanuele Pavolini (2008, 2014, 2015), è quello di testare la validità di una delle premesse ipotetiche fondamentali alla base dell'approccio social investment ai servizi socio-educativi: la previsione secondo la quale un incremento degli investimenti nel settore della prima infanzia costituirebbe una leva di inclusione, capace di "rompere la trasmissione intergenazionale della disuguaglianza" (European Commission 2013) intervenendo, in età precoce, sulle competenze di base dei bambini di condizione socio-economica più debole. La ricerca si concentra sul caso della Provincia Autonoma di Trento, la regione italiana che, insieme al Friuli Venezia Giulia, ha registrato tra l'anno 2000 ed oggi i più significativi incrementi nel livello di partecipazione ai servizi socio-educativi. Il progetto si propone di analizzare la distribuzione sociale degli esiti sortiti da questo profondo processo di riforma, che ha investito non solamente la dimensione dell'offerta di asili nido e servizi integrativi, ma anche, e in misura sostanziale, la sfera della formazione del personale educativo. Il quesito che la ricerca, nel quinto capitolo, si propone di affrontare è se, in seguito ad un consistente aumento delle risorse a disposizione, il settore socio-educativo trentino sia oggi più vicino ad erogare un servizio di carattere universalista capace di erogare cura ed educazione di qualità a tutti i cittadini della Provincia, indipendentemente dalla condizione economica e dall'area geografica di residenza; o, viceversa, se il fenomeno riformista a cui si è assistito nel corso degli ultimi decenni sia ascrivibile ad un modello di espansionismo "selettivo", teso a colmare un gap nell'offerta di servizi ma senza riguardo per la costruzione di un sistema effettivamente equo. Strumenti teorici e metodologici. La ricostruzione storico-politica poggia su un framework metodologico di carattere discorsivo-istituzionalista. In termini estremamente generali, l'istituzionalismo rappresenta una prospettiva analitica di meso-livello, che riconosce nell'evoluzione delle istituzioni la variabile decisiva per comprendere e spiegare i processi di cambiamento politico (interessata, dunque, a variabili differenti dalla razionalità individuale, o dai macro-interessi strutturali). Le istituzioni, in questa dimensione di analisi, sono considerate come insiemi multi-livello di regole formali ed informali, capaci di esercitare un'influenza sostanziale sul processo e sugli esiti del policy-making, influenza che si manifesta primariamente tramite la capacità di assetti e strutture organizzative di limitare il numero, o lo spettro, di decisioni e comportamenti a disposizione degli agenti politici. Vincoli istituzionali definiscono il numero di soggetti che possono partecipare alla costruzione di un'agenda politica, dettano il numero di opzioni strategiche a disposizione degli attori, organizzano l'esercizio del potere politico all'interno di sequenze implementative predefinite, financo indicano gli strumenti necessari alla valutazione d'impatto delle decisioni maturate. Analisi di carattere istituzionalista hanno ottenuto un ampio successo nello spiegare le traiettorie evolutive dei sistemi di welfare europeo. L'approccio discorsivo si distingue dalle altre correnti istituzionaliste per il focus che pone su fattori e dinamiche endogeni alle organizzazioni: una postura metodologica che si traduce in attenzione all'evoluzione delle strutture discorsive interne alle organizzazioni (le strutture del linguaggio e degli 'atti comunicativi', i sistemi di percezione, idee e convinzioni degli attori), Questa logica interpretativa considera il cambiamento delle politiche come l'esito di processi evolutivi complessi, mai lineari e spesso prolungati nel tempo, che toccano la costruzione di quelle strutture di significato ('structures of meaning') tramite le quali gli attori interni alle istituzioni interpretano ed attribuiscono senso alle proprie azioni, organizzano il proprio comprotamento e definiscono priorità strategiche. L'analisi del processo di "istituzionalizzazione" dei servizi socio-educativi per la prima infanzia, dunque, fa ampio ricorso a documenti ed atti ufficiali, che forniscono testimonianza della parabola evolutiva compiuta da agenti interni alle istituzioni politiche dell'Unione Europea (nel capitolo terzo), e italiane (nel quarto). Lo scopo dichiarato rimane quello di descrivere come un principio fondamentale del nuovo paradigma welfarista del social investment, la centralità strategica di investire precocemente nel capitale umano tramite i servizi socio-educativi, abbiano progressivamente penetrato i confini delle istituzioni politiche, provocando un profondo cambiamento nelle strutture di significato che esse adoperano per amministrare e governare il settore della prima infanzia. Il secondo obiettivo di ricerca, testare sulla Provicia Autonoma di Trento la validità della "promessa egalitarista" del social investment, si articola nel corso del quinto capitolo nell'analisi di un disposto combinato di dati quantitativi, estratti da database statistici nazionali (ISTAT) e provinciali (ISPAT), e interviste qualitative raccolte nel corso di uno studio di campo condotto tra il mese di Agosto 2016 e Febbraio 2017. I dati quantitativi sono trattati in funzione di semplici analisi descrittive, capaci di catturare la ricaduta degli investimenti compiuti in Trentino tra gli anni 2002 e 2015 su differenti fasce sociali e aree territoriali. I dati raccolti – relativi all'accesso ai servizi per fascia di reddito, tipologia di servizio, e comunità montana di residenza – risultano decisivi a costruire un affresco dettagliato della realtà trentina. La dimensione qualitativa dell'analisi, costruita sulla base dei dati raccolti in più di 30 ore di interviste semi-strutturate con educatori, coordinatori pedagogici, dipendenti dell'Ufficio comunale di Trento per l'infanzia e funzionari provinciali, arricchisce l'interpretazione del processo politico oggetto dello studio di caso con una importante prospettiva "interna" alle istituzioni, aiutando a confermare, sostanziare e spiegare le ipotesi che sorgono dalla rielaborazione dei dati quantitativi. ; open

Erase and Forget is an inquiry into the nature of human conscience and the limits of deniability. It premiered at the 2017 Berlin Film Festival, where it was nominated for the Glashuette most original documentary award. Charting 'the deep bonds between Hollywood's fictionalized conflicts and America's hidden wars', Andrea Luka Zimmerman's ERASE AND FORGET is a new investigative documentary which charts the extraordinary life and times of Bo Gritz, one of America's highest decorated veterans and the 'inspiration' for Rambo and Brando's Colonel Kurtz. Using never before seen archive footage of covert US operations, and interviews filmed over a ten year period, ERASE AND FORGET provides a complex perspective of an individual and a country in crisis. ERASE AND FORGET is a compelling inquiry into the nature of human conscience which raises urgent questions about US militarism and gun control, and embodies contemporary American society in all its dizzying complexity and contradictions. Erase and Forget was long-listed for BIFA new talent emerging producer award, with Ameenah Ayub Allen, 2018 / Nominated for Glashuette original documentary award, Berlin Film festival, 2017 /Platinum Reel Award, Nevada International Film Festival, 2018 / Semi finalist, best documentary Hot Springs Womens film festival, 2018 / Spotlight Documentary Film awards, 2017 Erase and Forget was screened at Spring Sessions in Wadi Rum, in Jordan (http://www.springsessions.org/happenings/announcement244?edition=edition2019-en) and in a special session at Goethe Institut Ramallah, including discussion with the director (https://www.events.ps/en/Events/1086/Screening-and-discussion-with-the-director-of-Erase--Forget). --- DIRECTOR'S STATEMENT: "You already know enough. So do I. It is not knowledge we lack. What is missing is the courage to understand what we know and to draw conclusions." Sven Lindqvist, from 'Exterminate All The Brutes' I chose to work with Bo over ten years because I needed to understand how he was part of history (as much as what history). I am fascinated by profound questions of responsibility – on the part of ourselves and others. There can be no moral high ground or hierarchy if we are genuinely seeking to understand extreme behaviour. We are part of a system that makes enormous profits out of structural and political violence. Bo is really a witness to the excesses of the military-industrial complex. I wanted to explore how a highly intelligent man came to believe, through cultural and social conditioning, that killing in such a way and on such a scale might be perceived as virtuous. My years with Bo recorded his reflections on life before, during and after his time as 'the real Rambo – the American Warrior'- when the reasons for transgressing these boundaries had shifted. Bo is a man of a thousand faces. His is a public life lived in the media age. It is a life made from fragments, from different positions, both politically and in terms of their mediation. His life is contradictory and assembled from all these shards. There is no single 'right' life or reading of his public activities. My portrait of Bo is drawn mainly from original material, which I shot over ten years, but it also includes found footage from the world's first truly public archive – the global online media bank, scattered across numerous platforms. My structural approach is instinctual, distinctive, and formally rigorous articulated in tightly selected montages – each emotional unfolding is countered with a denial of feeling, hence producing a confliction emotional experience, truer the creative maladjustment necessary when grappling with structural and political violence and their spectacular representations through Hollywood (dominant) cinema. While working with a broadly chronological, autobiographical narrative, I also operate associatively, tracking parallels and seeking echoes and refrains of action and reflection across the decades of Bo's diverse military, political and social experiences. The exploration of this complex and constantly changing relationship between event and image is one of my key intentions in and for the film. When contentious ideas and actions enter this social mediated space, all too often crude binaries (of action and reaction, right and wrong, etc…) are created. These are, as is evident across the world today, extremely dangerous. I see my film being in creative dialogue with Swedish writer Sven Lindqvist's Exterminate all the Brutes, a seminal work exploring the origins of totalitarian thinking. The film is an inquiry into the nature of human conscience and the limits of deniability. Over the course of a decade of filming, it became clear that the focus must be Bo's own relationship with his public image, activities and response (underpinned by the known and covert activities of his military career). Director's Statement on the Relationship with Cinema: Hollywood's Ghosts Fiction creates reality. Hollywood and political structures in the United States are tightly knit. On a material level, there are exchanges of personnel and funds. Hollywood regularly employs (often retired) covert operators and military staff as advisers and the story rights of military operations often become the properties of major studios. Whereas the purchase of such rights is, by definition, often after the fact, on occasion funding precedes the event. For instance, a covert prisoner-of-war recovery mission led by Bo Gritz was in part financed by Clint Eastwood in return for a possible option on the story. It is variously claimed, that Bo is the soldier who the Rambo series is modelled on. The flow of funds from Hollywood to the military is not exclusive. The Pentagon contributes by providing army assistance (military advisers, helicopters, use of bases, etc…) to productions that it deems supportive of US policy. Such films inform climates of public opinion within which policy operates. They open imaginative spaces and arenas of ethical consideration in which certain kinds of military operations are validated. Furthermore, Hollywood cinema serves as a curious, discursive space for policy makers (and thus for speechwriters as well as scriptwriters). Ronald Reagan, on numerous occasions, publicly drew on the Rambo series to articulate his foreign policy vision and promote his political aspirations: "After seeing Rambo last night, I know what to do next time this happens." [Ronald Reagan, 1985] Where Reagan at times dipped into the movies to illustrate an argument, Bo is produced as if he were a movie star, by both the media and by his own public performances. On January 31st, 1983, CBS News described Bo's foray into Laos as "the stuff from which movies are made…a case of life imitating art". The inadvertently implied elision of difference between 'life' and 'art' in this strictly nonsensical news-speak is telling. Does the above mean that 'this mission is a model for movies that this mission is modelled on'? Touring the country for his own presidential campaign, Bo is hailed on national television as the 'real-life Rambo' as well as the "model for the real life Rambo". The description of Bo as a mythical figure has been drawn in terms of another such character: Colonel Kurtz. A journalist on Nevada Regional news, declared that Bo is "[…] the mythical Colonel Kurtz in Apocalypse Now…". It was not just the news media however, that tried to fuse Bo with the 'mythical' Colonel Kurtz. In 1975, Francis Ford Coppola's production company approached Bo during the making of Apocalypse Now to ask for permission to superimpose Marlon Brando's face over Bo's. As Bo explains, "he wanted to use the photograph in General William C. Westmoreland's book showing me with Nurse Toi kneeling in front of a lot of really mean-looking Cambodian mercenaries as the headliner for his new movie. Colonel Kurtz was commanding a Cambodian army and I was Major Gritz, and I did command a Cambodian army. Matter of fact I was the first to do so". What does it mean that Bo so eagerly figures himself as the man who inspired these representations? After all, he is not unaware of the fact that Coppola's Kurtz and indeed, the entire plot of Apocalypse Now, is taken from Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness and set in the context of the Indochinese war. Rather, Bo's suggestion that 'Kurtz' is a play on 'Gritz' not only indicates a desire to project himself as famous and infamous, it also points to a willingness to perform his own history, including that of his covert operations, in accordance with the conventions of Hollywood cinema. Bo's willingness to perform according to a 'script' (both inspired by Hollywood and subsequently itself adapted and produced by Hollywood in a feedback loop between the silver screen and covert policy) gives the POW 'production' an actual star – a star who becomes a simulacum of the Hollywood characters and vice versa. Bo's authenticity is produced not only by his own insistence that he is the basis for his Hollywood avatars, but equally by his parallel insistence that he has no interest in these figures or, as he dismissively puts it, 'Hollyweird' and its 'play acting'. This denial, by masking his desire to identify himself as the 'original', therefore makes his identification more plausible, precisely by producing him as 'the real thing'. The chicken comes back to roost Rambo III was released in 1988. The film ends with a dedication printed over its final scene: 'This film is dedicated to the gallant people of Afghanistan'. At the time of its release, the Reagan administration's covert funding for operations in Afghanistan was at its highest. The film premiered as President Gorbachev announced the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan, a policy decision that was welcomed by none more than the marketing team working on Rambo III. The film rode the wave of euphoria for US political and military 'success'. This was, then, a historical context which enabled the film's hero to be figured – both by the film's marketing team and, indeed, by audiences, who read the film in the social and discursive context of the times – as individually responsible for the defeat of the Soviets in Afghanistan. There is another, utterly un-distributed film that stands as testimony to the Reagan government's dedication to the 'gallant people of Afghanistan'. Untitled and shot on Super 8 Sound film in the autumn of 1986, it is the record of a secret training program for Afghan Mujahedeen on US soil. Bo claims that the training program was initiated by the National Security Council (NSC) under the direction of State Department official William Bode and that the funding was allegedly channelled through Stanford Technology, a CIA front-company. Spectres Bo was part of a world where deniability lies at the forefront of action on the uncertain line between knowing and unknowing (post-truth before the event …). The spectral nature of covert operations resides in their being officially, 'neither confirmed, nor denied'. Thus the spectral is produced by official discourse, but admissible to it only as that which cannot be admitted. However, rather than being a product of official denial, it is a product of 'deniability'. This involves not the denial of a particular event, but the denying of official authorisation of an event. Dislocating action and intention, cause and effect, creates a shadow realm from which strategic operations march forward like zombies. An operation appears to have been carried out in the absence of an originating order. The action is spectral in as much as it seems to escape the laws of causality that govern the rest of the world – it is an effect without identifiable cause. A methodology of making This led me to develop a film making approach through which I have tried to understand the person within this context of visibility and invisibility – between deniable reality and fiction. There is a curious symmetry between the careers of Reagan and Bo. On the one hand there is the actor turned politician, who became President and imagined he'd been a soldier; and on the other there is the soldier who would have been President, who flirted with the movies and now defines himself as 'real' in contra-distinction to them. The relationship between Bo and the President he served has surely been subject to Bo's mythologizing autobiographical imagination. Nonetheless, the speculative discursive space that has opened around the relationship (in biographies and autobiographies, in news reports and internet conspiracy sites) has effected a conflation of political drama and movies, of covert operator (whose modus operandi is disguise, dissemblance, subterfuge) and movie actor. And so, focusing on such a figure as Bo, has allowed me to trace a series of discursive and imaginary movements that issue not so much into an exchange between domains, as a conflation of domains. Bo seems to induce a certain ontological confusion, a collapse of fiction and history, biography and popular myth, which is not restricted to his own imagination. It is a confusion that the media are happy to propagate (this is so for his detractors as well as his champions, for the major news channels and fringe internet conspiracy blogs alike). And how timely for our times this is… --- '.like a Lynchian nightmare of right-wing America.' Total Film ★★★★ 'The film is so loopy you end up like Laocoön, wreathed by serpents of paradox and contradiction.' Financial Times ★★★★ 'Zimmermann marshals her material…with relentlessly thought-provoking confidence.' Empire ★★★★ 'An especially probing portrait of a wounded man and his role in the fetishisation of state-sanctioned violence.' Time Out ★★★★ 'This illuminating portrait of a rather broken champion is enriched by extraordinary archive footage.' Filmuforia ★★★★ 'Gripping and jaw-dropping, it's a documentary that needs to be seen to be believed.' Morning Star ★★★★ 'Bo's nonchalance when talking about his behaviour in countries such as Panama makes your jaw drop. An education.' EVENING STANDARD 'This is a new way to make a documentary, exploiting the bountiful public record of the Internet age.' Variety …like a Lynchian nightmare of right-wing America. Tim Coleman, Total Film Erase and Forget reflects the kind of ideological instability that has contributed to the US's surreal political moment. Jessica Loudis, Frieze ERASE AND FORGET explores 'the deep bonds between Hollywood's fictionalized conflicts and America's hidden wars' through a complex portrayal of US soldier, whistle-blower and ex-presidential candidate Bo Gritz, taking us to a world before President Trump. One of America's highest decorated veterans, the 'inspiration' behind RAMBO, Colonel John 'Hannibal' Smith (THE A-TEAM) and Brando's Colonel Kurtz (APOCALYPSE NOW), Gritz was at the heart of American military and foreign policy – both overt and covert – from the Bay of Pigs to Afghanistan, before turning whistle-blower and launching anti-government training programmes. Today he lives in the Nevada desert where he once secretly trained Afghan Mujahedeen, is loved by his community and still admired as a hero figure by white supremacists for his role in the Ruby Ridge siege of 1992. This event was a key turning point in the rise of the far right and militia anti-Government groups in the US. Filmed over ten years, Zimmerman's film is an artist's perspective of an individual and a country in crisis, which raises urgent questions about US militarism and gun control. Deploying confessional and exploratory interviews, news and cultural footage, creative re-enactment and previously unseen archive material, ERASE AND FORGET explores the implications on a personal and collective level of identities founded on a profound, even endemic violence. It examines the propagation of that violence through Hollywood and the mass media, the arms trade and ongoing governmental policy. Revealing the filmmaker's own nuanced relationship with a controversial subject, without judgment and sensationalism, ERASE AND FORGET proposes a multi-layered investigation of war as a social structure, a way of being for individuals and countries in what is becoming an era of 'permanent conflict'.

Me planteo el hecho de que la Medicina, Salud o Higiene Escolar ha existido desde hace mucho tiempo, y que las interrelaciones entre la Salud y la Educación han tenido unos lazos de unión muy fuertes. A lo largo de todo este trabajo se puede perfectamente corroborar, ya que desde la época romana, árabe, etc. hasta nuestros días, existen datos a tener en cuenta y presente cuando tengamos que analizar la Medicina, Salud o Higiene Escolar. Destacar cómo el estilo de vida de la población y el medio ambiente, son las dos grandes causas que explican la mayoría de los problemas de salud del mundo desarrollado, así como que las acciones de Salud pasan por la prevención de enfermedad y la promoción de la Salud. Pues bien, dentro de esta última destaco la importancia de instaurar políticas alternativas de promoción de la salud ya desde la escuela, para modificar las actitudes y comportamiento de la población. Sin olvidar la participación y el diálogo con el profesor, elementos básicos en el aprendizaje de la salud. Por otra parte, la situación particular del Homo Sapiens en relación con sus problemas de salud/enfermedad viene especialmente configurada por su naturaleza sociocultural, la cual le capacita para transformar su medio, para transformarse a sí mismo y para desarrollar nuevos comportamientos. En el ejercicio de esta capacidad adquiere una importancia esencial el proceso educativo. Teniendo en cuenta lo anterior, en la reforma educativa y en sus aspectos curriculares aparece la salud y sus contenidos desarrollados. Salud que la debemos entender como un valor a cultivar en la escuela, que permita una vida sana y una población bien formada y más equilibrada. Se constata que el marco teórico de la Medicina Escolar española es desolador y mísero, viene reflejado por innumerables autores y escritores de la época, y así por un lado, la escuela que existe a principios del siglo XIX "no sirve para nada", "aparte que son pocas". "Las escuelas de la mayor parte de los pueblos españoles son locales sin luz y sin ventilación, donde los niños pierden en su desarrollo físico lo que pueden ganar en su desarrollo intelectual". Azorín publicó en 1908 "Los hijos de España" en donde se expresaba así: "En esta España no hay escuelas, los niños no pueden aprender a leer y escribir. Las escuelas que existen son antihigiénicas y lóbregas". Las conclusiones que se sacan del panorama educativo español durante el siglo XIX no pueden ser más claras: En primer lugar, sólo una minoría de niños tuvo acceso a la enseñanza, de entre estos, únicamente los mejor dotados económicamente pudieron hacer algún ejercicio físico, aunque de un marcado carácter militarista. En segundo lugar, destaca la ausencia de niñas en todos los aspectos higiénicos. En tercer lugar, la alimentación era pobre y la higiene escasa, y, por último, las materias de enseñanza inapropiadas. Vista la precaria situación de la escuela española así como la de la pedagogía sanitaria existente y paradójicamente, en comparación con otras actividades, España se ha caracterizado por su temprana capacidad para detectar la problemática sanitaria escolar en relación con otros países europeos. Así, las primeras normas oficiales de que tengamos noticia en España referidas a la Sanidad Escolar, datan de hace más de dos siglos, hacia 1770, y están incluidas en la Novísima Recopilación de las Leyes de España, Libro VII, Título Primero: "De las escuelas y maestros de primeras letras y de educación de niños". Sin embargo, las normas legales sobre Medicina, Sanidad e Higiene Escolar, consideradas en el conjunto de la legislación acerca de la enseñanza, extremadamente rica en toda clase de disposiciones, decretos, órdenes, regulaciones, etc., es más bien pobre y sobre todo teórica. Importante fue la creación en 1911 de la Inspección médico-escolar del Estado, por el doctor Tolosa Latour. Tuvo su refrendo legal en el real decreto de 16 de Junio de 1911, a través del Ministerio de Instrucción Pública y Bellas Artes. En el año 1975 aparece el Reglamento Provisional de Sanidad Escolar y en el año 1978, el decreto sobre Ordenación de los Servicios de Medicina e Higiene Escolar. Declarado nulo y sin ningún valor por el Tribunal Supremo, en una sentencia dictada el día 1 de diciembre de 1982. Ahora bien, todo esto sufre un cambio bastante brusco, pues hemos de tener en cuenta la aparición de las distintas Comunidades Autónomas, con la transferencia de competencias que ello conlleva. Así cada Autonomía tiene sus decretos, órdenes, leyes sobre Salud Escolar. De todas las Autonomías, decir que hay leyes sobre Salud Escolar en Aragón, Principado de Asturias, Extremadura, Galicia, Gobierno Vasco y en La Rioja. En las restantes Comunidades existen órdenes, decretos e incluso las actividades de Salud Escolar son incluidas en programas de Atención Primaria de Salud. En referencia a la Sanidad, Medicina e Higiene Escolar desarrollada en otros países, destaca la figura de Bernardo Ramazzini da Caspi, promotor de los orígenes de la medicina social. Johan Peter Frank, considerado como el fundador de la higiene pública, pasando por Jean Jacques Rousseau, que debemos erigir como el auténtico origen de la Medicina Escolar. En Europa, comenzamos con Inglaterra donde se cuida bastante a la Salud, Medicina o Higiene de los escolares. Se crea el Servicio de Sanidad Escolar de Inglaterra en 1974. La educación para la salud se considera parte del plan de estudio escolar. Algo parecido ocurre en Francia, donde el control médico de los escolares fue planteado sin duda por primera vez en el mundo, durante la Revolución Francesa de 1789. Italia posee unos Servicios de Salud Escolar municipales, en donde el médico escolar trabaja en un equipo multidisciplinar. En Holanda son los municipios o grupos de municipios que están asociados, los obligados por ley a tener un Servicio municipal de salud escolar. En la República Federal de Alemania, la salud escolar y la educación para la salud son objetivos principales del Servicio de Salud Pública (S.S.P.). Su financiación proviene principalmente del municipio (Gemeindem) y del estado (Laender). Bélgica tiene un programa para el control médico y psicológico de la población escolar, llevado a cabo por el Ministerio de Educación. En Dinamarca, son los municipios los responsables del examen médico de todos los preescolares y escolares. El médico escolar y la enfermera participan junto con los maestros en la educación para la salud escolar. En Luxemburgo, el Ministerio de Sanidad es el encargado de llevar a cabo las funciones propias de la medicina escolar. La Educación para la Salud se va desarrollando con una intensa colaboración entre los responsables del Ministerio de Educación Nacional y la división de Medicina Escolar. En Austria hay coordinación entre el Departamento de Enseñanza del Ministerio Federal de Enseñanza y Arte y el Ministerio de Sanidad para llevar a cabo las actividades de información y enseñanza sanitaria en las escuelas. Polonia, mediante el Ministerio de Educación Nacional ha establecido una unidad de salud escolar con personal multiprofesional. En Grecia, es el Ministerio de Sanidad, Bienestar y Seguridad Social, a través de los Departamentos de Salud Pública, los responsables de suministrar servicios de salud escolar y de educación sanitaria. En Suecia los servicios sanitarios escolares son actividades propias de los Consejos de Condado (Landsting) y están bajo la supervisión municipal. En Portugal, los programas de salud escolar son llevados a cabo a nivel local o municipal aunque están dentro del nivel central como un área general de atención primaria de salud. Capítulo especial ocupan los Estados Unidos en cuanto a la sanidad escolar. Fue organizado en 1912. Son los Departamentos Locales de Salud (L.H.D.) los responsables de los Servicios de Salud Escolar, por otro lado, hay una necesidad ingente de promocionar la educación para la salud en toda la nación mediante una coalición de todas las partes concernientes: padres, alumnos, profesores, técnicos, políticos, etc. y asegurando un apoyo social, mejorando la preparación profesional, movilizando fondos y llevando a cabo evaluaciones. A tener presente la Salud Escolar desarrollada en países sudamericanos, en donde el enfoque inicial ha cambiado, debido a que antes consistía en dar información de un tema concreto de salud y ahora es el cambio de conducta ante esa cuestión de salud. El equipo de salud escolar es interdisciplinar así como consultor de la escuela. De otro lado, la Salud Escolar en países no desarrollados, también la he tenido en cuenta en este abordaje, y así, los principales objetivos de los programas de Salud Escolar en estos países, son: - Mejorar la condición de los niños en edad escolar en el ámbito de la salud y de la nutrición. - Mejorar el ambiente de la enseñanza escolar. - Impartir un conocimiento y habilidades más significativas en lo concerniente a la salud y nutrición. Según informes de la UNESCO, han mostrado que las condiciones actuales en las escuelas de los países en vías de desarrollo son preocupantes, no obstante, hay bastantes países en los que la Salud Escolar está naciendo poco a poco, caso de India, Kenia, Filipinas, etc. Como parte última del trabajo presento un estudio médico preventivo sobre "La Salud y la Escuela", en una comunidad educativa andaluza. Este estudio tiene tres objetivos: 1º. Estudio médico preventivo del desayuno escolar. 2º. Enfermedades transmisibles: SIDA y Escuela. 3º. Reconocimientos médicos preventivos en Educación Infantil. Del análisis de los resultados obtenidos se desprende que debe existir una mayor coordinación de todas las administraciones públicas en materia de salud escolar. Predominio del sexo femenino en la distribución total de alumnos/as, analizados, 53,09% - 3.266 alumnas frente al 46,91% - 2.087 del sexo masculino. En cuanto al desayuno escolar, decir que es "correcto" a medias, porque no es abundante ni variado y con la aparición del café en unos porcentajes del 12,65% de casos, como alimento líquido, inadecuado para estas edades. A destacar el 1,18% (36 alumnos/as) que no desayunan nada sobresaliendo como casos más frecuentes los ciclos superiores, la edad de 13 años y el sexo femenino. Existe una carencia de conocimientos en los alumnos que están cursando la Educación Secundaria Obligatoria en la zona estudiada, lo que no representa al conjunto total de la población escolar andaluza pero sí es un dato a tener en cuanta sobre el tema del SIDA y la escuela. También nos sorprenden que los alumnos demanden mayor información a través de los médicos (75,55%) y de sus profesores/as (38,14%). La patología más común detectada es la caries dental, con un 32,62%, seguido de la patología oro-faríngea con un 20,22%. Quiero decir finalmente que la educación es una herramienta potente para generar y reforzar estilos de vidas saludables. Sin embargo, la promoción de la salud escolar requiere otras actuaciones, aparte de las educativas. Por ello, hay que seguir procurando mediante medidas legislativas, económicas, urbanísticas o de otra índole, que las opciones más saludables en la vida diaria sean realmente las más fáciles de elegir, venciendo las resistencias culturales, económicas o físicas que las dificultan. Gracias a mi experiencia personal, desarrollada durante más de ocho cursos escolares, tengo a bien hacer las consideraciones siguientes: 1ª. Que las acciones de salud pasan por una prevención de la enfermedad y por la promoción de la salud. Dentro de esta última destaco el hecho de promocionar la salud ya desde la escuela para modificar actitudes y comportamientos de la población en estas edades iniciales de su vida. 2ª. España se ha caracterizado por su temprana capacidad para detectar la problemática sanitaria escolar en relación con otros países. Sin embargo, las normas legales sobre Medicina, Salud o Higiene Escolar, extremadamente rica en teoría, es considerada pobre a la hora de poner en práctica lo anterior. 3ª. Los programas de Medicina o Salud Escolar deben acompañarse de una buena política y soporte económico que posibilite su independencia en el marco del medio escolar, capacitando a los alumnos/as para que puedan elegir conscientemente su estilo de vida. 4ª. La salud es un valor a cultivar en la escuela, que debe tratarse como un objetivo dentro del Plan educativo de Centro, con un contenido de una materia que ocupará una parcela determinada en el total del curriculum. Haciéndolo así, formaremos hábitos saludables y una población más equilibrada. 5ª. Vacío legislativo a nivel de la Comunidad Andaluza en materia de Promoción de la Salud en la Escuela. No hay una ley de Salud Escolar, causante del desfase que padecemos en relación a otras comunidades autónomas que sí la poseen. Así se podrían resolver definitivamente las actuales deficiencias en esta materia de Salud Escolar. 6ª. La Medicina Escolar tiene un papel destacadísimo para el control del absentismo de los trabajadores de la enseñanza, a través de una adecuada información y formación sobre las condiciones de trabajo, así como en la elaboración de normas preventivas de seguridad e higiene sobre patologías comunes dentro de este medio escolar. 7ª. Progresiva intervención conjunta y coordinada entre los Médicos de los Servicios de Apoyo Escolar y los Asesores-Inspectores Médicos de la Delegación Provincial de Educación en materia de Salud Laboral del docente y no docente. 8ª. Mi experiencia y el trabajo desempeñado en el ámbito escolar, me ha permitido constatar la demanda que los profesores/as, padres/madres y los alumnos/as hacen al médico del equipo en función del apoyo educativo que proporcionan. 9ª. Que la figura profesional el médico en la escuela no sea, como era tradicionalmente, un agente externo, sino un eslabón más dentro de la cadena del sistema educativo. Es una intervención directa y desde dentro del organigrama de educación. 10ª. Promocionado la Salud Escolar a través de la colaboración y el asesoramiento al profesorado, Centro de Profesores y otros miembros docentes, en la incorporación de la Educación para la Salud al curriculum escolar, teniendo en cuenta la orientación técnica precisa para alumnos/as y padres/madres. 11ª. Coordinación con los servicios sanitarios, sociales, comunitarios y educativos o instituciones públicas y privadas que incidan en el alumno/a, estableciendo un sistema de canalización de alumnos con sospecha de padecer alguna patología a los servicios especializados, actuando el médico del equipo de apoyo escolar como interlocutor. Ello redundaría en cuestiones de tiempo, eficacia y dinero. 12ª. Se deben elaborar informes y documentos médicos escolares que promocionen la investigación médica en el medio escolar. 13ª. Se detecta la necesidad imperiosa de que la Medicina Escolar desarrollada por nosotros tenga cada día más auge para que los médicos de educación, en colaboración y coordinación con los servicios sanitarios, sociales y comunitarios, sea una realidad por el bien de la población escolar andaluza.

Glatfelter, Charles H.; Oral History Collection To read the transcript and access the audio/video (if available) of this interview at the same time, first download the pdf of the transcript by clicking on the link at the top of this screen. The transcript will open in a separate window. Next, select the or option to the right of the screen to access the media player. Special Collections & College Archives Musselman Library Interview with Michael Birkner Interviewer: Rebecca Duffy Interview Date: November 22, 2013 Interview with Michael Birkner Rebecca Duffy, November 22, 2013 1 Rebecca Duffy: [Today is November 22, 2013. I am Rebecca Duffy and I will be interviewing Professor Michael Birkner in Special Collections at Gettysburg College's Musselman Library.] We will start with you as a student here, so that we can get some insight. I think that's really special that we have an alumnus [that is so accessible] from the 1970s. You graduated in 1972? Michael Birkner: Yes. Duffy: Did you start here in 1968 and go straight through the four years? Birkner: Yes, I did. Duffy: You were a History major. Did you have any other majors or minors? Birkner: Actually, I was a back-ended History major. I was a Political Science major for three years and I intended to go into political journalism. That was my interest. I was always a politics junkie, so it was a natural for me to be interested in that. If you know anything about American History from 1968 to 1972, you know it was a very tumultuous time. Being interested in history as it was being made was particularly attractive to me. But by the time I was finishing my junior year as a student I looked back and thought about what I had done in Political Science and what I still had to do and I wasn't impressed by the coherence of the Political Science major. Specifically, I also had been avoiding a particular faculty member who was terrible and who taught a required course in International Affairs. I thought about it and I said [to myself], "I don't want to take this person's course just for the sake of getting a major that I'm not even convinced is worth having. So I went over to see Dr. [Charles] Glatfelter. I said to him, "I realize I am a second semester junior, but I think I would rather major in history. Is that possible?" [Pause] I don't want to make myself out to be special, but the people in the History department knew me and I had taken courses in history because I had liked history. They [Norman Forness, George Fick, and Charles Glatfelter] pitched to me that I should switch majors and become a history major. The important thing was they said, "if you just take this and this and this, you have got your major." So I did. I had probably seven or eight courses in Political Science, but I didn't [think well enough of my 2 experience to] declare it a minor. I just left and became a History major and then wound up going on to graduate school. Duffy: What were some of the courses that you took in History while you were here? Birkner: Well, I won't go into all the details because that will bog you down, but I will say that the program in History at the time was Euro-centric. If you look at the catalogue you will see that there really was very little World History. You took courses on the western historical tradition, you took courses on the European and British history, and you took courses on American history. There was no Africanist in the department, there was no Latin Americanist, and there was no Middle Eastern person. We did have a person that did Asian history, but half of that person's courses were focused on American diplomatic history which was not unusual at that time. So, essentially outside of the West we actually had half of a person to do anything else in the world. It was a provincial kind of historical learning. I did take a course in Chinese history, but I cannot say I had a good grounding in anything more than the Western traditions. The other thing I can abstract for you about my experience is that I was again unusual in that my interests were American history, but I took more non-American history than American history. My attitude- and I think it was justifiable- was that if I went to graduate school in History, I would be doing almost all American history and why should I not have the opportunity now to get a little wider range. In retrospect now there are all kinds of ways I could have broadened my education in college [with]. I was not adventurous and the college wasn't particularly adventurous in its curriculum. When you think about it, the one smart thing I did was not do all of that American history when I was going to get [plenty of] it in graduate school. Duffy: That Professor that you had for Chinese history, was that Professor Stemen? Birkner: Yes, Roger Stemen. Duffy: He was in charge of anything East Asian, sometimes even Indian history, I think I noticed? 3 Birkner: He might have done that once and that was it. He wasn't really interested in Indian history. We had a woman named Janet Gemmill [whose maiden name was Powers], so [after her divorce] she is Janet Powers. She taught Indian Civilization, but for reasons I have never really understood- this is before my time as a faculty member -I think she and the History department were not on the same wavelength, so she didn't teach it through the History department, she taught it through IDS. Mr. Stemen was the Asianist. He came in 1961 and he was the first to teach that. Duffy: I noticed that. I also noticed that the courses at that time [during the 1960's primarily] were dual courses, such as 201 and 202. Were you required to take both of them if you took one? Birkner: No, but you are right, they were sequenced. I'm guessing a lot of that was because a good percentage of undergraduates in those days went on to social studies education. They probably wanted to fill out a card of having the 201, 202 of History. That wasn't anything that affected me as a student. That wasn't a requirement. [Pauses to collect thoughts] The only requirement where we had to go through both parts of the sequence were interdisciplinary courses called "Contemporary Civilization" and "Literary Foundations of Western Civilization." Duffy: What was required by the History department [when you were a student] was passing a few three hundred level courses, the Methods course and Senior Seminar, right? Birkner: Right. Duffy: So you completed all of those? Birkner: Absolutely. Duffy: Did you have Professor Glatfelter for Methods? Birkner: Absolutely, everybody took Methods with Dr. Glatfelter. Except for the semesters when he was on sabbatical, he was it. Duffy: What was that experience like? How would you have described it when you were in the class? 4 Birkner: Maybe, it was a lot like what you experience with me. However, Dr. Glatfelter was a very different personality than I am . He was very Germanic. He had been trained originally to be a high school social studies teacher. Now he was a very smart man and wound up getting a PhD from Johns Hopkins. You don't do that unless you have some brains. He was one of these people who went by categories--one, two, three- which is not the way I do things. His approach to teaching was not very exciting to me. Just to give you an example of the way he taught Methods, one-third of the course he lectured about the historiography of Western Civilization, the writing of the history of the West from Herodotus until the Progressive Era in the early 20th century. Each day he would come in for seventy-five minutes and lecture about Herodotus or Livy or Gibbon or Voltaire- who was a historian not a very good one, but a historian [none the less]- [hand motions and voice indicating droning on], Prescott and Parkman and Bancroft. Your first big paper in the course was to read three of these historians--one from the Ancient World, one from Early Modern Europe and one from the 18th or 191h century--and write a comparative [paper]. He did that every semester. I benefited from it, though I have not read those historians since. But [in general] this was dull. The second part of the course was more "Nuts and Bolts." That's where he talked about doing footnotes and bibliographies and reference books. Of course [this was] the pre-computer age so he would bring in a cart and show you reference books. Again, it wasn't too exciting. The third part of the course was the "Philosophy of History'' in which he would talk about a range of things from why we do history to the discourses of history. It was very conservative. As I may have said in class, we read one article about Oral History and he basically said, "I made you read this because it is possible this may be interesting, but it is also possible that it may just be a fad." We didn't do anything more with that. We did the same thing with Psychohistory; maybe we read an article on it. Now Psychohistory came and went really, it is not much today talked about. But he was not an adventurous person. So why is it that he is remembered? Because Dr. Glatfelter had extremely high standards and he challenged you to be the best that you could be. He was a very demanding task-master. 5 When you handed in a paper, he read every line and corrected every line. You got away with nothing. He was a person of tremendous integrity and he wanted you to be. That's what really affected me the most, to be honest with you. The specifics of what he was teaching didn't grab me much, but his ethos, that's what really grabbed me. I don't know what students think about me, but I would guess I am considered "old school" and that's okay, because you need to authentic. Dr. Glatfelter was authentic. And I like to think I am. Some students probably think it is good and some maybe think I am too hard [and demand too much work]. Again, I don't know what the word on the street is, but you've got to be what you are as long as you're nice and fair and all those things- some [professors] can be mean and that's not a good thing [chuckles], but I don't think I am that! [In the end] I think I took away [Dr. Glatfelter's] sensibility about doing history and that has always had an impact on me- [even] forty years on. If you talk to other graduates, I bet you would get similar responses. Duffy: That he was a challenging teacher, but certainly worth it in the end for [the experiences] you get out of it? Birkner: Yeah, sure. Duffy: More than [simply] as a historian? Birkner: [Thoughtful] Yeah, absolutely. [Pauses to collect thoughts] He and I were colleagues for a year when I was back in the late seventies teaching here. When he retired [in 1989], I took his job. We became close [friends] and for the last 24 years of his life- he died in February [2013]- we did a lot of things together. For [many] years I brought him into the Methods class to talk to the students about a specific project or brought the students down to Weidensalllobby to talk with him if they had questions about a particular topic. He was wonderful. Duffy: What was that like when you first came back here having Professor Glatfelter and I can't remember exactly who was still here then who had been here when you were a student­Birkner: Everyone 6 Duffy: Everyone? Birkner: Everybody. Duffy: [So then,] what was that department dynamic like when you joined, having your old professors [as colleagues]? Birkner: . As a student was I was very close with faculty, more close than I think [most] students are today. Just to give you an example, there was no Specialty Dining in those days, there was the Bullet Hole- [though] it was in a different part of the CUB- and there was a group of about 8-10 faculty that ate there every day and talked politics- remember, it's a very interesting time- and they talked campus business as well. They invited me to eat lunch with them. So, I ate lunch in the Bullet Hole every day with the faculty. Now, you say you already know a creepy amount of information about me, but one thing [is that] I belonged to a fraternity. The fraternity I belonged to only ate dinner together in our house; we didn't eat breakfast or lunch together. We were on our own for lunch. Most of my fraternity brothers after class went back to the house and ate lunch together; probably watched Jeopardy or something and just hung out. I never did. I always went to the Bullet Hole and ate lunch with the faculty. Secondly, I was the editor of the Gettysburgian. At the time newspapers were different then they are now. They were really newspapers as opposed to mostly opinion. [Pauses to collect thoughts] The paper [during my years in college] was well respected. So, faculty members wrote for it, faculty members called me up. I had a kind of elevated sense of myself. To answer your question, it wasn't a hard transition to come back in 1978 to teach because people had always treated me collegially as opposed to say you were simply a student. Duffy: As a subordinate71 Birkner: Yeah, well [Pauses to collect thoughts] I hope I don't treat you [quite] like that. We all have different roles to play. It was an easy transition is the short of it. 1 Intended to say something which more conveyed the mentor-student relationship 7 Duffy: What about the transition that we started to talk about before- when you took over the Methods class? What was that like? Did you see that you wanted to make a lot of changes? Did you make them right away? Birkner: That's a good question. Dr. Glatfelter was not a controlling person, but on the other hand he was a very "tracked" person. As I said there wasn't a lot of change [over time] . I was hired, in some measure, because [members of the History department] felt the Methods course was an important course and they felt that I would be the person who could make it matter in the future. When I came back, Dr. Glatfelter said [something like], "You do what you want with the Methods course, but here's the way I do it." The first year I tried to teach it along the track he laid out. I used some different books, but I basically had the same structure he had. I was bored teaching it! Teaching about Medieval historians and giving students bits and pieces about historians -I could see that nothing was going to stick with them. I just said [to myself], "I can't do this!" That's when I said to myself, "this course is going to need re-tooling." That's how you have more or less greater extent what you are experiencing [this semester in Methods]. Dr. Glatfelter was the one who had the three projects and I have three projects, but he never would have assigned an Oral History! Here's the other interesting thing, he didn't assign any manuscript, original material research because we didn't have an archive for the students to work in! We really couldn't do a lot of that. Dr. Glatfelter's laboratory was the Adams County Historical Society where he was the director. He never had the students [go there]. I was surprised about this because we could have done that. We had an archive [at the college]; it just wasn't a place where you could work. He could have assigned us to have stuff to work on and under controlled conditions we could have done it. He just never did it. The part that really surprised me was that here he is the director of the Adams County Historical Society, which has tons of great [material] to work on. I've used it many times in my Methods class- just not this semester because they have had some difficulties moving out of the old Schmucker building [and into a much smaller facility]. So, one of the things I said was that 8 were going to start doing this! What I did [was encourage the creation of a facility for storing a working with archival material on Gettysburg College's campus]. I had something to do with the fact that this [special collections research room] exists because [as department chair] I was able to get a very unusual bequest which had not originally been directed to Gettysburg College. I was able to convince Homer Rosenberger's executor [Attorney William Duck of Waynesboro, PA] that Gettysburg College would be the place to house the Rosenberger Collection, with the idea we would get his estate. The money we got from that estate allowed Robin Wagner, the library director, to hypothecate into other money which enabled them to build this room- which is an enormous asset to students of history, and not just in Methods. Plus we have all of these great internships etc. which we didn't have before that. So, [to go back for a second] in 1990-1991, which was my second year here, I revamped the course really along the lines of what you are taking now. Duffy: So has it not changed so much in the past few decades? What would you say has changed? Birkner: What has changed in part is that the discourses in history have grown increasingly focused on anthropology. The opportunity for students to do more intensive work in Special Collections has probably been the biggest change. They can do much more in Special Collections than they could when I first started teaching here. The idea is always to give students opportunity to work with the stuff of history and be historians rather than just write about [secondary works]. I'm a little off sync with some of my colleagues who are so emphatic that what students need to learn is historiography and what I think is what students need to learn is to feel confident about doing history and that means doing it, instead of writing about historians doing it. I want you to do it. Now, of course the two are not mutually exclusive. You should learn that history is an evolving discipline and there is always an on-going dialogue -that's of course important. But to me, for the Methods course, what's really important- if I can put it this way- is to get your hands dirty doing it, [for example] have that one-on-one experience doing an Oral History with a senior citizen; it will stick with you for a long time. 9 Duffy: Definitely. I think I have noticed that. I feel like I live in Special Collections sometimes! Birkner: And that's a great thing because it is your laboratory! You may have friends that are Environmental Science majors, they're working in a lab. Your lab is right here. Duffy: [Pauses] [So then,] If we could just go back one moment to when you were a student and there weren't as many opportunities [to research in-depth on campus]. I know the senior seminar was molded into a course throughout the sixties Uust before and during your time here as a student]. so I was wondering about your experience in the senior seminar and how you were able to do the research you needed to do [without the facilities here]? Birkner: That's a good question; I think it was only in the late 1960s that they developed the senior seminar more or less the way we know it. Until then, students had to take comprehensive exams and they also wrote a senior thesis, [but there was no senior seminar]. The problem with that program is number one: camps terrify students. A high percentage of the students were not capable of engaging them very effectively, which depressed the faculty. [Further], the quality of the senior theses was generally pretty low, in part because there was little faculty supervision. If you have say forty seniors who are majors and you've got the faculty you have, they just weren't [able to] give the time to the students on an independent study basis to do the senior thesis. So that is when they came up with the seminar notion. As far as being able to do the research- it was unusual for you to be able to spend time doing anything original. Today, more and more of our students [are doing original research]. I was talking to Lincoln Fitch the other day, he's a senior and he is doing his senior thesis on Reconstruction and he's going down to the Library of Congress and working with the papers there and he is making some interesting finds. We wouldn't have thought of that because nobody was encouraging us to do that. I wrote my senior thesis on Christian Humanism in England in the early 16th century. I read a lot of first-hand accounts, they were printed, but they were still primary sources. I read secondary sources about the Humanist movement, which is part of the Renaissance, as it affected life in England. 10 Duffy: So you feel that students now have a better opportunity to delve in deeper? Birkner: Yeah. The other thing that should be emphasized is that our faculty are more "teacher-scholars" or "scholar-teachers" than was the case in the sixties when their primary emphasis was on teaching. Again, you can't draw with too broad a brush because Dr. Glatfelter was always doing scholarship of a kind. He was very productive, but his focus tended to be narrow--on Adams or York counties or religions of York and maybe Pennsylvania. Few people in the department were pursuing active research agendas because they didn't have the same emphasis on scholarship and mentoring students as scholars as we have today. I think having a teaching faculty that is also a scholarly faculty is going to make for better mentors at the senior level or any level. Think about someone like David Wemer, who is a senior History major and just won a prize for the best paper by an undergraduate in the United States. [The prize was sponsored by the American Historical Association.] It was published in a student scholarly journal. What a great recognition for Gettysburg College. He is an exceedingly talented person, but having someone like Dr. Bowman advising him and mentoring him made it [possible]. I mentored three students [over the past several years] who were [George C. Marshall] Scholars. Each was invited down, at my nomination, to become an undergraduate fellow in Lexington, Virginia [under the auspices of] the George C. Marshall Foundation. Each of them did outstanding work and each was recognized for that work. By coincidence, I had lunch today with one of those students. He was a History major and now works as an archivist for the CIA and wanted to come back and talk to me about graduate school. That kind of mentoring I don't think would have happened forty years ago. [However,] I have a certain reputation in the field, I know people, I know what my students are doing and I can then recommend them. The sad thing with the Marshall Program is that they blew through all their money. So, after the program existed for four or five years they ran out of money and I can't recommend students to it anymore because it doesn't exist. The two other students who I recommended for it and got accepted, 11 one is now working on his PhD in Cold War History at Ohio State and the other one is doing a PhD in Early American History at William and Mary, so clearly they moved on and did good things. Duffy: So you would say that the faculty dynamic today- [a group made up of a dozen or so] individuals each scholars and, I would say talented, teachers is creating these opportunities for students? Birkner: I think it enhances and enriches the environment for our History students; hence, it gives them an extra boost toward having a valuable college experience. Dr. Glatfelter had the right standards and the right spirit. But I think that what we have today, is not only that among most of our faculty -I wouldn't say everyone does because Dr. Glatfelter was pretty much the top of the line in that- but they are committed on both the teaching and scholarly side and that's good modeling for students. When you are a senior taking a seminar you will be asked to attend a seminar session in which you will read a faculty member's paper in advance and then go in and hear that faculty member describe how he or she got into writing that paper and then you will be able to ask questions of that member about it. We do that every semester. That's a bit of modeling. You can see what the faculty member does and say to yourself, "Maybe that's how I can do it." That didn't exist forty years ago. We do a lot more stuff you would take for granted, but didn't exist then. Such as, Career Night, Grad School Night, bringing in alumni who are successful in the field of history to talk, the Justin DeWitt Lecture. How about two student journals? The Civil War Journal and The Gettysburg Journal of History again didn't exist forty or even, fifteen years ago, but they do now. That's how David [Wemer] got this national recognition, because he published his article in the History journal. [Earlier today] I was talking to Sam Cooper-Wall today about his thesis for me and I was saying how he really had potential to publish it or expand it as his master's thesis. "Don't forget," he said, "I published it in the Gettysburg Historical Journal." That's right, he did. That's the kind of thing that gives you value added. 12 Duffy: I guess my last question is just going back, once again in a more comparative way, you said the time that you were here was a very [tumultuous] time. Did the faculty use any of those current issues as teaching moments in the classroom? Birkner: Not really. I think one faculty member who taught American Cultural History picked up on environmental issues, which was one of the pieces of the puzzle in the late sixties. Earth Day started when I was college student. He tried to connect Post- Civil War environmentalism, Darwinism, with the new environmental ethic of the late sixties- early seventies. I thought that was good, but he was the only [one]. Professor Stemen, who taught Chinese history, was teaching at the very time that Nixon made his initiative to open doors to China, and he would mention it, but it wasn't integral to the teaching. We were aware of it. I think people made a definite effort not to politicize the classroom. It's not a good idea for teachers at any level to voice their ideas about politics to students. So, that didn't happen really. People were very focused on the subject matter. Duffy: I think that is about it for the questions that I have- Birkner: I think that the one piece of this you are not getting is the student side. You don't want to assume that everything is always [better each year]. I think, today, our students are more sophisticated in many ways about history. You are much more cosmopolitan and you are much more adventurous than our generation in many respects. Just think about that fact that students take courses in fields I never took courses in because they weren't even there, but nobody is afraid to take a course in Middle Eastern history or Australian history or African history. [Today's] students are interested. That's a very good sign. On the other side ofthe coin, I wouldn't disparage students from the late Sixties who were, like me, first generation college students who had a hunger for education and were willing to work hard . . , , There were a lot of people in that circumstance. So, the students were a little bit more aggressive for their education in the late sSxties. Now I will tell you also, that when I came back in the late Seventies the students were not what I remembered them being. They were very self-focused and 13 [pauses to collect thoughts] uninterested it seems to me in the same kinds of issues I had been interested in in college, so that was a little bit of a disappointment. Duffy: I read that I think in one of the oral histories with Professor Glatfelter. He had realized a shift around the mid-Seventies. [He noticed] students were changing what they wanted out of school and how they felt about school. So, I think he saw as well, a decline in the level of learning or [rather] interest in learning. Birkner: I think this is not just a Gettysburg story. Duffy: Right. Birkner: I think it would [have been the case] at you name the place. I remember when I taught my first class at the University of Virginia. This is almost hilarious in a way because I taught a course in [19]74 at the University of Virginia as a grad student. It was a seminar and we read a book on the Sixties. The kids were all like [Raises voice, indicates excitement], "What were the sixties like? What were the sixties like?" and I was thinking [Chuckling between words], "Whoa, whoa!" [To them] It was like "what was World War One like?" It was 1974 and I thought, "Whoa, how quickly the gestalt of the times changes." So, what Glatfelter noticed is certainly what I noticed. Now, particular students, of course, were terrific. They are wonderful and friends of mine now, but the mentality [gestalt] of the campus was very different. Just as an example, the fraternity that I was in had disappeared by the time I came back to teach because it was a more alternative, non-conformist fraternity [and there was no market for that at Gettysburg after 1975]. We didn't do hazing and hell week. We invited the faculty to our parties and they came. Duffy: [Laughs] Birkner: Seriously! It was kind of an admixture of fraternalism, but not the dopey stuff. Obviously, to each his own, but I never had a use for anything [like that]. I remember Dr. Glatfelter- he was not a funny man- but I remember one of the funniest things he ever said. I once said, "Charlie, I know when 14 you were a student at Gettysburg College they still had traditions during orientation where they would punish [underclass] students [for infractions of the rules]. They would cut men's hair off, make women wear side-boards over their front and back with their hometown and phone number on it." Duffy: [Laughs] Birkner: Oh yeah, absolutely! And I said to him, "What if you had ever been brought up by the Tribunal for some infraction when you were a first year student?" Without missing a beat he said to me, "I know exactly what would have happened. I would have packed up my suitcase and gone home because I wouldn't have put up with that nonsense for one second!" That was Charlie. I can't claim that I was as individualistic as he was. For all I know I would have accepted [hazing], but it was nice to find a home [in a fraternity] where it really wasn't practiced. But by the late seventies students weren't into that. They didn't want an alternative fraternity, they wanted a gung-ho fraternity experience. Again, that's okay. I would wish that a fraternity like the one I was in would exist again today because I think there is something to be learned from living in a house with people from different backgrounds [with] different values in some cases. Learning how to live together, learning how to keep a place up [is important]. I don't regret for one minute that I did that. I also had a [fine] experience in that I was a free agent to do what I wanted. Duffy: You got to go to lunch! Birkner: Yeah, I got to go to lunch and I got to eat dinner with my fraternity brothers and party with them and make those horrible road trips down to Wilson College. You did the things that college students do, but you also did it on a slightly different track. When I came back in the late eighties the college was in transition. It had become by then a more national institution, so students were coming from a larger swath of the country, which was a good thing. [It reflected] a more cosmopolitan view. [The population] was still very white, not as diverse as it is today, but moving in the right direction, I think. I would honestly say that your generation of students on the whole is a lot more fun to teach than 15 any generation I have taught before. Just take for example class yesterday on the "Cat Massacre." You are willing to buy into reading something challenging, thinking about it and then talking about it. To me that is learning. But that wasn't really the pedagogy [in the 1960s and 1970s] and when the transition was made a lot of students just wouldn't buy into it because they were [satisfied] being more passive. Learning should be active. It seems to me we have got that buy in from our majors and more generally, too. Hopefully, what you do in my class and your other history classes carries over into Poli Sci and the other courses you are taking, because again, why should it not? [From here we continue to talk for the next few minutes about the intersections between disciplines in the case of myself and my partner Ryan, as well as the possibilities of support from the government for public history and the National Park Service]. 16

Issue 42.6 of the Review for Religious, November/December 1983. ; Revlt!w i:or RELIGIOUS {ISSN 0034-639X), published every two months, is edited in collaboration with the faculty members of the Department of Theological Studies of St. Louis University. The editorial offices are located at Room 428:3601 Lindell Blvd.: St. Louis, MO 63108. Re\'lt~w vor REI.IGIOIJS is owned by the Missouri Province Educational Institute of the Society of Jesus, St. Louis, MO. © 1983 by REVIEW FOR REI,IGIOIJS. Composed, printed and manufactured in U.S.A. Second class postage paid at St. Louis. MO. Single copies: $2.50. Subscription U.S.A.: $9.00 a year: $17.00 for two years, Other countries: add $2.00 per year {postage). For subscription orders or change of address, write: R~:vtr:w ].on Rl.:l.l(;IOtlS: P.O. Box 6070; Duluth, MN 55806. Daniel F. X. Meenan, S.J. Dolores Greeley, R.S.M. Daniel T. Costello, S.J. Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Jean Read Editor Associate Editor Book Editor Questions and Answers Editor Assistant Editor Nov./Dec., 1983 Volume 42 Number 6 Manuscripts, books for review and correspondence with the editor should be sent to R~-:vlt:w t-on Rt.:tA(;toOs; Room 428; 3601 Lindell Blvd.; St. Louis, MO 63108. Questions for answering should be sent to ,Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; Jesuit Community; St. Joseph's University; City Avenue at 54th St.; Philadelphia, PA 19131. Back issues and reprints should be ordered from Rt-:\'t~.:w t-'ou Rt.:l.~;tous; Room 428; 3601 Lindell Blvd.; St. Louis, MO 63108. °'Oul of print" issues and articles nol published as reprints are available from University Microfilms International; 300 N. Zeeb Rd.; Ann Arbor, MI 48106. Religious Life: The Mystery and the Challenge John R. Quinn This is the address delivered by Archbishop Quinn (of San Francisco) at the annual assembly of the Leadership Conference of Religious Women in~ Baltimore on August 16, 1983. I~ast spring, Archbishop Quinn was named to head the pontifical commission established to facilitate the p~istoral contribution of bishops to religious life in the United States. ' ~" You have honored me by asking that i speak With you. For the Church recognizes in your lives as religious the continuation of the poverty, the chastity, and the obedience of Christ. What is more: in and through your lead.ership, thousands of your sisters are in this rbom with~us this morning, present through the care you have for the consistency and holiness of their unique form of Christian living, and present because of their choice that you should bear the profoundly sacred responsibility of leadership amon~ the~m. It is no light burden that you carry. The future and the integrity of American religious life lies greatly under the influence of your own liyes: your own union with God, your own humility and integrity, your courage and vision will tell historically upon your communities. The mystery of your lives is inextricably bound up with the mystery of the lives of the sisters whom you love and whom you serve in this ministry. I.t is finally one mystery: a form of life in which Christ is followed with such intensity and at such a level of renunciation that to follow becomes to imitate him concretely and historically in his chastity, his poverty, and his obedience even to the death of the cross. The gravity and the demands of this leadership of communities towards a life of holiness would be hard to exaggerate. That is why you honor .me by asking me to speak with you about it. I know that you have asked me to b~ with you today because the pope has appointed me Pontifical Delegate to head a special commission of three 801 11119 / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 bishops whbse task ist9 foster the pastoral service bishops are to offer Ameri-can religious. In a lengthy interview that many of you have read, I have already commented upon'this appeal of the Holy Father to the bishops and on the constitution of a joint group of bishops and religious. Rather than repeat those remarks I should like to extend them, but only in the context of the mystery of religious life'andthe history of American religious over the past twenty years. ~ You know that I am n.o expert in these matters, but what I think, I put before you as an i~nvitation to youi~ own reflections. I hope ,that these remarks will ~mplify several important subjects touched upon in the interview. My reflections then, fall into four parts: --The vision which the Church possesses of religious life --The Paschal MYStery as religious have experienced it in the past twenty years --The papal appeal to the bishbps of the United States --The papal charge to this Episcopal Commission with its Committee of Religious. The Vision, Which the Church Possesses of Religious Life ~, I make n'~ apologies for beginning with the call that the Church recognizes as yours. It alone provides the context or the horizon in which an, y other aspect of religious life can be evaluated or discussed. It is not that religious alone are called to holiness. You know that all Christians are called to holiness. But religious are called to that holiness which consists in a total consecration to God expressed in the unique continuation and embodiment of his life of poverty, chastity and~obedience: not to copy it, but to imitate it--that is to transpose it into the situation of the twentieth .century--so that this form of life would not die within the ChurCh, that it would be a continual reminder to the entire Church, in as public a witness as possible, of the holiness to which every Christian ig ~alled. Not every Christianis called to leave father and mother, husband and wife, children and relatives, to abandon personal property and private career, arid to follow Christ in the direction of one's life as that voice is concretized in the Church and in this given community of disciples. But every ~Christian is called to that detachment and love which give an.absoluie priority to Christ as the communication of God, and the public vows~of religious are. a constant, sacramental reminder of this absolute claim that Christ makes upon us all. Religious life is essentially sac~:amental in the sense that it is an explicit, historical and tangible manifestation of the victorious grace of God emerging to its completion in human signs and actions. And we can never really under-stand it except as sacramehtal. It'is classically true that every human being has to struggle for her integrity, not simply in the sense that a commitment to the truth is' alwayg costly, but in the more basic sense of keeping some consistency, some focus in her life that gives unity to everything else, that makes sense out of'diversity. What is true for the individual is also true of a religious community or a way of life. The Religious Life: The Mystery and the Challenge / 1103 demands~upon your time, the conflicting claims for your attention, are infinite and sometimes irreconcilable. Not that~anyone of them is illegitimate, but that all of them together constitute an impossibility. The expectations in which a religious community lives can be multiple, endless and even mutually contra-dictory. One can feel surrounded and fragmented by their press, wondering at the end of a busy day what was actually accomplished, seemingly more react-ing ~to incessant demands that peacefully moving through them with a cumulative sense of purpose, even beginning to wonder in her darker moments if this way of living has any value or has kept its meaning. A religious or even an entire community can feel eroded, burnt out, because one cannot meet all the demands, and what slips away almost imperceptibly is the vision that makes sense even of the frustration. It is simply imperative for a religious--as ~for any human being with a serious Christian vocation--to have a fundamen-tal focus for her way of life, one that is not negotiable, one in terms of which everything else is negotiated. So the Church over and over again reminds religious what they are for" the whole Church, the vision and the call that is theirs:~you are those consecrated by the call of God to follow C.hrist in the mystery of the Church by continuing his chastity, his poverty, and his obe-dience for the sake of the kingdom of God. It is an enormous gift that is yours, and it is a gift for the whole Church. The P~schal Mystery as Religious Have Experienced It in the Past Twenty Years Sisters, 1 know that these have been hard and demanding years since the Vatican Council. The opportunities have been glorious and the achievements of your communities have been obvious and remarkable--but at what an enormous cost! Let me speak a bit about the history of the past twenty years. One of the staggering parts of this cost over these years has been the, numi~rical diminishment of the congregations of American sisters. Following the direction of .the Council and in obedience to subsequent papal documents such as Ecclesiae Sanctae, enormous efforts were brought to.bear in a sincere and seriously considered move to renew and adapt religious life in light of worldwide cultural transformation and in,the spirit of the Church. Yet .this tremendous enterprise was followed by striking numerical disintegration. Where no~,itiate classes had been thirty, now there were three--if any at all. Convents and institutions were closing all over the nation. The average age of the sisters was going up steadily. Some of the elderly began to fear that there would be no one around to take care of them, while tens of thousands were either leaving or had already left for possibilities and for a future which seemed to them more secure and more promising. You and many other religious may have lived with a sinking sense of :loss as close friends with whom you shared this form of life left. At the same time American sisters were exposed to an unprecedented level of misrepresentation and. attack from both the right and the left. Sisters who had for so long lived as the object of an almost uncritical 1104 / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 awe within ~he Church, now were exposed to two implacable critics:~ shrill accusations that their catechetics were destroying the Church, that their every change was a betrayal of their heritage, that they had become worldly, com-promised women who deserve their own~decline; or from the left came the arched suggestions that religious life could only attract the sexually stunted, the sociall3~ and economically insecure, an unenlightened and declining rem-nant from a dated Church. There are the recent plays-on Broadway that dismiss them as unsophisticated fanatics and some "Catholic~' publications make a practice of continual harping criticism exaggerating every conflict out of all ~proportion. There are circles in which to be a woman religious today is to walk into an atmosphere of the joke half-told, of suspicion or unconscious arrogance, sometimes on the part of clerics, bf the question t.hat waits for no answer, of the unrelenting and constant demand for justification. ~ As in every, o~fier group, priests or lay people, so among religious there arr, no'doubt, some who give foundation for justifiable criticism and concern. But, Sisters,--you who are present here today, and otliers who are not with us at this meeting--you hav~ sustained the cost of these years and nothing you have accomplished, no matter how great and obvious, matches what you hay6 accomplished in living in fidelity to your vocation through these difficult years of tensions from outside sources as well as from internal divisions, misunder-standings, and polarizations. Indeed, many faithful American women reli-gious, and not the least those in positions of responsibility, truly passed through a profound experience of the Paschal Mystery. 1 suspect that this experience has yet to register in all its valence within the reflection of American religious. You will find any number of works that counsel religious to count their gifts and number the aptitudes they bring to the Church. This 'is certainly sound advice. But there is very little written about the collective experience of entering into the rejection and humiliations and loss that configured many of you with the Passion--and even less about how profound a fulfillment this experience is of the vocation that is yours, the public witness to the whole Church of the life and de~tiny of Christ.' . When Victor Frankl reflected upon the horror of hi~ experience "of Auschwitz and Dachau, he summarized his own survival with a single line from Nietzsche, that those who have purpose and vision can bear with alrriost any manner of existence: "The person whohas a why to live for, can bear with almost any how.''2 There is a clear and profound sense~of identity in many American religious born of prayer, faith, and a~deep love for the Church, which has enabled them to live through these years of deflated expectations and even searing personal disappoinment. And that identity lies with their configuration to Christ. The great Saint Mechtild of Magdeburg, speaking of a single person, wrote what hasobeen the history of a number of religious con-gregations during thesepast twenty years: ~God leads his chosen children on extraordinary paths. This is an extraordinary path Religious Ltfe: The Mystery and the Challenge A noble road And a sacred way. Go~d himself has trod it.-~ And so it is true that these years, difficult though they have been, have been rich in their accomplishments and productive as religious community after religious community, responding to the challenge of the Council, moved into structures that were more lifesgiving and into more mature forms of commu-nity. In many ways over these years, American women religious found them-selves coming of age, an experience of resurrection. Many American women religious have deepened their lives of prayer, their social compassion for suffer-ing and exploitation, their sense of the international mission of' the Church. Granted that all this is true, still the question must be asked: What is the soui'ce of this new depth if it is not both the Church from which the challenge cam~, and what American women religious have endured and suffered during these twenty years? Our experience of the Resurrection emerges from the experience of the Passion. The life of authentic Christians has always combined them: ". that 1 might know Christ and the power of his resurrection and may share his sufferings, becoming like him in his death, that~if possible I may attain the resurrection from the dead" (Ph 3:10-11). That is why l, believe it is excessive to see in the present, as some do, "the cluster of the signs of breakdown in virtually all communities." It is my conviction that. we must keep clearly before our minds the great and moving words of Pope John XXHI'~at the opening of the Council: In the daily exercise of our pastorai office, we sometimes have tO listen, much to our regret, to voices of persons who, though burning with zeal, are not endowed with too much sense of discretion or measure. In these modern times they can see nothing but~, prevarication and ruin. They Say that our era, in co.mparison with past eras, is getting worse, and they behave as though they had learned nothing from history, which is. nonetheless, the teacher of life. They behave as though ~t the time of former Councils everything was a full triumpl~ for the Christian idea and life and for proper, religious liberty. We feel we must disagree with those l~rophets of gloom, who are always forecasting disaster, as though the end of the world were at hand. In the present order of thi,ngs, Divine Providence" is leading us to a new order of human relations which, by humanity's own'efforts and even beyond their very expecta-tions, aredirected toward the fulfillment of God's,superior and inscrutable designs. And everything, even human differences, leads to the greater good of the Church.4 Certainly, then, the "numerous defections and decreasing n~mber of new members" cannot be denied.5 But if you understand religious life as this pro-found imitation of Christ and share the ma'rvelous vision~of faith articulated by Pope John; then rejection or abandonment or crisis or pain or threat a?e just a breakdown, but also for those who live by faith a more profound entering into the meaning and identity of religious life. Juliana of Norwich put it very simply: "So was our'Lord Jesus afflicted for us; and we all stand in this way of suffering with him, and shall' till we come to his bliss.''6 This is really the second' point I want to make. If religious life is a pi~rsi.stent 1106 / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 and public reminder to the Church of the life of Christ, then the drastic numerical decline and threatened extinction of some religious communities is not something completely outside of that witness but within it. Yes, "history is the teacher of life." Each time religious life has entered into this night that can be so dark--the Reformation and the French Revolution come to mind--it has risen from suppression, persecution and virtual extinction with a deeper ecclesial sense and stronger and more effective than before. For example, when Mother St. John emerged from the prison of St. Didier in 1794,.she rebuilt with new resilience from the Terror of the French Revolution the Sisters of St. Joseph. BuLdoes anyone think that her years of suffering in prison had nothing to do with forming this "strong-souled woman to whom the commu-nity owed its regeneration?" Mary Ward, foundress of the Institute of Mary, i~ndured the" condemnation of her community and even imprisonment in Munich,,but her religious genius and her deep faith finally prevailed and continues to influence the formation of communities even through our time. In her last letter to Antonio Filicchi, the dying Elizabeth Ann Seton wrote: "Could you but know what. has happened in consequence of the little, dirty grain of mustard seed you planted by God's hand in America!"7 For the seed to grow, it had to pass into the death that ffas the end of her marriage, the violence which followed her conversion, the endless and seemingly hopeless contradictions, the betrayal of friends, the death of those very dear to her and the shameless indifference of her son, William. All of these lived by faith and had an unshakable fidelity to the Church. In their story each religious com-munity could trace a similar history from its own tradition. You and I both know that the religious accomplishments of the two previous centuries devel-oped from beginnings that were desperate in their poverty or persecution, ridden with the forebodings of some, but fostered by a few religious women of profound, courage, integrit~ and endurance. The successes were not in spite of the suffering any more than we are saved in spite of the Cross. In the myste-rious working of providence, one actua!!y leads ~nto the other.8 This, then, is my keyto understandingmiach that religious have undergone over these years of renewal. Constitutions, chapters, serious analysis, arduous discernment, regrouping of forces, creative efforts at experiment--a!l of these had done what they could. But that they would have.their effect, God gifted them with the cross, brought them into communion with the passion of the Lord. I am obviously not saying that the past twenty years have been absolved from mistakes and eLrors. That would be tO parody my remarks. It would be Sheer fantas.y to imagine that !.n times so complex such far-reaching efforts at a renewal of such magnitude could go forward without some mis't~kes and perhaps some of serious proporti0~ns here an,d there. But What I am saying is that thrgugl~ it all, you have sought to be faithful to the call of the Lord and. you want to love him and serve him in his Church fo.r.~t, he gl0rY of the Fath.er. It isin the Paschal Mystery, in fidelity in the face of Religious Ltfe: The Mystery and the Challenge / 807' suffering, that all human efforts are purified and all human faults and .failings are healed and all things that are ours are gathered by their resurrection into God. The renewal of all religious realities is only through the passion. This is how I see the mystery of your religious life and it is the light in which I read the past twenty years. It provides the religious context in which ! see the task to.which the Holy Father has called the American bishops: "To render special Tpastoral service to the religious of yoiar dioceses and your country., to assist them in every way possible to open wide the doors of their heart to .the Redeemer." The Papal Appeal to the Bishops of the United States So now let me pass to the papal response both to what you are and what you have undergone. To understand the action of the Holy Father, we must attend to an event which has been given great significance in Rome but not yet grasped suffi-ciently everywhere: the anniversary of our redemption. In the mystic symbol-isms and approximations by which we number the centuries, one thousand nine' hundred and fifty, years ago the great Paschal Mystery of Christ took place, the passion, death and resurrection of Jesus by which the world is justified, sanctified 'and saved. To underline this moment as we move toward the third millennium, the pope proclaimed the extraordinary Holy Year, the Jubilee of our Redemption. This action of the pope was profoundly and religiously~serious. Christ as Redeemer hhs been a theme of his preaching and his pontificate, and it formed the subject of his first encyclical. Through this Year of Jubilee, he is calling the whole Church to live more intensely",the central, human-divine event which gives it meaning. It would be impossible to understand many papal initiatives this year unless the centrality and urgency Of the Redemption is grasped. ~ It is within that context that he calls religious especially to renewal. Not just religious. The call is to the whole Church. But especially religious. And why? Because of this eyent,, the redemption of the entire human race by'the action of God in Jesus Christ, they are both witness :and intermediary. They are both signs to the wdrld of what Jesus Christ has done in human life--as they continu6 in a.following of him that becomes a profound configuration-- and they are means, instruments, by which this redemption of Christ reaches into this Holy Year and into this nation. What the pope is saying is simply staggering in its implications: That the .redemption which Christ offers will have its presence in our'times and its efficacy determined in great part .by th'e quality of holiness, of union with God, in the lives of religious. The religious either augments~or limits the effective mercy of God ,within her culture. .~ This is not an abstract statement of speculative theology; it is a concrete reading of what religious have become for the Church. Look at your own personal histories. For many persons whose religious gifts developed at an early age, the most influential persons in their lives,were those women religious I~'01~ / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 whose insightful goodness and care touched their lives more formatively than either was aware of. Look at contemporary Catholic challenges to the social structures of our nation or at the repeated efforts to ref6rm catechetics or at the person who is often among the most resourceful in parish ministry or at the person from whom people spontaneouslyexpect a quality of sympathy and understanding unavailable elsewhere--and you will very often find the Ameri-can sister. In general,'the ,history of our Church in the United States shows religious women to have lived lives of f.rugality and prayer, or persistent service to others even at enormous pers6nal cost and of providing support for those . who needed that support whether this was in education, in medical care or in social works. To cite the papal letter, "Woi'king towards th~ establishment of justice, love, arid peace, they helped to build a. social order rooted in the Gospel. striving to bring generation after generation to the maturity of Christ." To read our historv is to find the American nun at its center, both as a sign and as the~channel ot~ the Redemption. The contemporary reflection upon religious life is just beginning to assimi-late what has been the actual place of religious in the Church for centuries, certainly the Church in the United States. It has been.a theological common-place to say of the bishop or of the priest who" assists him agit in persona ecclesiae, that he acts in the name of the Church, that he represents the Church. Now increasingly~ this is being said of the religious, that the religious represents the Church. But this is just theology catching up with what the average Ameri-can Catholic has always known. The bishop represents the Churchzin its unity, its unity of doctrine, of communion, and of sacramental life. To see the bishop is tobe reminded of this unity whose source is the Spirit of God and which is made real by communion with the Successor of Peter. But the religious repre-sents the Churchqn its evangelical holiness. The Church is not only realized in their lives, but witnessed by these lives. What Teresa of Avila said of herself, "1 die a daughter of the Church." was extended by the great Elizabeth Seton to her daughters in almost her last words to them: "I am thankful, Sisters, for your kindness to be present in this trial. Be children of the Church, be children of the Church."9 It is not that Teresa of Avila 0r~the S~sters of Charity are the only daughters of the Church. All religious by the public witness of their lives are a reminder of that ecclesial discipleship to which we are all called. The religious is not.the only one who represents ~n public witnessthe holiness of the Church, but she is the one who does in this unique way through the open, countercul/ural profession of~the evangelical poverty, chastity, and humble o6edience of Christ. When the Church talks about the public,witness of religious life. this is what she is talking about: not that presentat.ion or witness proper to, the Church,in its hierarchy, but the visible manifestation of the Church,,in its holiness. Just as the unity of the Church is not simply for the bishops but for all the disciples of Christ. so the holiness of the Church is hot just for religious but for all of the disciples of Christ. But it is crucial for the Church that both its unity and its holiness be strongly represented to all, and Religious Life: The Mystery and the Challenge that is why we have both a hierarchy and religious life. Another way of putting thee same point is the pa.pal statement: "By their very vocation, religious are intimately linked to the Redemption. By their consecration to Jesus Christ, ,they are a sign of the redemption that he accomplished. In the sacramental economy of the Church, they are instruments for bringing, this redemption to the People of God." What, then, has the pope asked of the bishops? He has called upon all the ,bishops of the United .States to place themselves at the pastoral service of 0the religious ~ftheir diocese. Let me be more specific. You know, far better than I, that since Perfectae Caritatis and Ecclesiae Sanctae, the religious in the Ufiited States have engaged in an intensive period of renewal. General chapters have been held which took this as their principal object. Constitutions have been revised, and these general laws of religious institutes submitted to the Holy See for confirmation. National unions of the major superiors of men"and women have been formed or have been strengthened .and now flourish. New forms of rdeulcigedio iunst oa naldm aocsatd eevmeriyc afopromstaotliioc°n raenldig oiof ums icnois,ntegrrieagl atrtiaoinni.n Tgh heasve ec.hbaeneng eisn thraov-e exacted great expenditures of energy and time, i~nd have found their fulfill-ment many times in a deepening,of prayer, apostolic creativity, and the sharing of life that characterizes re_ligiotis communities. The question that religious have had to deal with, the central one according to the distinguished Jesuit theologian, Father Thomas E. Clarke, S.J., has been this issue: "How are we to disengage Christian faith from the time-bound cultural expressions and vehicles of the past without a loss of integrity? This is indeed the question at the heart of the anguish, tensions, and polarizations, cha.racteristic of a period . which has turned out to be as much a new Passion as a new Pentecost. No group in the Church, has had to deal with the question with greater seriousness than members of religious communities, and particularly of .American com-munities of religious women.''~0 Father Clarke wrote those lines some ten years ago, and without attempting a defense or an evaluation of each one of them, I think it would be fair to say that these last ten years have continued this experience: the effort to articulate a form of life.that is evangelical in its public ecclesial consecration yet American in the inculturation of this consecration. As this period of "special' ,experimentation" comes to its.close--the period, that is, in which new constitutions wer.e drafted, the Holy Father has asked the Ameiican bishops to enter int~ this process in order to support and to second the genuinely heroic efforts of the religious to strengthen and renew their communities. How are the bishops to do this?' The pope speaks generically of aiding religious in every way possible and lists seven particular ways in which this generic support can be realized~ If I had to summarize all seven, 1 would do it with a~ single word: communication. The bishops are to communicate to the whole Church, by preaching and catechesis, on the nature of religious life and, more particularly, on the link between a religious vocation and the love of God I~10 / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 for each and every religious. The bishops are to communicate sacramentally and liturgically with religious; they are-to extend and support the invitations to renewal, in solidarity with the bishops and the faithful; "in th'ose cases, tob,' where individuals or groups, for whatever reason, have departed from the indispensable norms of religious life,~or have even, to the scandal of the faithful, adopted positions at variance with the Church's teaching;~" they are "to proclaim once again the Church's universal call to conversibn, spiritual renewal and holiness." The bishops are to communicate with religious in a mutual, program of work to be established by the Episcopal Com~nission of which I have been appointed Papal Delegate'and which has been strengthened ~by an appointment of a Committee of Religious to act in concert with them. Finally, the bishops are to communicate thrir findings to the Holy Father on the occasion of their ad limina visits this year. It is only in this context that we can ask ourselves the genuinely hard questions which bear upon the future of religious life in the United States. One question which the pope singles out as of immense concern: Why this drastic numerical decline? And under ~his question, perhaps the most important issue: Why are so very few American" wom~n and men interested in becoming reli-gious today? What does that say about our national character, about our Church, and about religio~as life itself?, ls tl~ere any truth in the diagnosis of religious life made by the authors of Shaping the Coming Age of Religious L,fe that the "crises set in from within religious life due to the loss of identity and the inroads of the secularizing process"?.~1 Finally,"it must be asked whether we bishops and priests have been of sufficient sensitivity to the issues which contextualize religious life in the United States. All of these and other important issues can be addressed fruitfully if they are asked by bishops hnd religious together, and asked in such peace and mutual trust that they admit of answers rather than with the kind of accusatory rage that inhibits any ability to answer anything~ These are profound issues on which We must communicate. They touch on~a problem that is common to us all yet larger than any of us, and we expect to be mutually challenged by them. For it isTnot only the problem that is common to us all, but the process as well. It is one we can only address together. Why this insistence~upon communication? Because there has been too little of it. Historically, any proces~ of renewal and any prrcess of inculturation has been opento misrepresentation, misunderstandings, and mistakes. I could take examples from the history of dogma, from the history of rites and ritual, but let me take them from the history of religious life itself. For decades the mendicant orders lay under the suspicion that their form of life was not canonically religious because they were not confined to a monastery. The foundation of the Society of Jesus was opposed ~ because this order did not engage in the choral office and admitted some members whose vows were not solemn. There was enormous opposition tO the original p~ovisions of Angela Merici despite the solemn approval.of Paul HI and these provisions eventually Religious Life: The Mystery and the Challenge gave way" to conventual life and monastic enclosure. The original plans of St. Francis de Sales and St. Jane Frances de Chantal that the Visitation Would be a congregation in which only simple vows would be pron.ounced and~visiting the sick would be the special work of its members also yielded to solemn vows and enclosure. ~But eventually the indulturatiori of active orders of women religious did occur, and they dominated, the extraordinary evolution of reli-gious life in the' nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Iriculturation is an' e~i-gency of the incarnation. It is an indispensable condition for the developmefit and vitality of the Church, and it is inevitably attended by its Share of divisions and struggles and even by mistakes;~2 But if these inevitable struggles are exacerbated by arrogance or impatiencei by the attribution of false motivation or by party interests, then disintegration or alienation result. Attempts at inculturation die only when .communication is stilled, and that is why I wel-come the efforts of the Holy Father to foster commu.nication in all of its forms. For over'the past twenty years as you moved throu~,h this period of experimentation, your partners in dialogue have been the members of your own congregation and other congregations. Now what the Holy See is asking for, is an extension .of this dialogue to a larger group, to the bishops and to the Church as a wh61e. For there is much incomprehension here, either about what the religious "have accomplished or why they have gone in the directions they have chosen, as well as some confusion about what the Church has been asking of religious since the Council. Through the bishops, the religious orders can engage all of the Church in this renewal of religious life: those whom they serve, those with whom they serve, and the bishops in union with the pope whose ministry it is to confirm and validate this service. There is no question.that inculturation carrieso its own dangers. For instance, the adoption.of Stoic and Neo-Platonic terminology during the patristic period, terms.with such .far-reaching implications and ambiguity as apatheia as used by Clement and Origen,-or the eons, nous and the five fundamental gnoses of Evagrius Ponticus, all these seriously endangered the entire monasticmovement.13 1 doubt further if anyone would care to resurrect the secular military ac{ivity of the Templars as an appropriate work for reli-gious: So also today. There is always a danger of having religious life become coopted as just another version of the American way of life,and the challenge given both by the traditions of the order and by the judgments of the Holy See are necessary and critically important if religious are to embody the essentials of religious'life in an American setting effectively'and authentically. This question has been with us since John Ca~ rroll; and, it is not surprising that it continues to be with us now. It is inevitable inca Church so ~universai and with" cultures and perspectives that are so divergent, That is why this extension of the dialogue is so critical, both to explain the achievements of the past twenty years but also to receive serious, supportive, and critical challenge. For there is a healthy and continual dialectic which is always at work within the Church: between the Gospel and its cultural expression, between 1t19 / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 authority and prophecy, between the unity of the Church and its manifold cul-tural forms.,And the life of the Church can never be won by suppressing one or another of these moments or by an impatienl destruction of the very pro-cess. All organic foi'ms ofqife consist in a sustained balance between various and seemingly contradictory elements. Yet if they are seen by faith and in their historic interactions, they do not contradict one another but at a deeper level support one another. Thus Freud maintains that the desire to live without ten-sions the desiie to live in unchallenged comfort--is actually a disguised form of the death wish. The tension of balanced contradictions is essential to life. Bul tension does not necessarily make for life. it can also be a destructive disinteg~:ation of life. The difference lies with living faith and wiih communica-tion. Does this moment of tension open to a deeper communication or to the closing of all communication? Th'e Papal Char~g~e to This Episcopal Commission with Its Committee of Refigious , And this brings me to the fourth point ! wish to regmter~. Forethis is the reason that the Holy Father has ~not only sent a letter to the~American bishops, but has established an Fpiscopal Commission to aid'thd bishops in their service of religious and to analyze the reason for the decline in religious voca-tions. For each of these tasks. ,the Holy Father has challenged the Commission to ~work in close collaboration with American religious, to profit fromtheir experience and to assimilate their insights. To facilitate this,communication, I have appointed a Committee of Religious who will work with the Commission of Bishops in a collaborative effort to foster and to encourage religious life in any way that is open for us. We will also be ,consulting experts in various disciplines not'represented on our committee such as psychology, sociology, anthropology and history. Eurther. I have sent a letter to the Presidents of the ICWR. CMSM. and NCCB asking for any suggestions these groups might have to further this work. All of us have something to learn from one another, and the~papal initiative provides an occasion for this mutual ministry. It would be unrealistic to expect of this renewed ef~'ort at communication that.~all disagreements would cease and all misunderstandings be erased. There are too many differences in cultural background, in religious life-history, and even in the critical perspectives on contemporary issues. However, what we can achieve and what owe.must be seeking is reverence and respect for one another, a compassion for'mutual suffering, the building of a sense of trust, and the comprehension, of an underlying common mission in the Church. and from the ~Church. and for the Church as portrayed in all its doctrinal richness in Lumen Gentium. What wi~ can pray for is that we may all.find a continually greater degree of freedom from harsh judgments and stereotyping, irrespecuve of what misunderstandings remain to be,eliminated But how very difficult this will be, Sisters. to.touch the skelsticism.and the anxiety, the suspicions and the misunderstandings that have woven themselves into the fabric of~our,histories Religious Ltfe:, The MysterZ and,the Challenge over the~se years. Whatever their causes, they have become part of its texture and seem indistinguishable from our expectations and hopes. They inhibit communication and they inspire the most pejorative reading of motives while the m~mories of past wrongs rise periodically to reinforce their presence. But what is stronger, please God, is what we share together. For if members of the Church cannot work together to reconcile our histories and our differences, how could we possibly preach forgiveness and reconciliation to a world whose checkered histories and whose differences beggar those in the Church by, comparison. It is patient and loving work that we are about to do together, but your president has wisely written: "Reconciliation is the patient and loving'weaving of threads of tension into a peaceful background in which the Spirit is free to irfiprint the design."14 May this Spirit then be, ~with us in our work. In hope for this new phase of our history we pray with the Psalmist: You will guide me with your counsel and afterwards you will receive me into glory. Who have I in heaven but you? And there is nothing upon earth that I desire in comparison with you. My flesh and my heart may fail But God is the strength of my heart and my portion forever (Ps 73:24-26). And so, To him whose power no~ at work in us can do more than we ask or imagine--to him be glory in the Church and in Christ Jesus through all generations forever and ever. Amen (Ep 3:20-21), NOTES ~For the understanding of religious life which pervades this address', see the recent document of the Sacred Congregation for Religious and Seculaf Institutes, Essential Eleme'nts in the Church's Teaching on Religious Ltfe as Applied To Institutes Dedicated to Works of the Apostolate, May 31, 1983. This document is itself a "clarification and restatement" of the Church's teaching on the essential elements of religious life. This prior teaching has been articulated in the documents of the Second Vatican Council, especially Lumen Gentium, Perfectae Caritatis, and Ad Genres, in the Apostolic Exhortation Evangelica Testificatio of.Pope Paul VI, in the address of Pope John Paul II. and in the documents of the Sacred Congregation for Religious and Secular Institutes, especially, Mutuae Relationes, Religious and Human,~'Promotion, and The Contemplative Dimension of Religious l_Jfe, and in the new Code of Canon Law. Essential Elements is the latest attempt 9f the Holy See to fulfill the mandate enunciated by Lumen Gentium: "Church authority ha,s ,the duty, under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, of interpreting these evangelical counsels. of regulating their practice, and finally of establishing stable forms of living according to them~ (n. 42). ~Victor E. Frankl, Man's Search for Meaning, translated by llse Lasch (New York: Simon and Schuster. 1962), pp. xi, 76, and 104. 3See H. A. Reinhold (ed.), The Soul Afire: Revelation of the Mystics (New York: Pantheon 814/ Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 Books, Inc., 1951), p. 206. 4Walter A~bbott, S.J., and J. Gallagher, The Documents of l/atican II. An Angelus Book (Guild Press, 1966), pp. 712 and 713. 5~awrence Cada, S.M., et ai, Shaping the Coming A~e of Religious Ltjre.~A Crossroad Book (NewWork: The Seabury Press, 1979),opp. 49 and 43. 6Juliana of Norwich, Showings. translated from the critical text with an introduction by Edmund Colledge, O,S.A., and James Walsh. S.J./he Classics of Western Spirituality (New York: Paulist Press, 1978),~Cha~pter I.~8, p. 21 I. ~ , . 7Joseph I. Dii'vin, C.MI, Mrs. Seton: Foundress of the American Sisters of Charity (New Yo,~rk: Farrar,-Straus, and Cudahy, 1962), p. 448. aSee Gerard Manley Hopkins, S.,L, "The'Wreck of the Deutschland," #24, 7he Poems of Gerard Manley Hbpkins, edited by W. H. Gardner and~N. H. MacKenzie. Fourth Edi,tion (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 59. o. 9William Thomas Walsh, Saint Teresa of Avila (Milwaukee: Bruce Publishing Company, 1943), p. 579: Dirvin, op cir. p. 453. ~°Thomas E. Clarke, S.J., New Pentecrst or New PassiOn? The Direction of Religious Life Today (New York: Paulist Press, 1973), p. I. ~Cada et al, op. cir. p. 43. ~For the development of the Church's teaching on inculturation, see Lumen Gentium #13 and #17, Ad Gentes #16-18, #22, #26, Gaudium et Spes #53-58, Populorum Progessio #65, and Evangelii Numiandi passim. tJSee Louis Bouyer, The Spirituality of the New Testament and the Fathers (New York: Desclee Company, 1960), pp. 260-302, 369-394. Despite Father Bouyer's sympathetic treatment of Evagrius Ponticus, he finds himself forced to conclude: "Whatever precise meaning his own mysticism may have had for Evagrius, it would be difficul[ to deny that his expressions intro-duced a lasting threat into the Christian mystical tradition: the fatal attraction of pure abstrac-tion. A neglect of Scripture, of dogma, in favor of a 'contemplation' that runs the risk of being no more than a state of psychological vacuity is not, as experience has abundantly shown, for minds nourished on the tradition which we can now call'Evagrian, a merely chimerical danger" ibid., p. 393. For the division of monasticism into two camps, see ibid., p. 380. ~4Sister Helen Flahcrty, S.C., The Presidents Reflect--After Two ]~ears. in Women: Weavers of Peace. Leadership Conference of Women Religious, Conference Report, 1982-1983, p. 6. The Religious as Witness All persons consecrated to the Lord enter the category of living witnesses to the existence of this ~'Other," of a Reality so "different" from the reality verifiable by,the senses;;and their whole lives, individual and community, are committed to the final aim of recalling mankind~ distracted by the temptations of material goods, tol thd reality Of the supreme Good, tb,the attraction of values whichare not visible, but~are true'and much higher: ; Therefore, when the documents of the Council and the subsequent directives of the,' Church insist upon the need for the renewal of religious life, they-intend above all to ".~emphasize the need for a renewal of an "interior" nature to be realized in such a way'~ that by eliminating the shadows of useless thingff or superstructures it may more easily become the transparency of God before the eyes of today's men.--John Paul IL To the Women Religious in Albano, 19 September. 1982. L'Osservatore Romano, I1 October 1982. p. 5. Why They Leave: . Reflections of a Religious AnthropologiSt Gerald A. Arbuckle, S.M. Father Arbuckle, asocial anthropologist, is an Assistant General for his congregation: The article ~s the resultgf both contacts and form~! stud~ies he has made with religiou~s in America and Asia. He now resides at the generalate of his cong~regation: Padri Maristi; Via Alessandro Poerio,~63; 00152 Rofiaa, Italy. The recent call by John Paul II for a review 6f the reasons behind the'sharp drop in the number.,of religious within the' United States is timely. But, if this review is to realize ~its aims, those concerned in the study must seek insights from many disciplines, e;g. history, psychology, cultural anthro-pology. In this paper, I offer some insights from cultural anthropology. I believe~that -,~ " -many religious, individually,or as communities, following the combined:~ impact of the social'RevoiUtioh of Expressive Disorder of the 1960s;and early 1970s and of Vatic.an II; went into a~state of cultural malaise, anomie, or what is~popularly called culture shock; . .: : ". . ~ -the cultural and historical~situation in which religious ~life now finds itself today in, the United States is ripe for deep interior.revitalization, provided the opportunities are vigorously grasped. ¯ ~ I will explain these staiements. But, first we must clarify a much confused word-Zculture. Paul VI touched the heart of the meaning of culture when, in Evangelii Nuntiandi, he referred to the signs and 'symbols of a people) Anthropologist G. Geertz takes the same approach, though he concentrates on symbols, when he defines culture to be "an historically transmitted pattern of meanings embodied in symbols, a system of inherited conceptions expressed in 815 816 / Review for Religious, Nov.-De~., 1983 symbolic forms by means oLwhich men communicate, perpetuate, and develop their knowledge about and attitudes towardqife."2 In this sei~se, cul-ture is something living, something giving .meaning, ~direction, identity to people in ways that touch not just the intellect, but especially the ~heart. One cannot define symbol without reference to feelings, to the heart. A symbol is any reality that by its very dynamism or power leads to (i.e., makes one think about, or imagine, or get into contact with or reach out to) another deeper (and often mysterious)~.reality through a sharing in the dynamism that the symbol itself offers (and not by merely verbal or additional explanations). So a symbol is not merely a sign, for signs only point to the signifie~t. Symbols represent the signified, they carry, meaning in themselves, "which allows them to articulate the signified, rather than merely announcing it.''3 New symbols do not take root in the hearts of the people overnight as substitutes for other symbols. Time, experience are necessary for new meanings to develop, new identities tO emerge. Hence, if a people's way of living or culture is dramatically undermined for whatever reason, the effects ~an be traumatic. A feeling of malaise, anomie or normlessness, will emer[ge. The sense of identity and security is lost. ~It has been said that the American Catholic Church was "the best organ-ized and most powerful of the nation's subcultures--a source of both aliena-~ ti0n and enrichment "for those born within it and an object of bafflement or un~a~iness for others.TM In other words, while Catholics shared certain symbols in common with other Americans, many key or pivotal symbols tl~at gave meaning, id~.ntityand security to their lives came from their adherence to the Church. But, as a result, of the combined impact of the Revolution of Expre~s-sive Disorder and Vatican II, the stability a~nd the extraordinary security and cohesiveness of the Church's subcultural way of life in America were shattered in ways that are only now becoming better understood. The more cohesive and itefensive a subculture, th~ more dramatic and traumatic the breakup once key or pivotal symbols are effectively attacked. Vatican II asked that the Church open itself to the world. Cultures of people were to be:understood and evangelized. The Council., therefore, sought to counter~Caih01ic "ghettoism," something that had hampered the missionary thrust of the Church for centuries. But the world to which Catholics had to turn was a world in bxtraordinary turmoil. Secondly, the~e were aspects of mainstream American culture that were (and remain) particularly challenging to ~'vangelization.Many Cathblicslwere just not. prepared to face the situation. One American commentator perceptively noted that "in the beginning, around 1964, the turmoil that was to shake the Church was like a cloud on the horizon. Within two or three years storm clouds filled the sky. And by the mid-1970s, the U.S. Catholic Church was a tempest-tossed.institution in total~ d~sarray, o,L~kew~se,~Peter Berger said that Catholics. back in 1961, were, unlike~thei~ Protestant brothers, still sitting pretty on their Rock of Peter, secure in their numbers, in the allegiance of the faithful. Within five years, he,. Why They Leave / 817 says, the Catholics suffered the same fate as the rest; they were rushing to find "plausible lifeboats with the rest of us.TM I will first.explain what is meant by the Revolution of Expressive Disorder and then indicate various mainstream American values or symbols that partic-ularly challenge evangelization. It will then be seen that once Catholics left their neat and tight subculture and were thrown unprepared into a world in cultural turmoil and into an American cultural system they had effectively resisted, for decades, the consequences were understandable. Understanding the Revolution of Cultural Disorder It is impossible to summarize with any marked degree of accuracy just what happened in the 1960s and'early 1970s. Sociologist Robert Bellah describes the cultural revolution in the western world as "an upwelling of mystical religiosity";7 Gerald Howard considered the period as "a spirited~ wildly inventive era--a decade of great social and political upheaval when ideas and customs collidedqn every corner of American° society."8 Not only America, but the entire western world underwent a transformation in the assumptions and accepted practices which form the cultural foundations of the daily lives of ordinary people. The transformation, one of the swiftest and most dramatic in recorded history, began as a form of cultural~rev01ution among a small group of campaigning radicals, and ended by changing some of the most profound habits and assumptions.9 What was considered shocking in 1967 or 1968 is so commonplace today as not to be noticed. The most common characteristic of the 1960s' Revolution of Expressive Disorder was the symbolism of anti-struciure, anti-order, anti-predictability. It was essentially an attack on boundaries, limits, certainties, taboos, roles, sys-tems,, style, predictabilities, form, ritual. It was an attempt to make ambiguity and uncertainty, not a mere passing feature of~ life, but a way of living in itself. But the revolutidn had its major contradiction in this--on the one hand there was the push towards structureless iiadividualism with its burning zeal for self-fulfillment, but on the other hand there was also the push towards the collectivity in which the individual became smothered by the collectivity. Sociologist Bernice Martin points" out that in the field of the arts, for example, the~boundaries most severely attacked were those between the public and private spheres, male and female, uncertainty over certainty.~° In the case of Andy Warhol, for example~ the sexual identities of his portraits are often left uncertain or are inverted; he makes Marilyn Monroe look like a transves-tite. Educational institutions and teachers took, a severe pounding. The radi~ cals' demands for instant and total intimacy in human relationships, instant "turning on" and .entertainment, played havoc with teacher security, identity, well-being. Given the stress on the immediate and on the functional, it was inevitable that anti-intellectualism and utilitarianism helped undermine educa-tional programs and institutes.11 In the field of religion, new or revived cult movements fitted neatly into the search for either extreme individualism or Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 collectivity, e.g., Moonies, Krishna Consciousness, communes. Even the estab-lished churches did not remain untouched by the drive for anti-structure, for instant community experience, horizontalism, subjectivity in liturgical life. If the liturgy does not give a "peak feeling experience" then, it was argued, it cannot be an authentic ritual. At this point, it would be helpful to use the models of cultures or societies that anth~opoligist Victor Turner evolved.~Z He would distinguish two types of cultures. First, there is societas, a type in which there is role differentiation, structure, segmentation, and a hierarc~hical system of institutionalized posi-tions. Most people live most of their lives in cultures that come close to ttiis model. The second type is called.communitas or liminal, that is a type of culture that is undifferentiated, homogeneous, in which individuals meet each other integrally and not as segmentalized into statuses and roles. He argues that life is a process whereby individuals or groups of people pass from societas through communitas .to societas. Commanitas comes alive in situatiohs whereby structures have been removed or reducedto a minimum; it :becomes tangible in times of transition: e.g., religious novitiates, charismatic,prayer meetings, among crowds at a thrilling baseball game, in moments of crises. In all these instances, people lose their outstanding social differences or statuses. Let us assume, by way of practical example, that after a shipwreck, the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, the President of the United States, .the Queen of Eng-land, a stoker from the s.unken ship, and two passengers who work for a living as ship stew~irds, find themselves in the sole-surviving lifeboat. Confronted with the dangers of, the sea, the' survivors experience a period of communitas, the experience of belonging to common humanity. Titles become unimpor5 tant--survival becomes the value. But communitas can never be sustained-- and has never been sustained--simply because the normal society ultimately ¯ demands some form of structur.e, some form of predictability. For~example, once the lifeboat reaches the safety of a harbor, it is inevitable that titles and statuses become once more'important. People tiave a need to know differences and to act accordingly. But some form of' communitas remains.essential for the survival of all societies; some form of withdrawal--secular or religious--is required as a prerequisite to a new level of involvement in structure. People need to experience for periods of time basic common human values, like brotherhood, the common Fatherhood of God, nationhood, in order to keep their lives balanced. According to 'Turner, therefore, life is a process whereby persons pass from structured "ordinary" living to communitas experiences and back once more .to "ordinary," living. The process is constantly repeated if the particular society is to be maintained and if individuals are to achieve ,human satisfaction and stability. In the communitas periods many of the symbols of relationships, values,~norms, which prevail~ in the° domain of the daily pragmatic structures are reversed, suspended~ reinterpreted, or replaced by a wholly _other set of symbols and ways of acting. The period in which Why They Leave / 819 comrnunitas occurs is called liminality.13 There are periods in history when whole nations, in varying ways or in parts, seek to go through either in an almost spontaneous or planned way communitas or liminal periods. It may take the form of a widespread burst of nationalism, for .example as took place in Britain during and after the Falklands' crisis. But when the models are applied to the 1960s, it is evident that the emphasis in politics, education, arts, religion, was on the evoking of the communitas. The liminality was marked by anti-structure, unpredictabil-ity, taboo-breaking--all that we have described above. Many sought to live liminality not jus.t for part of their daily lives or for short periods, but for life. In the case of religion, the emphasis, as in the rest of the counterculture movements, was on the fraternity of man rather than on the Transcendence, on experience and emotional interaction rather than on abstraction and quiet-ness. In communitas experiences, especially of the spontaneous type such as marked the 1960s, intellectual interaction or argumentation have little or no effect. Euphoria must run its course, in other words. As noted, there are benefits from liminalperiods for the well-being of societies and individuals, but excesses can become counterproductive. As the poet W. H. Auden put it: "The Road of Excess leads more often than not to The Slough of Despond."14 By the early 1970s, the cultural liminal revolution was drawing to a close. As Berger notes "the idea of 'permanent' revolution is anthropologically an absurd fantasy . There are fairly narrow limits to the toleration of disorder in any human society."15 In this, he was agreeing with the analysis of Victor Turner. Margins, structures, boundaries--all returned, though rarely as before, across the whole spectrum of human activity, e.g.- politics, economics, education. Despite the enormity of the upheaval there were some very positive effects of the cultural revolution, such as a sharpening concern for human rights, a heightened awareness that institutions must be constantly checked for impersona!ism and injustices, and.that religion relates one not just to God but also to people . Some Key Symbols in American 'Cultural Life The anthropologist tries to find the key symbols that together bind~people within the one cultural stream. United States is so vast a country that there is'a realodanger of being simplistic in any gffort to find key symbols~ However, even given this caution, I still feel it is possible to point to relevant key symbols that emerge either in advertising or in everyday literature. The following are symbols that to me are important,~if we are to consider religious life and its relevance within the contemporary .United States. These symbols existed prior to the Revolution of Expressive Disorder. In some instances they were severely questioned by the counterculture, but they nonetheless continue to be evi-dently present. In some cases, in fact, the symbols became, reinforced by the revolution, e:g. individualism, the search for self-fulfillment. 1120 / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 The Symbols of Personal Freedom/Individualism, Achievement, Self-Fulfillment Evoke Increasing Loneliness and Alienation Within Society That sharp observer, de Tocqueville, noted decades ago--as something already emerging--the problems of growing individualism, loneliness and alienation: "Selfishness blights the germ of all virtues; iridividualism, at first, only saps the virtues of public life; butqn the long run it attacks and destroys all 'others and is at length absorbed in downright selfishness.''~6 Recently, social-economist Amitai. Etzione built his critical revirw of American life and future on the same insight,t7 Historian David Potter, noted earlier, that "Americans, having demanded a higher degree of freedom, have paid a higher price for it in the degree of their psychological isolation." He.then pointed out that as a consequence of this isolation a sense of personal inadequacy and insecurity inspired by a relentlessly competitive system has produced some of the most Characteristic forms of mental illness in America.18 The more individualism is pushed the more the bonds binding people to the group and the common good are weakened. Hence, Bellah could conclude, with deepening sorrow, that as the result of the overstress on individualism "marriage, friendship, job .church are dispensable, if these don't meet my needs" [my italics].19 ~ymbols o.f Youth and Good Health Downgrade the Positive Qualitites of Aging and Suffering Christopher Lasch writes that American society "defines productivity in ways that automatically exclude 'senior citizens'."2° J. Tetlow recently observed that the American value system not only demands that one be healthy, but that one feel healthy. He comments that "experienced religious when they enter what the: Church has known as the 'dark night' for centuries, think they probably need psychiatric therapy.TM Given these attitudes to the key symbols of youth and good health, it is understandable if the agonies of death and dying fit uneasily into the American folkways. The dead must "look peaceful and fresh',; there must be no sign of suffering having taken place?~ Symbols of Material Consumerism Demand that PleaSure and Satisfaction Be Immediate ~ The ease with which goods can be discarded and replaced by "better ones" reinforces the feeling that one should not tolerate problems for too long~ The tolerance threshold becomes increasingly lower?3 One can include within the symbols of material consumerism, the symbols also of pragmatism and noise. A guiding force isthe assumption that what is useful for satisfaction is good; it generates all kinds of experiments, some good, ~some not good, Inevitably the drive for experimentation, for personal satisfaction and fulfillment, can be inirhical to the~peace essential for deep reflection and contemplation. But the world of mass media,advertising does not help the situation. It intrudes, as though by right, at so many points of one's daily life and so often in a noisy Why They Leave / 821 way. Daniel Bell blames the 1960s for an intensification of the pressure for more and more noise.24 1 doubt if the situation has changed. Vatican II and the Cultural Revolution Collide The dramatic opening paragraph of Gaudium et Spes of Vatican II pin-pointed a vital thrust desired by the fathers, a thrust founded in the Gospel imperative to go. out to all with the saving and consoling news of salvation: "The joys and the hopes, the griefs and the anxieties of men of this age, especially those who are poor.or in any way afflicted, these too are the joys and hopes, the.griefs and anxieties of the followers of Christ." Committed Cath-olics held within a ghettosubcult'ure could no longer consider their evangeliza-tion obligations to be coterminous with that subculture. Liturgies were to be adapted to local cultures, having in mind also the community orientation of the Church. Catholics had now to.enter loving and listening dialogue with the once "suspect" Protestants. As regards religious, "the manner of living,, praying and working should be suitably adapted to the physical and psychological conditions of today's religious and also., to the needs of the apostolate, the requirements of a given cul(ure" [my italics].2~ Quitg independent of the cultural upheaval hitting the western world at t~his point, the above new theological and pastoral emphases were sufficient in themselves to make many question the validity of the contemporary under-standing# of the pivotal symbols~ within the Catholic subctilture of America. Recall the point made earlier: the more cohesive and integrated a subculture is, the more violent and traumatic will be the consequences--once pivotal symbols are shaken ~r undermined. We cannot abstractin fact from the reality that the movement to shake Catholics into becoming pastorally aware of the world beyond their ghetto als0 coincided with a world in "unnatural" turmoil, a world of intense countercultural liminality: The combined effects of the theological and cultural changes of Vatican II and the cultural revolution left Catholics breathless, lost in what seemed to be an. ever-increasing malaise, loss of direction. People felt stunned, rootless, never sure what was to happen next within the Church that for centuries s~emed unchanging. They became exposed to movements, pressures they could not understand. The mass of intricate cultural supports that had protected the ghetto Church for over a hundred ybars within the United States were suddenly removed. One can only agree with Avery Dulles' assessment of the period after the Council: "In most countries the decade since the Council has been one of internal conflict, confu-sion, disarray. The Church seems, for the first time in centuries, to be an uncertain trumpe~."26 Let us look a little closer at some of the ways in which the confusion or disarray evolved with such speed. We will then be in a better position to understand why the numbers of religious have so dramatically dropped. Within the.Catholic subculture, prior to Vatican II, it was inevitable that Church authority, as represented by bishops, priests and even religious, held 822 / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 . generally a socially and pastorally honored position. Their roles and the expec-tations of the people were clearly defined~ and supported by what ,was thought to be an unchanging theology. Vatican II returned to important emphases as regards liturgy, the role of ecclesial aut.hority within the community of the faithful, the role of laity in the apostolate. These emphases, in themselves would have been sufficient to shake and question the status of priests and religious wiLhin the subculture. But I~would agree with~sociologist George A. Kelly that th.e.~dramatic undermi~ning of pivotal symbols of authority~ priesthood, reli-gious life (according to the meanings then given them) was caused in no small way by the inse.nsitive attacks on the symbols by Catholics themselves. Armed with ,the anti-structure symbols of the cultural revolution, the attackers some-. times~used a most remarkable viciousness: One well-known~civil rights leader p~ublicly referred to the Church as "a0iwhore"!27 Priests and religious even seemed to seek out publicity when they left their vocational commitment. Little wonder if,~the faithful had their confidence~in the symbols undermined. The confidence of many priests and religious was also not infrequently threatened. But the confusion and disarray was.helped along even by sympathetic people holding important positions within the subculture. Let me explain. An anthropologist, in studying a particular culture, will seek out the authority structures and symbols of the people. He .will seek to find out how the credibil-ity of the symbols is maintained.But of similar importance is the study of ritual, whether ii be~ civj.'l, secular or religio~us. Ritual is vital to the maintenance of a group's life. One may disturb a people's identity by effectively attacking their ritual. The speed with which .liturgical changes took place following Vatican II, not the changes themselves, left concerned anthropologists aghast.~ Ritual consists primarily of symbols, not signs. As we noted, signs can be substituted for other signs with no problem at all. But not symbols, for they relate to the.hearts old, people. Any change must be done with extraordinary sensitivity and, with full involvement of the people themselves. Victor Turner and Mary Douglas, both leading anthropologists in the study of ritual, both Catholics, have commented~on what happened. At .one point,t; in hisqengthy analysis, Turner notes that '~one cause of the large-scale.withdrawal of many Catholics from the institutional life of the Church who still think of themselves as Christians (and sorrow as widows do for the death of someone~beloved) is the comprehensive transformation of ritual forms under the influence of theoreticians drawn from the positivist and materialist camps . ,,2s It was not a questign of ~topping change. But it was rather a question of how that change was to take place. Mary Douglas is equally strong in her analysis.29 ~Inevitably, religious shared the "blame" in the minds o~f the faithful for disruptive and insensitive,speed with which so many changes took place. Their credibili(y and prestige .as educators was undermined. As their status within the subculture became confused owing to the breakup of the subculture itself, religious often did not develop a more community-oriented, esteemed status as sensitive educators. For this reason they became not particularly attractive Why They Leave / 823 leaders to follow, 'thus contributing to the falloff in vocation recruitment. Religious and Culture Shock One contemporary commentator,~i). Callahan, incisively and sympatheti-cally noted that "it is nbw"trivial to say that W~stern culture is undergoing a crisis, but it is not trivial to live it." In order to situate what happened to many priests and religious, it is relevant to quote his next poii~t: "To live it and not just talk about it means that one takes upon one's shoulders, willingly or unwillingly, all the burdens of confusion, uncertainty and a clouded vision."3° Priests and religious were key symbols within the American Catholic subcul-ture. Suddenly, in.ways never before expected, the prestige and~acceptance of these symbols was undermined. Many priests and religious, trying to live with ~the challenge, struggled to shoulder all the burdens, confusion in roles, uncer-tainty of pastoral and vocatignal goals that resulted from the cbmbined impa~t of Vatican-Ii and the cultur'~Frevolution. Little wonder that many went ifito a state which we call, culture sh~ck---"culture" because the subculture that had defined in n.o ~small ~way their identity and security had now collapsed. Louis Luzbetak defines culture shock as "a reaction that is blind and unreasoffed, a reaction that is but a subconscious flight or escape from a culturally disagree-able environment."3t I believe four types of escape on the part of religious from a culturally disagreeable environment can be detected: 1. Vocational Withdrawal ,o Vei'y few religious prior to Vatican II were trained either to understand empirically the nature of culture, Culture change, or even to appreciate that theology is open to progressive deepening and therefore change. Just one insight will help to appreciate the situation. Prior to Vatican II the word "sociology" was most generally synonymous with "social ethics." It was a most rare seminary or formation house that included any serious teaching in empiri-cal social sciences; given the stress on the a priori method, recourse to the empirical social sciences was not seen as useful or important. It is scarcely surprising therefore if many religious became utterly confused about what was happening as a consequence of Vatican II cultural and theological changes and of the impact of the cultural revolution of the 1960s--so confused, in fact, that they withdrew from religious life as their only method of coping. The missiolo-gist, Walbert Bfihlmann, recently cited a speaker's comment at a Rome meet-ing. The speaker noted .that "if some 40,000 priests and religious have 'given up' in the last ten years it is not least of all because they had not been prepared for the cultural, sociological, and theological °changes that called everything into question. This is why they could not cope with the changes."32 2. Reverse Nativism By "reverse nativism" I mean that religious struggled to escape the frustrating challenge of change by going back to the symbols of predictability 1~24 / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 and certainty of the former Catholic subculture. And they sought to remain in the security and identity of the past. This is not an .uncommon type of reaction on the part of adjustment to dominant cultures or rapid change. The Lefebvre movement is an example of this type ~of'reaction within the Church. History shows that while this t.ype bf turning away from reality gives security and identity, it can only be a temporary situation. Reality must at some time or other be faced up to': : 3. Cultural Romanticism A person who suffers from "cultural romanticism" is one who, in order to cope with culture ocon.flict, believes the culture he is .noW faced with is the culture. D~ramatically. discarding the ~past,.he avidly turns to the new way of living, new values, with a most uncritical approacO. He is just blinded by what he assumes to be the beauty of all around him. ~In.~the case of religious faced with the 1960s crises, many, having lost direction; capitulated to the counter-culture movement. Hence, they sought the '~instant" community, as much spontaneity as possible without structures in religious communities. Eventually a tiredness emerged, 9 hollowness, for as we have seen ther~ is a htiman limit to constant change, constant spontaneity. Not only did this overstress on self-fulfillment and feeling, have tragic effects on religious communities, but it also led to unnecessary crises within formation programs and seminaries. Formation programs and seminary systems generally collapsed since they were based~ on a model of service that fitted the old Catholic subculture, but not the new pastgral stress inherent in the community model of the Church. Formators were at a loss to know what to do. Many gave way to the pressures of the counterculture and dispensed with structures. The consequence of this is well described~by Henri J. M. Nouwen in an article published i.n 1969. He claimed that all formation has "as its primary task to offer a meaningful structure which allows for a creative use of the student's energies." When such meaningful structure is lacking, then the student becomes excessiv.e, ly dependent on endless self-scrutiny, affir-mation by superiors and others. The final result of this process is individual .,and group depressionP3 I am sure that as a consequence of the confusion into which formation programs fell, many young religious students left, as well as formation staff since they were being subjected to criticism from all sides--from students, from major superiors, from fellow religious (there are a~ many experts on formation as there are members of a province!). Other interesting signs of romanticism could be seen. Religious were asked ' by Vatican II to adapt to the local culture. Many took this literally, claiming that the only way to get close to the people was to be "one with them." Hence, life-styles changed in an effort to achieve this identification; in the process, of course, religious beqame so identified with middle-class styles that they.were indistinguishable from this class~and lost all credibility in consequence. So Why They Leave / 825 some religious were forced to face the fact that for them religious life no longer held any purpose. Sometimes, crises occur'red when religious overstressed the self-fulfillment "craze" of the counterculture. The more individualistic :they became,.the weaker their ties with the community. As Robert°Bellah noted (as quoted above), such people are apt to opt out of service to the community once they are placed under any pressure from the common good. Not infrequently, religious, having moved out of traditional apostolates, found themselves as social workers, civil rights' leaders, development workers. In .these new roles they sought to give meaning to theirs, lives as religious. But the more they tried to obtain identity from their work of service, the more elusive it became. For religious life has meaning first and foremost from the radical commitment to Jesus Christ in faith, When this reality was overlooked, religious eventually found themselves out of religious life. 4. Cargo Cultism ~ Thomas Merton, in the'Very year of his death, felt that many in the Church (and therefore in religious life) had adopted what is called a "cargo cult" approach tO ,renewal. Anthropologists, particularly those who work in Melanesia, South Pacific, have long documented such cults. People destroy buildings, gardens, and then build new structures, e~g. primitive airstrips or boat jetties. Then, with the .old structures'gone and the new ones established, the people' would sit and wait for the ancestors to fly. in with the goods of the western world. If the ancestors did not arrive, then they recognized that they had chosen the wrong structures or used the wrong magical words.~-Merton rightly recognized that this is something that pertains not only to so-called primitive Melanesia. He felt ttlat the same cargo approach was alive and well ih the ChurchP5 Once chapters of renewal had b~en held, fine documents written, beautiful words spoken, new structures of government introduced, then religious expected that by sitting and waiting the renewal would take place in consequence. But, as in the case 6f the cults in Melanesia, nothing of the kind happened, unless the religious concerned tackled renewal and conver-sion. within the h'eart. Only this radical.conversion to the Lord would ulti-mately make structures or documents effect their aims. The more this was not recognized, the more religious became disillusioned and angry, their anger often being directed at structures and superiors, which, sometimes resulted in the withdrawal from religiou~ life. The structural changes, e.g. in government, were often done with consider-able zeal and hope, under.standably legitimizing these changes as the response to the call to adapt to the local culture. Some provinces of religious congrega-tions, for example, opted to govern according to the American system of "checks and balances." One senses at times that this was done without suffi-cient critical analysis. It was felt that this civil system would check any further abuse by authorities. The aspiration was somewhat cargo cultish, since other problems have emerged that have on occasions exacerbated the situation and 1126 / Review for Religibus, Nov.-Dec., 1983 made government even more difficult to operate within the religious provinces. Arthur Schlesinger asserts that "theFounding Fathers, who saw conflict as the guarantee of freedom, grandly defied the inherited wisdom [in the Constitu-tion] . . . [which] thus institutionalized conflict in the very heart of the American polity."36 Conflict is part and parcel of being~human,.~but its institu- ¯ tionalization within a religious congregation's government may not be quite what is needed if religious life values are to predominate. Secondly, David Potter pointed 'out that the "pervasive repugnance for any sort of personal authority has lain close to the heart of the American idea of freedom. It has colored Americans" distrust of power, has encouraged them to diffuse power when they could, and has caused them to shrink from admitting its existence when they could not prevent it from being concentrated."37 There has been a "cargo cultish" assumption that the civil system of government would solve so many problems, but I belibve in uncritically open-ing themselves to this system, religious have ~pted for a form ofigovernment which can be so fearful of moving without what might be called an-"orgy of consultation" that a paralysis sets in, At a time of decline in vocations and challenging new pastoral needs, no government should be so subject to paraly-sis. Governments in religious life today must consult widely; for this~to take place there must be trust on the part of all concerned. If not, lit~le~wonder if major superiors resign, and well~-suited potential leaders refuse to assume office for fear of being paralyzed by so many checks and~balances and the fear of built-in conflict. I .suspect this is a-significant factor behindi the burnout of superiors and the not infrequent .departure.from religious life. I also believe that religious who have assumed a "cargo cultish" approach to religious life structural changes are merely delaying,the moment of truth for themselves and their congregations. .~.~ I suspect that when the civil system of.government was adopted uncriti-cally, provincial chapter participants did not ask the right questions, e.g., "What is religious life government for?" "Did the founder insist on :a form of government that he considered integrally.~related to the realization of the congregation's aims?" David J. O'Brie.n, commentingin 197-2 on the uncritical Americanizing drive in adaptation noted a degree of disillusionment emerging: "The notion of Americanizing the church now appears to many as unworthy, even immoral."32 Simplistic "cargo cultish:' attitudes about government struc-tures may be waning. I am°inclined to think so. Revitalization of Religious Life: Anthropol~ogical ~sights Today religious life remains in the state of the liminality, of uncertainty, of co~fusion, that has mar.ked the period since Vatican II. Now one hears the near-despair question: How is it possible to survive? Religious life will survive, even if a significant number of congregations are expected to die in the years to come)9 There will always be people in the Church who will want to extend and~ radicalize their baptismal commitment. These will try to express the life Why They Leave / 827 and holiness of the Church in all its radicalness. ~And they will want to do this in groups in order to be supported in ~their~eff.orts. I believe, however, even though malaise and confusion are still affecting religious life that we'a~'e on the verge of an in-depth revitalization. The Church is in a cultural and historical stage that parallels the vital points of:growth in the Church, namely the post-Reformation and the post-French Revolution ¯ periods. Both periods had been preceded by extraordinary social, political, cultural and religious upheaval. The affect of the French Revolution and its associated forces in Europe on religious life was traumatic. It is estimated that on the "eve of the French Revolution, worldwide membership in all the men's religious orders stood at approximately 300,000; by the time the Revolution and the secularizations which followed had run their course in France and the rest of Europe, fewer than 70,000 remained.''4° The Church wffs stunned'by what seemed a calamity. Yet in fact eventually an extraordi-nary number and variety of new congregations emerged fro~m tliis liminal period of shock and confusion. Similarly, after the Reformation, there was.a period in which people placed hopes in new ecclesiastical laws, structures, to bring them through the crisis. But, their approach asked of legislation and new structures what they could never do alone; their .approach was "cargo cultish." Eventually the truth came home to the sincere--the way of renewal is.born out ~ of the near-despair 'question asked in faith--how is it possible to survive? Ultimately, only by a committed return to prayer, faith, union with Christ, the original charism of the particular founder and the prayerful discernment of the ,needs of the ~world, As one historian put it, the Council of Trent, despite its ' tortuous length, really.effected nothing in depth until, under "the reforming influences of men like St. Ignatius Loyola, the stress turned to personal prayer and abnegation, and a renewed commitment to sacramental life. [which] demanded continuous heroic effort.TM ~ What will characterize religious life in its revitalized form? A major insight comes from~Paul VI in Evangelii Nuntiandi, 1975. He challenged the Church ib recognize that "what matters is to evangelize man's culture and cultures. in a vital wa, y and fight to'their very roots",(n. 20). If we take this challenge and relate it to the mission of religibus life in the United States (and elsewhere), 1 ,believe John Kavanaugh's statement is correct: "One powerful and often over-looked possibility is in the rediscovery of the religious life as countercultural force."42 This means that we must go 1sack and look closely at the symbols within our culture that urgently need challenging'with Gospel values. This challenging can be effectively done not in words alone but ultimately through a life-style that witnesses to values, attitudes, that are Gospel in origin. As wit-nesses they will be living symbols of what the Gospel really means. The spiritu-ality of future religious life will be, as Karl Rahner observes, "a spirituality of the Sermon on the Mount and of the evangelical counsels, continually involved ~ in renewing its protest against the idols of wealth, pleasure and power."43 To be more explicit, religious life in the United States will enter a new 1~91~ / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 spring, if religious themselves recognize that for the culture to be evangelized in depth "in a vital way and ,~r!ght to [its] very roots," they must themselves become - radically committed living witnesses to the Incarnation and Transcen-dence in orderto counter the symbols of secularism and selfishness. - living witnesses to vibrant community life, to counter the symbols of excessive individualism and alienation insociety~ . - living witnesses to a love of prayer, contemplation, to counter the sym-bols of chronic pragmatism and materialism; ~ - living witnesses through their life-style and attitudes to God's mercy, Jesus Christ, ifi concern for~ the alienated,0the oppressed--nationally and internationally; - living witnesses of respect for older people and their accumulated wis- ,. dora, to counter the symbol of excessive stress on the cult' of youth in a productivity-oriented culture; ¯ - living witnesses to the radical demands of asceticism in opposition to the symbols of consumerism, instant spirituality; - living witnesses, to the virtue of. hope, to cbunter ~symbols that seek to negate any redemptive and ~schatological power of suffering. American~mainstream ctilture is steeped in a rich mythology of mission to greatness, a mythology--once deeply Christian in its orientation--with sym-bols of journeying to build a society befitting the dignity of men and women. In recent decades, this mythology of journeying has been used opolitically, in ways never intended by the early dreamers, poets, prophets and builders of the nation. Religious, when they respond to the call to radicalness, effectively have the chance to draw from this mythology, purifying it of its subsequent aberra-tions. In the process they will touch the hearts of Americans.who are genuinely sehrching for how to journey to real greatness. The pope requeSted the review of religious life in the United States not only because religious life needs this critical reflection within the country, but also because of the influence American religious have had "on religious life +throughout the world.TM Anthropologists, who happen to be Catholic, and who work in ,various parts of the world come into contact with the influrnce of American-b~rn religious. Hence, they recognize the importance of the pope's singling out of American re!igious life. If the review has the effect of deepening commitment and reVital-ization in American religious congregations, this will have a flow effect throughout the world. The mythology of mission to greatness would then be international ir~ its implications It has been Said that the anthropologist's trade lies in unearthing what is hidden and articulating wha~ is latent. In this brief article, I have tried ,to illustrate through the use of anthropological techniques of analysis what has happened.to religious life in the post-Vatican II United States. Many of the insights have been spoken of before. But here /hey are:articulated within various anthropological frames or parameters in an effort to put them into a Why They Leave / 829 better context and :be more objectively understood. Many other disciplines will expertly highlight points not raised here. But, it is argued, the anthropologist's particular expertise is to be found in the interpretation of culture. Religious in America prior to Vatican II belonged ,to a :highly organized and structured subculture of American~life. The anthropologist has specialized insights into the position of religious within such a subculture, but he has also insights into what happened to religious~ life once this subculture broke down with such ~apidity and trau'ma. This paper attempts to offer some of thrse insights. A second aspect of the paper~related to the future of religious life in the United States. As evangelizers are called on to eVangelize culture in depth, the anthro-pologist is surely in a key position to unearth.hidden, but powerful, symbols that must be evangelized if Gospel values are to take root. Herice, the last part of the article is concerned with What religious life should symbolize if it is to become something not lived in some ~r~'refieda~mosphere, .but rather a power-fully radical vehicle through which the Gospel can take root within the hearts and ~minds of American people: Then the people will come to see conversion as a journeying "into a place 6i" promise anff hope"'(Preface of Thanksgiving). ¯ NOTES ~No. 63. 2The Interpretation of Cultures"(N.Y.: Basic; Books¯ 1973), p:89. ~Louis Dupre, The Other Dimension: A Search for the Meaning ofi Religious Attitudes (N.Y.: The Seabury Press, 1979), p. 105. 4J0hn iCogley, Catholic America (N.Y.: Image, 1974)¯ p. 135. .sCharles A. Fracchia, Second Spring: The Coming of Age of U.S. Catholicism (San Francisco: Harper & Ro,w, 1980), p. 83. ~Facing up to Modernity: Excursions in Society, Politics and Religion (Manchester: Penguin, 1979), p. 228. 7"Religion and Power in America Today" in Commonweal, 3 December 1982, p: 655. 8 The Sixties: The Art~ Attitudes, Politics and Media of Our Most Explosive Decade, ed. Gerald Howard (N.Y,: Washington Square Press, 1982), p.,4: 0See explanation by Bernice Martin. A Sociology of Contemporary Cultural Change (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1981)¯ p. 1 and passim. ~Olbid. p. 112. '~See Ralph W. Larkin, Suburban Youth. in Cultural Crisis (N.Y.: Oxford University Press, 1979), p. 171. ~2For a summary of his approach see Victor and Edith Turner, Image and Hlgrimage in Chris-tian Culture: Anthropological Perspectives (Oxford: Basil Bl~ckwell, 1978), pp. 243-255. ~See,Gerald A. Arbuckle, "Evangelization and Cultures: Complexities and Challenges" in The Australasian Catholic Record, Vol. LVI, 1979¯ pp. 254-257: ~4"Contra Blake" in Collected Poems, ed. E. Mendelson (London: Faber & Faber, 1976), p. 540. ~50p. cit., p. 17. ~rDemocracy in America by Alexis de Tocqueville, ed. P. Bradley (N.Y.: Alfred A. Knopf, 1953), II, p. 98. I!~!0 / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 ~TRebuilding America Before the21st Century: An Immodest Agendd~(N.Y2~McGraw-Hill, 1983). , ~ ~SFreedom and Its Limitations in Americt~n;Life, ed. Don E. Fehrenbacher (~;tanford: Stanford University Press, 1976), pp. 22, 29. ~90p. cir., p. 652. ~°The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in An Age of Di~ninishing Expectatiohs (N.Y.: Warner Books, 1979), p. 354. 2~"American Catholic Spirituality" in New Catholic World, July/August, 1982, p. 154. 22See Richard Huntington and Peter Metcalf, Celebrations~of Death: The Anthropology of " Mortuary Ritual (N.Y.: Cambridge University Press, 1979), pp. 184-211. 2~See Marvin Harris, America Now: The Anthropology of a Changing Culture (N.Y.: Simon and Schuster, 1981) p. 28ff. 24 The Cultural Contradictions~ 8f Capitalism (N.Y.: Basic Books, !976), p. 122. 2~ Perfectae Caritatis, no. 3. 26 The Resilient Church: The Necessity and Limit~ of Adaptation, (N.Y.: DoubledaY, 1981), p., I i. 27Cited by Qeorge A. k.elly, The~Battlefor the American Church (N.~.: Doubleday, 1981), p. 8. ~s',Passages, Margins and Povert~,~',Religious. Symbols~and Co~nmunitas" in Worship, Vol. 46, 197Z. p. 390f. , . ~ ~ 29See Natural Symbols: Explorations in Cosmology (N:Y.:. Pantheot~ Books, 1970), passim. ~°The Tyranny of Surviva~l (N.Y.: Macmillan, 1973), p. 23. 3~ The Church and Cultures: An Applied Anthropology for the" Religious Worker (Techny: Divine Word, 1970), p. 97. 32The Chosen Peoples (Midd!egreen: St. Paul Publications, 1982), p. 273. 3~lntimacy: Essays in Pastoral Psychology (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1969), pp. 79-105. ~For an introductory overview of such cults see Kenelm Burridge, New .Heaven New Earth (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1969), passim. ~Cargo Cults in the South Pacific," in America, 3 S~ptember 1977, p. 96. 36The Imperial Presidency (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1973), p. vii. ~70p. cit., p. I If. ~The Renewal of American Catholicism (N.Y.: Paulist Press, 1972), p. 208f. 39See predictions by Raymond Fitz and lawrence Cada, ~The Recovery of Religious Life" in REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, Vol. 34, 1975/5, p. 706. ~°lawrence Cada, Raymond Fitz; Gertrude Foley, Thomas Giardino and Carol Lichtenberg, Shaping the Coming Age of Religious L~fe (N.Y.: The Seabury Press, 1979), p. 38. 4~ L. Evenett, The Spirit of the Counter-Reformation (cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), p. 4If. ~2 Following Christ in a Consumer Society: The Spirituality of Cultural Resistance (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 1982), p. 136. 43Concernfor the Church, trans. E. Quinn (N~Y.: Crossroads, 1981), p. 145. **Cited by Kenneth A. Briggs, ~Pope Orders Study'of Drop in ReligiOus Orders in U.S." in The New York 7~mes, 24 June 1983,.p. All. Sentire cum Ecclesia I"incent T. O'Keefe, S.J. Father O'Keefe has been General Assistant and General Counselor in the governance of the Society of Jesus with special charge for the fields of education and social communication; he has also been Director of the Office of Public Relations. . This artic~e ~rigina~y appeared in C~S~ the quarter~y pub~icati~n ~f the Centrum ~gnatianum Spiritualitatis, located in the order's genemlate in Rome. Re ders are familiar with that: element in the 'ch~rism of St. Ignatius which has become~known in a kind of'spiritual shorthand as sentire cum Ecclesia from the "Rtiles for Thinking with the Church" placed by St. Ignatius as an appendix ,at the end of his Spiritual Exercises. After a series of conferences in Rome by Jesuit specialists in May of" 1979, the Ignatian Center of Spirituality published them :in a:booklet.~ This provides an excellent treatment of the different aspec(s of sentire curn Ecclesia and a good bibliogr~aphy? The purpose of this paper is quite different. It is to consider this important part of Jesuit life and spirituality as presented by Pope John Paul II as one of his tirincipal concerns and desires and expectations with regard to the Society of Jesus today. It is'clear that we must 10ok to the past in orde~ tO understand the background of John Paul lI's presentation, but the main thrust is just as clearly in terms of the present and future apostolic work of the Society. Background: Recent History I. John Paul H to Jesuit Provincials: February 27, 1982 From February 23 to March 3, 1982 the Jesuit provincials from around the world met with Father Paolo Dezza, S.J., Delegate of the Holy Father, and Father Giuseppe Pittau, S.J., Coadjutor of~Father Dezza, in order to respond to the concerns, desires and expectations of the Holy Father. In his well-known address to the group on February 27, John Paul II spoke of these 831 1132 / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 matters and laid specia! emphasis on sentire cum Ecclesia. His intention was to indicate how the Society coiald best serve the Church today, and how this was to be done in accord with the charism of St. Ignatius and with the tradition of the Society down through the four and a half centuries of its history. The words of the pope are at once a call, an appeal, and a challenge to the whole body of the Society to help the Roman Pontiff and the Apostolic College to serve the People of God, and to do this by living to the full one of the centerpieces of Ignatian spirituality, sentire cum Ecclesia, by being of one mind and heart with the Church. In his address John Paul II refers to the meeting of the provincials which was then at the midway point: "In such a climate of serene ffelcoming of God's will, you are reflecting in meditation and prayer during these days on the best way to respond to the expectations of the pope and of the Pe#ople of God in a period of polarizations and contradictions which mark contemporary society. The object of your reflections, inspired by Ignatian "discernment," are the fundamental problems of the ide~ntity and of the ecclesial ~f.unction of the Society . " And the first such important element noted by the pope'is the sentire cum Ecclesia. The Holy Father situates his remarks within an historical context: ". :. it'is opportune to reflect on your order's past in order to grasp the fundamental marks of this process [the implementation of the Council of Trent] and the richest and most positive aspects of the way in which the Society contributed to it. They will be like guiding lights or beacons to indicate what the Society of today, impelled by the dynamism typical of its Founder's charism, but genuinely faithful to it, can and must do to foster what the Spirit of God has brought about in the Church through the Second Vatican Council. The Society of Jesus, ever imbued with the spiri~ of true renewal, will I~e ready .to play its, part ,fully today as in the past and always: to be able to help the pope and the Apostolic College to advance the whole Church along the great road marked out by the Council . " This help that John Paul II asks of thE'Society in the Ignatian spirit of sentire cum Ecclesia is to assist "in a notable way the Roman Pontiffs in the exercise of their supreme magisterium . The Roman Pontiff to whom you are linked by ~i special vow is, in the words of the Second Vatican Counc.il, 'the Supreme Pastor of the Church' (Christus Dominus, 5). As such he has a particular ministry of service to exercise for the good of the universal Church, and in which he willingly accepts your loving, devoted and time, tested collaboration." John Paul II calls on the Soc!ety to aid him in his service to the whole Church, in helping the People of God to understand and implement the Second Vatican Council,, and to do this particularly bY traditional Jesuit loyalty to the magisterium in doctrine and practice. There are reminders to avoid defects of the past, but this is in order to render the Society's service to the pope and to the Church as effective as possible. Sentire cum Ecclesia 2. In Continuity with Paul VI In issuing this call, the Holy Father indicates clearly that he is following his predecessors, Paul VI and John Paul I: As m~, venerated predecessor, Pope Paul VI, already told you, the Church today wants the Society to implement effectively the Second Vatican Council, as, in the time of St. Ignatius and afterwards, it spared no effort to make known and apply the Council of Trent, assisting in a notable waythe Roman Pontiffs in the exercise of their supreme magisterium . Together with solidity of virtue, your Constitutions insist on a solidity and sourdfiess of doctrine, su~:h as is essential for an efficacious apostolate. Conse-quently, "The Jesuits were universally considered to be a support for the doctrine and discipline of the whole Church. Bishops, priests and lay people used to look upon the Society as an authentic nourishment for the interior life" (Letter of Cardinal Villot to Father General, 2 July 1973). The same should remain true in the future by means, of that loyal fidelity to the magisterium of the Church, and in particular of the Roman Pontiff, to which you are in duty bound. After the letter mentioned above by John Paul 1I, which Cardinal Villot had sentln the name of Paul VI, the latter pope wrote to Father Grneral on September 15, 1973 with regard to General Congregation XXXII which had just been cbnvoked for Decembei" 1974. Paul VI referred in a very special manner to "the fidelity ~o the Holy See, whether in the area of stodies and education of young scholastics, who are the hope of your order, oor of the students attending the great number of schools and universities entrusted to the Society, or in the production and pu~blication of writing,,s aimed at a wide circle of readers, or in the exercise of tl'ie direct'apostolate. 3 A year later on Deceml~er 3, 1974, Paul Vi addressed the members of i3eneral Congregation XXXII and continued.along the line of thought of his letter of September 15, 1973. He specified the works of the Society where the spirit of sentire cum Ecclesia has been evident: ¯. we see displayed all the wonderful richness and adaptability which has characterized the Society during the centuries as.~the Society of those "sent~ by the Church. Hence tl~re have come theological research and teaching, h,ence the apostolate of preaching, of spiritual assistance, of publications and writings, of the direction of groups, and of formation by means of the Word of God and the Sacrament of Reconciliation, in accordance with the special and characteristic duty, committed to you by your holy Founder. Hence there have come the social apostolate and intellectual and cultural activity which extend from schools for the solid and complete education of youth all the wa~, to the levels of advanced university studies and ~cholarly research . Then in a s~ries of questions which Paul VI says that Jesuits themselves are asking "as a conscientious verification and as a reassuring confirmation," the Holy Father asks: "What is the state of Catholic faith and moral teaching as set forth by the ecclesiastical magisterium?TM Paul VI spoke in a similar way in his letter of February I5, 1975 to Father General,5 and, in an audience granted to him during General Congregation XXXII on February 20, 1975, the Holy Father expressed his fear lest the ¯ General Congregation "give insufficient care to correcting certain lamentable deviations in doctrinal and disciplinary matters which had in recent years often ~834 / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 been manifested with respect to the mag]sterium and hierarchy.TM On March 7, 1975, the last.day of the Congregation, Paul VI received Father General and the General Assistants. In a brief address the Holy Father noted: We were not a little pleased by the fact that the members of the General Congregation favorably understood the force and meaning of our recommendations and showed that the~, received them with a willingnes~s to carry them out . We exhort all the companions" of Ignatius to continue with renewed zeal to carry out all the works and ~ endeavors upon which they have so eagerly embarked in the service of the' Church . You should be aware of the fact that not only the eyes of c.ontemporary men in general but also and especially those of so many members of other religious orders and congre-gations and even those of the universal Church are turned upon you . 7 General Congregation XXXII replied to the concerns and expectations of Paul VI particularly in its first and third decrees. In the first .decree, the "Introductory Decree," the Society humbly acknowledged the failings pointed out by the Holy Fatlier, and sought, with God's grhce, a more radical renewal and closer unity with the Holy Father.8 Even more specifically, the third decree treated "Fidelity of the Society to the Magisterium and the Supreme Pontiff." It stressed the Society's obligati6n of reverence and loyalty, and its responsibil-ity towards the Church. While reaffirming the Society's long tradition of service fO the Church in the explanation, propagation and defense of the faith, it deplo'red the shortcomings in this matter in recent years, and recommended to Society superiors a fatherly but firm vigilance so that cases might be avoided or corrected which tarnish the Socieiy',s fidelity to the magisterium and to the service of the faith and of the Church.9 " The reaction of Paul VI was expressed in a letter of Cardinal Villot-to Father General on May 2, 1975: "It is mos( opportune that the GenEral Congregation has confirmed the traditional fidelity of the Society to the magis-terium and the Holy Father: HoweVer, the expression [in the text of decree 3], 'Freedom Should be intelligently encouraged,' should not be allowed to pro-vide gro~nds for disregarding thb rules for 'Thinking with the Church,' which are proper to the Society."~0 3. The Address Prepared by John Paul 1 During"his all too brief pontificate, Pope John Paul I had pre.pared an address which he intended~to give to (he members of the Society's Con-gregation of Procurators on September.30, 1978. When the Holy Father's sudden death prevented him from giving the address, Father'General appealed to the Vatican Secretariate of State for a copy of it. This was accomplished through the good offices of Cardinal Villot who menti6ned in his accompany-ing letter that John Paul 11 subscribed to and made his own~what John Paul I had written.~ 1 In his address, John Paul I proposed some points for the consideration of thememb~rs of the Congregation of Procurators. Not only does senti~'e cure E~clesia have a central part here, but John Paul I provides a clear and full Sentire cum Ecclesia : report of what activities and what attitudes it refers to: In your apostolic labors you should always keep in view the proper end of'the Society "founded chiefly ,for the defense and propagation of the faith and for the progress of souls in Christian life and doctrine" (Formula of the Institute) . For this evangelizing action, St. Ignatius demands of his sons a solid doctrine acquired through a prolonged and careful preparation. It has been a characteristic of the Society to be careful to present in preaching and spiritual direciion, teaching ~nd publication of books and reviews, a solid and sound doctrine, fully conformed to the teaching of the Church; because of this the monogram of:the Society was for the Christian people a guarantee [of solid doctrine] and won for you the special trust of the episcopate. Strive to maintain intact this praiseworthy characteristic; let it not happen that the teachings and p~blica-tio~ is of Jesuits contain anything to cause confusion and disorientation among the faithful; ever keep in mind that the mission entrusted to you by the Vicar of Christ is to announce--in a way adapted to the mentality of today, certainly, but in its integrity and .purity--the Christian message contained in th, e deposit of revelation, of which the authentic interpreter is the magisterium of the Church. This na!urally implies that in the institutes and faculties where young Jeslzits are formed,'sure and solid doctrine is taught in conformity with the directives ~:ontained in the conciliar decrees and in the successive documents of the Holy See concerning:'~t.he, doctrinal formation of those aspiring for priesthood~ And this is all the more necessary since your institutes are open to numer-ous seminarists, religious, and lay persons wh6 frequent them precisely for the sure and~' solid doctrine that they expect to receive there . Be therefore faithful to the wise norms contained in your Institute: and be at the same time faithful to the prescriptions of the Church concerning religious life, priestly ministry, liturgical celebrations, giving an example of that loving docility to "our Holy Mother the hierarchical Church"---as St. Ignatius recalls in the "Ruleg for Thinking witff the Church"--because she is the "true spouse of Christ our Lord" (see Spiritual Exercises, n. 353). This attitude of St. Ignatius towards the Church should be typical also of his sons.~2 " 4. John Paul H to Presidents of Jesuit Conferences (September 1979) and Father" General's Follow-up A year later, John Paul II addressed Father General and the Presidents of, the Conferences of Provincials on September 21,197,9. The Holy Father noted that he did not have e~nough time to consider sufficiently either the good initiatives t6 be developed or the deficiencies to be remedied, and stated: I shall limit myself to recalling some recommendations offered from the heart by my immediate predecessors, Paul VI and John Paul I, out of the great love they bore.th'e Society. Their recommendations 1 make completely my own . Be faithful to the'rules of your Institute, as requested b.y Paul Vi and mpre recently byoJohn Paul I in the allocution prepared for your Congregation of Procurators shortly before his death. They both stressed . sound doctrine in complete fidelity to the supreme magisterium of the Church and the Roman Pontiff so fervently desired by St. Ignatius, as everyone knows . In addition to the great good accomplished by many Jesuits through the example of their lives, their apostolic zeal, and unconditioned fidelity to the Roman Pontiff, John Paul I1 noted "that the crisis which in recent times has troubled religious life and is still troubling it, has not spared your Society, causing confusion among the Christian people and concern tO the Church, to 8~16 / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 the hierarchy and also personally to the Pope who is speaking with you."~3 The Presidents of the Conferences of Provincials had been meeting in Rome for their fourth Consultation with Father General (September 17-21), and the theme of their meeting was° the Society,'s service to the Church. The basis of discussion was a series of recent documents including.the "Directives for the Mutual Relations between Bishops and Religious in the Church" {a joint document of the Congregation for Religious and the Congregation for Bishops), and, with special attention, the address of John Paul 1 referred to above. ~4 On October 19: 1979. Father General wrote to all major superiors.of the Society witliregard"to the address of John' Paul It on Septe, mber 21, 197'9", and stated that it "calls for a profound and serious reflection by us as superiors who hold the chief responsibility for the government of the Society.''15 With regard to the shortcomings mentioned by the Pope. Father General notes that: they" are practically the same deficiencies widish had already been pointed out to us by Paul VI and John Paul 1. and which we have (ecognized sincerely and have been trying to correct. But without doubt, we have not coped with the problem to th~ degree and with the effectiveness expected of us. This s~tuation focuses the desirers of the Holy Father on a matter that pertains mainly to us who bear responsibility for the govern-ment of the Society and to our way of governing. Accordingly. now is the momen! to ask ourselves seriously how we can bring a greater effectiveness to lhe government of the Society and to the execution of whal the last General Congregations have laid down with regard to the very points mentioned~ by the Holy Father)6 Practical steps were then decreed by Father General. "You, the Major Superiors with your consultors, in special n~eetings for this purpose, should examine the state of the province, of its ~embers, communities and works in the light of the points already mentioned, and should take any decisions needled in order to meet the expectations of the Holy Father . At the conclu- ~sion bf these c6nsultations, 1 want you to write to me individually at the b~gin-ning of 1980, dealing with these items that have been the subject of special discussion and of the decisions taken on them . Your counsultors also in their official annual letters should deal specifically with this material . Similar measures were set down for local superiors, their co~nsultors and communities, and for directors of apostolic works. Each local superior was to ensure "that each member of the community examines himself about his personal attit6des, words and actions in the light of the desires expressed by the Holy Father. We'must ~iot ~llow ourselves to interpret his words in such a qualified way as would fail to make us look into ourselves and bring about the changers he wants. No one can evade his own personal responsibility with the pretext that his allocution is~'for su~pefiors.'''1~ 5. The Societ~y's Prepration for a Future GC(" Father Dezza's Letter (March 25, 1982) In the correspondence and discussions with Fat~her General that began in 1980 with regard to a future General Congregation, John Paul It stressed the Sentire cum Ecclesia need for a deeper preparation of the Society for this General Congregation. After the tragic attempt on the Pope's life and after the stroke suffered by Father Arrupe, the Holy Father continued these discussions with Father l)ezza, his personal Delegate for the Society. It was in the light of this histori-cal background that John Paul I1 addressed the provincials on February 27, 1982, and spoke of fidelity to the magisterium of the Church as the focal point of the ecclesial function of the Society. In this address he has the time and the occasion for setting forth the initiatives to be developed to meet the needs of the Church and the world, something he:did not have enough time to accom-plish in his address of September 21, 1979. This same background also helps to understand why Father Dezza took up sentire cure Ecclesia as the first major point to be discussed with the provincials during their meeting from February 23 to March 3, 1982. After the meeting~ he wrote to the whole Society on March 25, 1982 in order to share with all Jesuits as he had done Witfi the provincials the concerns,~desires and expectations 6f the Holy Father. In treating sentire cum Ecclesia, there is a concentration in the letter on fidelity to the magisterium in doctrine and practice. After recalling the previous statements of John Paul 11 and his pi~ede-cessors, Paul VI and John Paul 1, which have been noted above, and after pertinent references to the Constitutions and to General Congregations, Father Dezza sets out some normS for the fidelity of Jbsuits, first to the magisterium, and then to the laws of the Church. With regard to the magisteriUm, when it is question of the infallible magis-terium, the necessity of assent on the part of all Catholics is clear. The way in which the truth is presented may Vary according to different times and cul-tures, but the truth itself may not be altered. In the words of Vatican I1: "Furthermore, theologians are now being asked, within the methods a.nd limits ~ofthe science of theology, to seek out more efficient ways--providing the meaning and understanding of them is safeguarded--of presenting their teach-ing to modern man: for the d~posit and~the truths of faith are one thing, the manner of expressing them is quite another.''19 ' When it is question of the a~uthentic but non-infallible magisterium, Vati-can II once again sets out theguiding principles: B~i~shops, teaching in communion with the Roman Pontiff, are to be respected bY all i~s witnesses to divine and Catholic truth. In matters of faith and morals, the bishops speak in the name of Christ and the faithful are to accept and adhere to it with a religious assent of soul. This religious submission of will and of mind must be shown in a special way to the authentic teaching authority of the Roman Pontiff, even when he is not speaking ex Cathedra. That is, it must be shown in such a way that his supreme magisterium is acknowledged with reverence, the judgments made by him are sincerely adhered to, according to his manifest mind and will. His mind and will in thi: matter may be known chiefly either from the character of the documents, from his frequent repetition of the same doctrine, or from his manner of speaking.~° From this Father Dezza enunciates the operative principle: "Therefore when there is question of a doctrine clearly and repeatedly taught in solemn I1~111 / Review for Religious; Nov.-Dec., 1983 documents such as encyclicals, it is the, duty of ministers of the Church, in teaching and preaching, to communicate the doctrine authentically taught to the faithful and help them to live it, with trust in the assistance of the Holy Spirit promised to the Church and to its visible head, the Roman Pontiff, in his universal ministry of guiding men to eternal salvation." When it is question of the teaching given in our Centers of Studies, it should, says the letter,. be in conformity with the magisterium (see Sapibntia Christiana, Introd., III and Art. 39 and 70) so that our scholastics may acquire, especially in the basic institutional courses, a clear, solid and organic understanding of Catholic teaching. They should be ~taught conscientiously to distinguish in the different doctrines taught betwe.en affirma-tions "that must be held, those, which are left to free discussion and those which cannot be accepted. In the matter of public~ations, the norm isstied by Father General on February 16, 1~76, in his "Ordinatio" on publisfiing works must not be forgot-ten: "that it is fully conformed t0~teaching on faith and morals, as it is pro- ~posed by the ecclesiastical magisterium,~.taking account of the freedom of investigation in relation 30 writings or reviews whose matter, by ~ts very nature, is destined only for experts.TM In addition =to fidelity in doctrine, Father Dezza notes that Jesuits are obliged to fidelity to the Church in matters of discipline and specifically~ the liturgical norms. Once again, the principle is set down in Vatican II: "Regulation of the sacred liturgy depends solely on the authority of the Church [the Holy See, Bishops' Conferences, the Bishops]. Therefore absolutely no other persons, not even a .priest, may add, remove, or change anything in the liturgy on his own authority."22 It may be said, therefore, in summary fashion that the main concern and expectation of the Holy Father in this matter is that the Society, in its teaching and preaching, its counseling and writings, and its actions .show and guarantee sureness of doctrine and fidelity to the magisterium. John Paul 1I, like his predecessors, Paul Vl and John Paul I, emphasizes the influence exerted by the Society on the whole Church, and stresses the increased sense of responsi-bility this calls for'on the part of~all Jesuits. There are attitudes and actions to avoid, but in a positive sen~,se there is a call to the Society, and there is the expectation that it will exert its best efforts in helping the Holy Father and the Apostolic Coll.ege to se~:ve the whole Church. Reflections in the Light of Ignatian Spirituality 1. ~he~ Thrust of the lgnatian Sefitire cum Ecclesia It is clear that what the Holy Father is asking of the Society requires no new laws or rules or extraordinary procedures. As Father Dezza indicates in his letter,~it is in accord with our Institute and tradition, and the reminders addressed to the Society by the pope are to be understood in the context of the Sentire cum Ecclesia whole of the Society's Institute, spirituality and mission. These latter points are not developed at any length in the letter since its finality followed that of the meeting of the provincials: to expla.in the concerns and desires and expecta-tions of John Paul II. At the very heart and center of the charism of St. Ignatius are the words of °the Formula of the Institute: "To serve the Lord alone and the Church, his spouse, under the Roman Pontiff, the vicar of Christ on earth . "Thus the life and activity of the Society is centered in service to the Church. As a priestly order committed to the defense and propagation of the faith under obedience to the Holy Father, the Society not only shares in the ministry of.the Church, but also has a special responsibility for servi~:e to the Church in her apostolic task of preserving and confirming the communion of faith in the Church. This fiaeans, that, individually and corporately, Jesuits are to develop within them-selves and communicate to those they serve attitudes which will strengthen, unify and energize the Church in its function as an instrument of the kingdom of God~in the world. They should also eliminate attitudes and actions which can weaken, fragment and paralyze the Church.23 These were the concerns of St. Ignatius when he wrote the "Rules for Thinking with the Church." As we: know, these "Rules~' are placed as an appendix at the end of the SpiritualExercises, which helps us to situate them in their proper context. They are not meant for anyone at all. They are intended for those who have been formed and nurtured by the Exercises, who are moved by a strong, personal love for Christ, and are dedicated to the est~iblishment of his ~kingdo~ in r.e, sponse to his call.24 The origin of the Society is'to be found in the ~experienre. of St. Ignatius and his companions of the Spiritual.Exercises. St. Ignatius "founded the Society as an organization which would continually, renew itself in the Church through the inner vigor of the Exercises and under the vitalizing impulse of the Spirit."25 "The Spiritual .Exercises, in which as Jesuits we especially experience Christ~and respr'nd to his call, lie at the heart of our Je~su!t vocation."26 In this context, it is easier to understand the first of ¯ the "Rules," which is a fundamental principle: "We ought to keep our minds disposed and ready, with all judgment of our own put aside, to be obedient in everything to the true Spouse of Christ our Lord, which is our Holy Mother the hierarchical Church.":7 The "~Rules" cannot be truly understood or applied except in the framework of, the Spiritual Exercises, For St. Ignatius, sentire cum Ecclesia applies to Jesuits who live the spirit of the Spiritual Exercises. Without, a lived relationship to the living Christ, the right combination of fidelity and renewal implied in sentire cum Ecclesia can scarcely~be achieved. It is clear that ,the Church for St. Ignatius is not the glorified Church, nor some abstract and idealized one that never existed. It is the Church in the concrete, with its deficiencies and weaknesses, the hierarchical, pilgrim Church which stands "ever in need of purification.''28 The best way to achieve this purification is not by ppblic criticism and controversy: A truly filial love of the Church will suggest the most suitable ways. Father Dezza's letter recalls the 1~40 / Review for Religious, Nov.-Dec., 1983 telling point made by Father Arrupe: "A model of this way of acting was St. Ignatiu~ himself. Few have toiled with such effectiveness for Catholic reform 'in head and members'; and yet one would seek in vain in his voluminous. correspondence for a word of criticism of his superiors."29 St. Ignatius did not assume the role of judge or accuser, but looked rather to an internal renewal in his conviction that the Church had within herself the means and capacity to'- renew herself.3° .,. Sentire cum Ecclesia is not to be identified with something that is occa-sional, something called into play on the occasion of a,Church teaching, pronouncement or declaration.~.lt~ is rather an interior disposition and attitude of love of the Church, an habitual outlook, a framework of reference, which inspires a way of thinking; feeling and acting. The objective of sentire cum Ecclesia goes beyond a careful attention to orthodoxy and looks to union and unity in faith and communign. It is to oppose disintegrating forces in the Church and reinforce trends that build community. Only the person who looks on the Church with love as his Mother and the' Spouse of Christ can grasp and interiorize the spirit of sentire cure Ecclesia. It involves a faith attitude, and as already noted, has its roots in a personal relationship with Christ which has grown during the Spiritual Exercises. Our attitude towards the Church follow~ from our attitude toward the person of Jesus Christ. In his letter Father Dezza states: "It is therefore important to promote ever more in Ours that attitude towards the magisterium that is characteristic of~a Jesuit who, moved by the spirit of faith, is therefore favorable and sympathetic, and is led to consider the offici~,l documents of the magisterium fully and objecti,~ely

El tema planteado desea provocar una reflexión sobre los efectos del capital globalizado en las relaciones del trabajo, teniendo como referencia dos grandes bloques económicos que son la UE y el Mercosur. El primero se eligió por su historia y estructura; por la fuerza económica que tiene y por ser el único modelo de formación económica que guarda la característica de una estructura no solo económica, sino también, social y jurídica. El Mercosur, tuvo la intención de ser una UE, pero está lejos de lograr una relación más armónica y fuerte entre los estados partes, tampoco mantiene una estructura política que pueda dar seguridad a los inversionistas. Sea por las políticas internas de cada país, por el alto nivel de distinción entre los gobiernos, o, quizá, por la cultura y alto grado de individualismo y necesidad que cada Estado latino tiene de mantener sus poderes y control en las sociedades que administran. La UE ya enseñó que para tener una estructura organizada y lograr relaciones más o menos armónicas entre diferentes estados y culturas, hay que sujetar su soberanía. Por eso, la necesidad de estudiar la formación y estructura de los dos bloques para poder hacer la comparación entre ellos y concluir que, aunque el Mercosur tenga la pretensión de ser la UE, está lejos de que eso ocurra y el hecho de tener una Carta Sociolaboral no hace del Mercosur un bloque preocupado con los problemas sociales y tampoco con la creación de un derecho o de reglas supranacionales y esto se ve muy evidente en aquella normativa. Por otra parte, el hecho de la UE tener una Carta de Derechos Fundamentales con fuerza jurídica no quiere decir que tenga encontrado el equilibrio entre las libertades empresariales y los derechos sociales y del trabajador. Es necesario cuestionar el por qué los estados se asocian y establecen las relaciones económicas y financieras y la respuesta está en la necesidad que tienen de desarrollo económico y de concurrencia con otros estados y este tema está ligado a lo que se denominó como globalización, fenómeno multifacético de un proceso histórico y social que se incrementó por la velocidad que le dio la tecnología. La verdad es que la globalización es un fenómeno que precede la formación de los mercados pero, la tecnología rompió definitivamente con cualquier dificultad que se pudiera tener para el establecimiento de relaciones entre los negocios firmados entre las empresas y que pudiera garantizar la movilidad de capital y la prestación de servicios. El Consenso de Washington que fija la etapa neoliberal tuvo como uno de los objetivos, sacar a los EEUU de las deudas en las que se había metido por las inversiones militares descontroladas de Reagan, que temía a la URSS y los gastos descontrolados de su gobierno. Era necesario buscar inversiones y recuperar la economía y se propuso, entre otras medidas la desregulación de la economía y de las relaciones laborales, con menor intervención del estado, hasta el punto de eliminar el estado social. Se convenció a los países en desarrollo y más pobres, que miraban desde el otro lado del océano, de la mejor vida de los europeos y de los americanos. Hay que tener en cuenta que para la América Latina, Europa siempre fue un modelo a seguir, porque fueran los Europeos sus colonizadores, por su historia, experiencia y su Estado social. Y los EEUU era la potencia económica y tecnológica lo que hice que se aceptase la propuesta de que se podría progresar sin las interferencias del Estado ya que los mercados tienen que ser libres para hacer lo que el capital desee que haga. Para eso, la tecnología era una arma fundamental y el instrumento para garantizar la velocidad de la información y de los ajustes de los negocios. El siglo XX se conoce por la productividad y el XXI por la tecnología. Las aperturas de mercado y los bloques económicos generaron una competencia desenfrenada y el debilitamiento de las empresas nacionales. Los pactos económicos firmados entre los países no lograron globalizar el mundo, pero son responsables de la transnacionalización empresarial facilitando la circulación del capital, de la mercancía y de las prestaciones de servicios. Los problemas de movilidad de trabajadores están ligados a la movilidad de capital. Los pactos internacionales entre los países producen efectos en las relaciones del trabajo y un impacto brutal en las empresas locales: flexibilización, reducción de costes, descentralización de las relaciones, vulnerabilidad de las relaciones laborales. Todavía, esos problemas no tienen importancia para los negocios económicos, justamente porque es un problema local y no global: para los pactos transnacionales no les interesan las cuestiones locales y junto con ellas los problemas de los trabajadores y sociales, hasta que esos problemas locales pasen a territorio americano o de la UE que mueven 50% del comercio mundial y acumulan 60% del PIB mundial (p. 269). Ahora los países del Sur (como dice Boaventura Santos en las Epistemologías del Sur) pasan a tener problemas que antes se decía que pasaban en los países más pobres o en desarrollo. Ahí surgen dos líneas de pensamiento para detener los efectos de la globalización: 1. Posneoliberalismo: fundado en el nacimiento de la socialdemocracia global (élites que necesitan promover sus intereses) – mezclan la socialdemocracia europea y el liberalismo new deal; 2. Contrahegemónica: vuelta su atención primordial a las luchas contra la exclusión social, redistribución de los recursos simbólicos, políticos, sociales y materiales, se hace a través de la acción colectiva global por movimientos locales, nacionales y globales; luchas nacionales o locales cuyo éxito impulsa su reproducción en otras localidades. Hechas las consideraciones generales, el capítulo 2 trata sobre los temas de la movilidad de trabajadores. Se hace la distinción entre los fenómenos de las migraciones y trabajadores fronterizos para distinguir esos movimientos que son inherentes a las personas y de las ganas que tienen de moverse, de aquello que es uno de los principales problemas para los trabajadores (y también para las empresas puesto que para ellas resulta una posibilidad de competencia desleal) que son los desplazamientos. No obstante en los pactos internacionales, excepto en la UE, nadie ha tratado este tema. Los tratados de la UE (cuya historia se explica en el capítulo 1 en una síntesis muy apretada) trataron del tema e inserieron en su estructura reglas que fueron destinadas a garantizar las 4 libertades: prestación de servicios, capitales, mercancías y personas. El TFUE trata el tema como un principio y una garantía. Los desplazamientos resultan de una libertad empresarial, pero tiene efectos sociales muy importantes, ya que la falta de regulación viabiliza la precarización de derechos de los trabajadores y de la mano de obra en general. Es importante decir que desde la formación de la CE (1951) hasta la AUE (1987) hubo un predominio económico sobre el social en la UE. La posición del TJE, hasta 1969 no conocía el tema de los derechos fundamentales y solo lo ha hecho, por la primera vez en 1969 – agnosticismo valorativo (caso Ulm x Stauder = no quiso divulgar para sus vendedores los nombres de los beneficiarios de la venta de mantequilla a precio reducido). Pero solo en 1974 (fase de la internacionalización – caso Nold que cuestiona la decisión de la Comisión Europea que impuso nuevas reglas para la venta de carbón y la empresa Nold que tenía un tamaño pequeño y negocios esencialmente particulares se quedaría con las ventas perjudicadas lo que violaba su derecho fundamental de libertad empresarial – el TJ reconoce que los derechos fundamentales son parte integrante de los principios generales del derecho y que por eso hay que garantizarlo); y en 1975 en el caso Rutili, de nacionalidad italiana y con permiso de residencia en Francia, tuvo decretada su expulsión y de su familia por el Ministerio de Interior por razones de actividades sindicales. Fue la primera vez que el TJ invocó la aplicación del CEDH que, después fue introducido en la CDFUE justo en su preámbulo, documento establecido en el seno del Consejo de Europa para la Protección de los Derechos Humanos y de las Libertades Fundamentales y que ahora desafía al TJUE al manifestarse sobre el procedimiento de intervención previa en los casos sometidos al TEDH (la cuestión de la vulneración de la estructura de la legislación europea al autorizar que un órgano ajeno a la UE examine cuestiones relativas al derecho de la UE – Dictamen 2014 TJE). Desde ahí se estudia la evolución de la jurisprudencia del TJE en los casos del enfrentamiento entre los derechos empresariales y los derechos sociales y de los trabajadores, muy evidentes en los desplazamientos y que, por la reiteración con la que se presentan, importó en la publicación de la Directiva 96/71 de 1996 (actualizada por la 2014/67 de 2014) que, lejos de armonizar los intereses, tiene un contenido económico y resulta en sentencias de contenidos que, en el origen, antes de la publicación, eran de naturaleza más social y estaba fundada en la tutela de derechos sociales (Portugaia y Rush Portuguesa) y, después, (caso Viking Laval) retrató un fuerte cambio en el entendimiento del TJ que asume una postura más económica, esto es, hay que garantizar la competencia entre las empresas aunque esto conlleve un sacrificio de los derechos sociales. Al final, se hace referencia al fallo Ammattilitto donde el TJ parece rescatar la acción sindical que había sido neutralizada por los fallos anteriores: deja claro que la acción del sindicato no puede ser obstruida por el Estado de acogida y que las empresas en el marco de una prestación transnacional de servicios, deben garantizar a los trabajadores desplazados temporalmente en su territorio las condiciones de trabajo y empleo relativas a las materias enumeradas en esa disposición. La Directiva no armoniza el contenido material de las normas imperativas de protección mínima, pero remite a los efectos de la legislación o al uso nacional del Estado miembro en cuyo territorio el trabajador se encuentre desplazado. El cierre del capítulo se hace con una consideración sobre el principio de la territorialidad que servirá como un paradigma en la interpretación a los casos que necesitan de solución cuanto a la ley aplicable a los distintos contratos de trabajo cuando firmados y ejecutados en sitios distintos; el AGCS y la OMC – este órgano internacional no tiene ninguna preocupación con las relaciones sociales o laborales y sus estrategias son puramente económicas. La OMC nació en 1995 : aborda cuestiones de mercancías , servicios y propiedad intelectual y el hecho de tener en el artículo V bis del AGCS una regla que permita la integración del mercado del trabajo entre sus miembros, no deja de tener por objetivo el deseo de ver pronto el logro de niveles cada vez más elevados de liberalización del comercio de servicios a través de rondas sucesivas de negociaciones multilaterales encaminadas a promover los intereses de todos los participantes, sobre la base de ventajas mutuas, y a lograr un equilibrio general de derechos y obligaciones, respetando debidamente al mismo tiempo los objetivos de las políticas nacionales. Cree que solo la apertura comercial y económica podría promover el crecimiento económico real, lo que contradice el último informe publicado por la ONU sobre los objetivos del desarrollo del milenio (2015) que apuesta por la mejoría de la calidad de vida de las personas en el mundo, pero de manera desigual. Ninguno de los índices económicos tienen en consideración la vulnerabilidad de la mano de obra o su precarización, ni las violaciones de derechos. Este tema es asunto de la OIT que no tiene la fuerza de contenido económico para hacer que los países y las instituciones tengan ganas de hacer cumplir sus directivas y normas. Hay que cuestionar si la OMC tendría que tener obligaciones con los derechos humanos , pues, un 84% de sus miembros firmaron el Pacto Internacional de Derechos Económicos, Sociales y Culturales de las Naciones Unidas (PIDESC) – el hecho de que los estados que crearon los organismos internacionales ratificasen pactos, no vincula que ellos tengan las mismas obligaciones convencionales de los Estados. En el mismo sentido lo tiene decidido la CEDH. Es importante estudiar el AGCS en el contexto de la prestación transnacional y nacional de servicios, pues la OMC orienta que los países tienen que tener una economía cada vez más abierta con compromisos que deben asumir los países para aumentar cada vez más el capital, que es cada vez más global, pero no responde a las 3 preguntas: desinterés por el mercado interno; limitación del poder estatal para gobernar las variables económicas; el predominio de ideologías que no privilegian al factor trabajo. Al final, el último capítulo está fundado en la posición de los Estados. Hace un repaso muy sencillo por la historia para entender la fuerte crisis de 2008 considerada por nosotros como un marco para las discusiones sobre los nuevos pactos económicos, la posición de la OIT y de la OMC. A partir de aquí, las desigualdades sociales se hundieron, siendo necesario reflexionar sobre las crisis económicas y las relaciones de trabajo en este siglo. La tecnología y la globalización tienen un efecto positivo muy fuerte: tornan el mundo más transparente. El modelo de trabajador y condiciones del trabajo ya no son los mismos. La competitividad entre las empresas y el nuevo perfil del trabajador, sumado a la movilidad del capital y la velocidad de las informaciones aumentan la tensión entre la libertad de capitales y los derechos sociales y laborales. Cuanto menos especializada es la mano de obra, mayor es el regionalismo y la fijación del trabajador a un determinado territorio. Esto aumenta los riesgos de explotación y reduce las oportunidades. El proceso ideológico formador de la libertad de mercado de empresa, favoreció el capital. Surge la necesidad de hacer el "redescubrimiento democrático del trabajo, pues el capitalismo es antidemocratico" (Boaventura), lo que nos están indicando los pactos el TTP y el TTIP, cuyas referencias que se hacen son las que se pueden encontrar, pues lo que se sabe es que se hacen a puerta cerrada y al margen del conocimiento público. La crisis en las tutelas y las relaciones del trabajo es fruto, aún, de las situaciones políticas, sociales y jurídicas de los estados y del modo como se comportan los gobiernos. Hay que retomar el concepto de soberanía, olvidado en algún momento de la historia de la globalización: el Estado tiene el poder de decisión que le es otorgado por la sociedad civil y debe preocuparse por el bienestar de su pueblo. El límite de las decisiones del Estado está en la Constitución de los estados, en los derechos sociales y fundamentales. Los Estados no pueden temer al mercado que, además depende de las administraciones y políticas de los Estados. No se trata de ignorar que el mundo está interconectado, pero no someterlo a normas económicas de organismos como la OMC – Dani Rodrik: "si los Estados son indispensables para el funcionamiento de los mercados nacionales, son también el principal obstáculo para el establecimiento de mercados globales" . Están las compañías sujetas a una paradoja: dependen de los mercados internos porque les faltan apuntalamientos institucionales fijados por ellos. Por eso funcionan en sus límites y de acuerdo con sus propias reglas. Hay que fijar algunas alternativas para la deconstrucción del sistema creado por el neoliberalismo. Son las proposiciones: 1. Hacer el análisis social del contrato de trabajo y de los impactos que provendrán de las medidas económicas en la sociedad; 2. Fijar normativas mínimas (el núcleo duro) por medio de las cuales no se permitirán negociaciones individuales: 3. Eso servirá para que los Tribunales con jurisdicción global para juzgar cuestiones globales, puedan hacer una interpretación basada en razones sociales y no con objetivos puramente económicos; 4. Programas estatales que consideren la progresividad de los derechos y que puedan garantizar las estabilidades de las relaciones; 5. Considerar que, aunque las relaciones culturales, económicas, financieras sean globales, los trabajadores siguen siendo locales; 6. Quitar poder de instituciones cono FMI, Banco Mundial y OMC y atribuirlos en mayor escala a órganos sociales como la OIT y la ONU, esto es, las orientaciones sociales deben tener el mismo contenido de fuerza que las económicas; 7. Inclusión de grupos sociales que se encuentran alijados y olvidados del sistema pero que sufren los mayores impactos de las explotaciones, como ocurre por ejemplo, con el pueblo de Amazonia; 8. Incrementar la RSE; 9. Incrementar los AMG y los sindicatos globales puesto que son una importante vía para obtener el compromiso de las empresas a nivel global. ; El tema planteado desea provocar una reflexión sobre los efectos del capital globalizado en las relaciones del trabajo, teniendo como referencia dos grandes bloques económicos que son la UE y el Mercosur. El primero se eligió por su historia y estructura; por la fuerza económica que tiene y por ser el único modelo de formación económica que guarda la característica de una estructura no solo económica, sino también, social y jurídica. El Mercosur, tuvo la intención de ser una UE, pero está lejos de lograr una relación más armónica y fuerte entre los estados partes, tampoco mantiene una estructura política que pueda dar seguridad a los inversionistas. Sea por las políticas internas de cada país, por el alto nivel de distinción entre los gobiernos, o, quizá, por la cultura y alto grado de individualismo y necesidad que cada Estado latino tiene de mantener sus poderes y control en las sociedades que administran. La UE ya enseñó que para tener una estructura organizada y lograr relaciones más o menos armónicas entre diferentes estados y culturas, hay que sujetar su soberanía. Por eso, la necesidad de estudiar la formación y estructura de los dos bloques para poder hacer la comparación entre ellos y concluir que, aunque el Mercosur tenga la pretensión de ser la UE, está lejos de que eso ocurra y el hecho de tener una Carta Sociolaboral no hace del Mercosur un bloque preocupado con los problemas sociales y tampoco con la creación de un derecho o de reglas supranacionales y esto se ve muy evidente en aquella normativa. Por otra parte, el hecho de la UE tener una Carta de Derechos Fundamentales con fuerza jurídica no quiere decir que tenga encontrado el equilibrio entre las libertades empresariales y los derechos sociales y del trabajador. Es necesario cuestionar el por qué los estados se asocian y establecen las relaciones económicas y financieras y la respuesta está en la necesidad que tienen de desarrollo económico y de concurrencia con otros estados y este tema está ligado a lo que se denominó como globalización, fenómeno multifacético de un proceso histórico y social que se incrementó por la velocidad que le dio la tecnología. La verdad es que la globalización es un fenómeno que precede la formación de los mercados pero, la tecnología rompió definitivamente con cualquier dificultad que se pudiera tener para el establecimiento de relaciones entre los negocios firmados entre las empresas y que pudiera garantizar la movilidad de capital y la prestación de servicios. El Consenso de Washington que fija la etapa neoliberal tuvo como uno de los objetivos, sacar a los EEUU de las deudas en las que se había metido por las inversiones militares descontroladas de Reagan, que temía a la URSS y los gastos descontrolados de su gobierno. Era necesario buscar inversiones y recuperar la economía y se propuso, entre otras medidas la desregulación de la economía y de las relaciones laborales, con menor intervención del estado, hasta el punto de eliminar el estado social. Se convenció a los países en desarrollo y más pobres, que miraban desde el otro lado del océano, de la mejor vida de los europeos y de los americanos. Hay que tener en cuenta que para la América Latina, Europa siempre fue un modelo a seguir, porque fueran los Europeos sus colonizadores, por su historia, experiencia y su Estado social. Y los EEUU era la potencia económica y tecnológica lo que hice que se aceptase la propuesta de que se podría progresar sin las interferencias del Estado ya que los mercados tienen que ser libres para hacer lo que el capital desee que haga. Para eso, la tecnología era una arma fundamental y el instrumento para garantizar la velocidad de la información y de los ajustes de los negocios. El siglo XX se conoce por la productividad y el XXI por la tecnología. Las aperturas de mercado y los bloques económicos generaron una competencia desenfrenada y el debilitamiento de las empresas nacionales. Los pactos económicos firmados entre los países no lograron globalizar el mundo, pero son responsables de la transnacionalización empresarial facilitando la circulación del capital, de la mercancía y de las prestaciones de servicios. Los problemas de movilidad de trabajadores están ligados a la movilidad de capital. Los pactos internacionales entre los países producen efectos en las relaciones del trabajo y un impacto brutal en las empresas locales: flexibilización, reducción de costes, descentralización de las relaciones, vulnerabilidad de las relaciones laborales. Todavía, esos problemas no tienen importancia para los negocios económicos, justamente porque es un problema local y no global: para los pactos transnacionales no les interesan las cuestiones locales y junto con ellas los problemas de los trabajadores y sociales, hasta que esos problemas locales pasen a territorio americano o de la UE que mueven 50% del comercio mundial y acumulan 60% del PIB mundial (p. 269). Ahora los países del Sur (como dice Boaventura Santos en las Epistemologías del Sur) pasan a tener problemas que antes se decía que pasaban en los países más pobres o en desarrollo. Ahí surgen dos líneas de pensamiento para detener los efectos de la globalización: 1. Posneoliberalismo: fundado en el nacimiento de la socialdemocracia global (élites que necesitan promover sus intereses) – mezclan la socialdemocracia europea y el liberalismo new deal; 2. Contrahegemónica: vuelta su atención primordial a las luchas contra la exclusión social, redistribución de los recursos simbólicos, políticos, sociales y materiales, se hace a través de la acción colectiva global por movimientos locales, nacionales y globales; luchas nacionales o locales cuyo éxito impulsa su reproducción en otras localidades. Hechas las consideraciones generales, el capítulo 2 trata sobre los temas de la movilidad de trabajadores. Se hace la distinción entre los fenómenos de las migraciones y trabajadores fronterizos para distinguir esos movimientos que son inherentes a las personas y de las ganas que tienen de moverse, de aquello que es uno de los principales problemas para los trabajadores (y también para las empresas puesto que para ellas resulta una posibilidad de competencia desleal) que son los desplazamientos. No obstante en los pactos internacionales, excepto en la UE, nadie ha tratado este tema. Los tratados de la UE (cuya historia se explica en el capítulo 1 en una síntesis muy apretada) trataron del tema e inserieron en su estructura reglas que fueron destinadas a garantizar las 4 libertades: prestación de servicios, capitales, mercancías y personas. El TFUE trata el tema como un principio y una garantía. Los desplazamientos resultan de una libertad empresarial, pero tiene efectos sociales muy importantes, ya que la falta de regulación viabiliza la precarización de derechos de los trabajadores y de la mano de obra en general. Es importante decir que desde la formación de la CE (1951) hasta la AUE (1987) hubo un predominio económico sobre el social en la UE. La posición del TJE, hasta 1969 no conocía el tema de los derechos fundamentales y solo lo ha hecho, por la primera vez en 1969 – agnosticismo valorativo (caso Ulm x Stauder = no quiso divulgar para sus vendedores los nombres de los beneficiarios de la venta de mantequilla a precio reducido). Pero solo en 1974 (fase de la internacionalización – caso Nold que cuestiona la decisión de la Comisión Europea que impuso nuevas reglas para la venta de carbón y la empresa Nold que tenía un tamaño pequeño y negocios esencialmente particulares se quedaría con las ventas perjudicadas lo que violaba su derecho fundamental de libertad empresarial – el TJ reconoce que los derechos fundamentales son parte integrante de los principios generales del derecho y que por eso hay que garantizarlo); y en 1975 en el caso Rutili, de nacionalidad italiana y con permiso de residencia en Francia, tuvo decretada su expulsión y de su familia por el Ministerio de Interior por razones de actividades sindicales. Fue la primera vez que el TJ invocó la aplicación del CEDH que, después fue introducido en la CDFUE justo en su preámbulo, documento establecido en el seno del Consejo de Europa para la Protección de los Derechos Humanos y de las Libertades Fundamentales y que ahora desafía al TJUE al manifestarse sobre el procedimiento de intervención previa en los casos sometidos al TEDH (la cuestión de la vulneración de la estructura de la legislación europea al autorizar que un órgano ajeno a la UE examine cuestiones relativas al derecho de la UE – Dictamen 2014 TJE). Desde ahí se estudia la evolución de la jurisprudencia del TJE en los casos del enfrentamiento entre los derechos empresariales y los derechos sociales y de los trabajadores, muy evidentes en los desplazamientos y que, por la reiteración con la que se presentan, importó en la publicación de la Directiva 96/71 de 1996 (actualizada por la 2014/67 de 2014) que, lejos de armonizar los intereses, tiene un contenido económico y resulta en sentencias de contenidos que, en el origen, antes de la publicación, eran de naturaleza más social y estaba fundada en la tutela de derechos sociales (Portugaia y Rush Portuguesa) y, después, (caso Viking Laval) retrató un fuerte cambio en el entendimiento del TJ que asume una postura más económica, esto es, hay que garantizar la competencia entre las empresas aunque esto conlleve un sacrificio de los derechos sociales. Al final, se hace referencia al fallo Ammattilitto donde el TJ parece rescatar la acción sindical que había sido neutralizada por los fallos anteriores: deja claro que la acción del sindicato no puede ser obstruida por el Estado de acogida y que las empresas en el marco de una prestación transnacional de servicios, deben garantizar a los trabajadores desplazados temporalmente en su territorio las condiciones de trabajo y empleo relativas a las materias enumeradas en esa disposición. La Directiva no armoniza el contenido material de las normas imperativas de protección mínima, pero remite a los efectos de la legislación o al uso nacional del Estado miembro en cuyo territorio el trabajador se encuentre desplazado. El cierre del capítulo se hace con una consideración sobre el principio de la territorialidad que servirá como un paradigma en la interpretación a los casos que necesitan de solución cuanto a la ley aplicable a los distintos contratos de trabajo cuando firmados y ejecutados en sitios distintos; el AGCS y la OMC – este órgano internacional no tiene ninguna preocupación con las relaciones sociales o laborales y sus estrategias son puramente económicas. La OMC nació en 1995 : aborda cuestiones de mercancías , servicios y propiedad intelectual y el hecho de tener en el artículo V bis del AGCS una regla que permita la integración del mercado del trabajo entre sus miembros, no deja de tener por objetivo el deseo de ver pronto el logro de niveles cada vez más elevados de liberalización del comercio de servicios a través de rondas sucesivas de negociaciones multilaterales encaminadas a promover los intereses de todos los participantes, sobre la base de ventajas mutuas, y a lograr un equilibrio general de derechos y obligaciones, respetando debidamente al mismo tiempo los objetivos de las políticas nacionales. Cree que solo la apertura comercial y económica podría promover el crecimiento económico real, lo que contradice el último informe publicado por la ONU sobre los objetivos del desarrollo del milenio (2015) que apuesta por la mejoría de la calidad de vida de las personas en el mundo, pero de manera desigual. Ninguno de los índices económicos tienen en consideración la vulnerabilidad de la mano de obra o su precarización, ni las violaciones de derechos. Este tema es asunto de la OIT que no tiene la fuerza de contenido económico para hacer que los países y las instituciones tengan ganas de hacer cumplir sus directivas y normas. Hay que cuestionar si la OMC tendría que tener obligaciones con los derechos humanos , pues, un 84% de sus miembros firmaron el Pacto Internacional de Derechos Económicos, Sociales y Culturales de las Naciones Unidas (PIDESC) – el hecho de que los estados que crearon los organismos internacionales ratificasen pactos, no vincula que ellos tengan las mismas obligaciones convencionales de los Estados. En el mismo sentido lo tiene decidido la CEDH. Es importante estudiar el AGCS en el contexto de la prestación transnacional y nacional de servicios, pues la OMC orienta que los países tienen que tener una economía cada vez más abierta con compromisos que deben asumir los países para aumentar cada vez más el capital, que es cada vez más global, pero no responde a las 3 preguntas: desinterés por el mercado interno; limitación del poder estatal para gobernar las variables económicas; el predominio de ideologías que no privilegian al factor trabajo. Al final, el último capítulo está fundado en la posición de los Estados. Hace un repaso muy sencillo por la historia para entender la fuerte crisis de 2008 considerada por nosotros como un marco para las discusiones sobre los nuevos pactos económicos, la posición de la OIT y de la OMC. A partir de aquí, las desigualdades sociales se hundieron, siendo necesario reflexionar sobre las crisis económicas y las relaciones de trabajo en este siglo. La tecnología y la globalización tienen un efecto positivo muy fuerte: tornan el mundo más transparente. El modelo de trabajador y condiciones del trabajo ya no son los mismos. La competitividad entre las empresas y el nuevo perfil del trabajador, sumado a la movilidad del capital y la velocidad de las informaciones aumentan la tensión entre la libertad de capitales y los derechos sociales y laborales. Cuanto menos especializada es la mano de obra, mayor es el regionalismo y la fijación del trabajador a un determinado territorio. Esto aumenta los riesgos de explotación y reduce las oportunidades. El proceso ideológico formador de la libertad de mercado de empresa, favoreció el capital. Surge la necesidad de hacer el "redescubrimiento democrático del trabajo, pues el capitalismo es antidemocratico" (Boaventura), lo que nos están indicando los pactos el TTP y el TTIP, cuyas referencias que se hacen son las que se pueden encontrar, pues lo que se sabe es que se hacen a puerta cerrada y al margen del conocimiento público. La crisis en las tutelas y las relaciones del trabajo es fruto, aún, de las situaciones políticas, sociales y jurídicas de los estados y del modo como se comportan los gobiernos. Hay que retomar el concepto de soberanía, olvidado en algún momento de la historia de la globalización: el Estado tiene el poder de decisión que le es otorgado por la sociedad civil y debe preocuparse por el bienestar de su pueblo. El límite de las decisiones del Estado está en la Constitución de los estados, en los derechos sociales y fundamentales. Los Estados no pueden temer al mercado que, además depende de las administraciones y políticas de los Estados. No se trata de ignorar que el mundo está interconectado, pero no someterlo a normas económicas de organismos como la OMC – Dani Rodrik: "si los Estados son indispensables para el funcionamiento de los mercados nacionales, son también el principal obstáculo para el establecimiento de mercados globales" . Están las compañías sujetas a una paradoja: dependen de los mercados internos porque les faltan apuntalamientos institucionales fijados por ellos. Por eso funcionan en sus límites y de acuerdo con sus propias reglas. Hay que fijar algunas alternativas para la deconstrucción del sistema creado por el neoliberalismo. Son las proposiciones: 1. Hacer el análisis social del contrato de trabajo y de los impactos que provendrán de las medidas económicas en la sociedad; 2. Fijar normativas mínimas (el núcleo duro) por medio de las cuales no se permitirán negociaciones individuales: 3. Eso servirá para que los Tribunales con jurisdicción global para juzgar cuestiones globales, puedan hacer una interpretación basada en razones sociales y no con objetivos puramente económicos; 4. Programas estatales que consideren la progresividad de los derechos y que puedan garantizar las estabilidades de las relaciones; 5. Considerar que, aunque las relaciones culturales, económicas, financieras sean globales, los trabajadores siguen siendo locales; 6. Quitar poder de instituciones cono FMI, Banco Mundial y OMC y atribuirlos en mayor escala a órganos sociales como la OIT y la ONU, esto es, las orientaciones sociales deben tener el mismo contenido de fuerza que las económicas; 7. Inclusión de grupos sociales que se encuentran alijados y olvidados del sistema pero que sufren los mayores impactos de las explotaciones, como ocurre por ejemplo, con el pueblo de Amazonia; 8. Incrementar la RSE; 9. Incrementar los AMG y los sindicatos globales puesto que son una importante vía para obtener el compromiso de las empresas a nivel global.

Colonial rule had influenced 19th century monumental Architecture as a form of imperial expression in India. European concepts of architecture reached the Asian subcontinent through visuals, literature, paintings and pattern books. Various examples from this neoclassical and neo gothic phase, also referred to as Anglo-Indian1, Indo-Sarasanic2, Indo Gothic3, Mughal Gothic4, Neogothic, Hindoo or Hindu5 Gothic architectural style that could be experiential at various levels and scales. This new vocabulary tried to reach not only the major cities under colonial rule but it reached the smaller towns and countryside instantaneously.6 7 Calcutta, Madras, Bombay procured their identity during the late eighteenth and nineteenth century beginning with neoclassical era. These three presidency towns developed with sculptural indications of the colonial rule. This was an effort of collaborative works between locals and British officials. Comparatively smaller towns like Poona8 tried to nurture its space as a part of this wave in their own way. Notably these emerging urban patterns gave rise to new public realm and social spaces. This research is divided into five parts commencing with literature review. Review of books, annals, travelogues, helps understand the context of research that is covered in detail in the further discussions. Diverse aspects of the colonial, with elements of local architecture developed in late 19th century India, are covered by various travellers, artists, historians and architects. This helps in developing frame of research and knowing what could be our contribution to the state of art. The first chapter analyses 19th century architecture developed in India and especially the Deccan9 as a result 1 Word Anglo-Indian architecture is used for style with English and Indian elements. Anglo-Indian is used by various British officers referring to person relating to England and India or a person of mixed English and Indian descent or an English person who lives or has lived for a long time in India. 2 Indo-Saracenic style mainly demonstrated by British architects and engineers to mention few Stevens, Chisholm, Beg, Charles Mant worked with local Indian contractors used Indo-Islamic and Indian architectural elements with Gothic revival style for various public buildings in India during late nineteenth century. Word Saracenic is used for people lived in desert areas nearby Roman province of Arabia. Meyer Schapiro defines style as "the constant form –and sometimes the constant elements, qualities and expression- in the art of an individual or group." Gothic revival styles defined empire style after great rebel of 1857. East India Company dissolved its powers and concentrated Queen Victoria's control on India lead in the development of architectural style using Gothic forms in Public buildings. 3 Indo Gothic phrase mainly indicates mix of Indian and Indo-Islamic forms with European Gothic style. 4 Mughal Gothic denotes elements from Mughal and Gothic architecture flourished in India in late nineteenth century. Mughal ruler was Muslim dynasty of Turkish Mongol called as Mughal rulers, ruled from 16th to mid 18th century in northern part of India. 5 Hindu or Hindoo word is generally referred to people from India. It's a pronunciation derived from Sindhu/ Indus River largest in India. 6 Jan Morris, Simon Winchester, Introduction to Stones of Empire: The buildings of the Raj, (Oxford University Press, 1983) 7 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered, (Partridge Publishing, 2014),5. 8 Poona is pronounced as 'Pune' in colloquial language. For research writing purpose it is used as Poona as the name used earlier in 19th century. 9 Deccan is a peninsular plateau located in central India comprised states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. In this research western Deccan is mainly referred to western part of Maharashtra state developed under 8 of British initiative of infrastructure development following European models in Indian settings mainly for their own determination. With the examples of individual pattern of architectural expression it is significant to note how western models adapted in local climatic and geographical context. Some call this as magnificent pieces of architecture to some extent while in opinion of few these Indo Saracenic structures were unacquainted and had obsessive ornamentation too.10 Emergence of Public architecture in urban context focusing on essentials of European and local migrations were erected with western concepts. Collaborative works of European notions with Indian features lead to eclecticism in the manifestation of architectural style developed.11 Bombay presidency. 10 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered .cit., 6. 11 Christopher W., Bombay Gothic, (Mumbai, India Book House Pvt. Ltd., 2002), 131. Eclecticism he explains as "the 'discovery of a repository of styles established a great range of decorative options for architects of the period. In India, this led to the absorption of Hindu (Indo) and Mughal (Saracenic) architectural elements into neo-Gothic and Fig 1 St Paul Cathedral Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1863), Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Fig 2 Deccan College Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1864), Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Figure 3 Deccan College Poona designed by St Clair Wilkins 1868. Designed in Venetian Gothic Style one of the landmark structure in Poona. Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Figure 1 St Paul Cathedral Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1863) Figure 2 Deccan College Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1864) 9 Royal engineers were the key persons worked in collaboration with local engineers and masons at grass root level in the process of establishing British rule in India. Many of them came from middle and lower class families but reached greater heights by their performance. Diverse projects from basic architectural interventions, railway, bridges, basic infrastructure, and services were coordinated in India. They worked on European models in local context with successful and unsuccessful efforts.12 To explain this further, till early nineteenth century simple and function based structures built for residential and religious purposes. Engineers were experimenting and modifying European models considering local climatic conditions. From mid nineteenth century building construction activity received more attention as vocabulary of Raj13. Which kept on changing adapting local climate, material and incorporation of local traditional art forms in architecture. This argument extends with the cases of medieval town planning, comprising meandering roads for warfare strategies with fortress at a central location of main axis of town, those were extended with grid Iron pattern. This could be grasped prominently in case of towns where cantonments were developed under colonial rule like Ahmadnagar, Sholapur (Solapur), Kolhapur,14 and Poona in Deccan context under Bombay presidency. Multiethnic, cosmopolitan settlements took place in these newly developed areas.15 Cantonments flourished with residential units for British Officers and market space known as Sadar Bazar mainly comprising migrating communities like Parsi, Bohara, Tamils and Gujarati16 to serve neo-classical compositions. Sometimes the buildings were pure enough in their use of indigenous stylistic sources to be called 'Indo-Saracenic' in other instances they were not, merely certain elements or certain areas of the building exhibited these unusually mixed stylistic character." 12 Sandes E. W. C. Lieut. Colonel, Preface The Military Engineer in India, Vol II, (Chatham: Institution of Royal Engineers, 1933), 35. 13 Word Raj indicates British hegemony in India. 14 Ahmadnagar, Sholapur, Kolhapur are few of important historic towns of western Maharashtra developed under Bombay presidency in 19th century 15 Deddee Jaymala and Samita Gupta, Pune Queen of the Deccan.cit Introduction. 16 Parsi, Bohara, Tamils and Gujarati are different trading communities settled in parts of India. Parsi belongs to Iran, Boharas are Muslims from parts of Pakistan and Gujarat, Tamils and Gujarati are from state of Tamilnadu and Figure 4 Reay Market Designed by Walter Ducat and Vasudev Kanitkar Photo by Lavand Vaidehi 10 British residential colonies. This mix culture of Anglo-Indian society reflected in the development of architectural language emerged in the vicinity in several typologies. Then cases of late 19th century Poona developed with its preexisting native town with two cantonments and Sadarbazzar (Market adjacent to cantonment) with evolving typologies of buildings are examined with the support of varied sources. The reasons behind selecting Poona as an example of this process of change in architectural style are its geographical location, political and cultural importance in Deccan region. It was the monsoon capital under Bombay presidency. Two major events such as the railway connecting Poona with Bombay and formation of municipality geared physical expansion of the town.17 Sir Bartle Frere's18 (Fig 1 and 2) initiatives of public building activities in Poona lead in developing face of Poona as an Educational hub, which is well known even today. Building activity at an early stage of colonial expanse was mainly utility based. But later officers in East India Company implemented policy of getting connected with local rulers so they beheld for architectural style that will impress locals and reflect power of colonial rulers. European surveyors and engineers procured and adapted various elements, details and layouts from pattern books for particular site requirements.19 Native philanthropists were inspired by Enlightenment20 and progress that; they tried to implement Neo-gothic revival style at urban level in late nineteenth century.21 Colonial government with local elites shaped cities with new urban infrastructure. European and Indian engineers, architects and artists made designs, whereas Indian laborers, craftsmen and artisans worked on actual execution. In the process, the local teams left their mark on the vocabulary at different levels right from selection of materials, construction techniques, features, and ornamentation. Examples such as Governors bungalow, Deccan College (Fig 3), College of Engineering, Reay Market (Fig 4) and number of churches erected in Poona are very evocative. These monumental scale buildings are still reminiscent of the colonial presence in Poona. Third, fourth and fifth part of research is an original contribution to the state of art, focusing on Contribution of Colonel Walter Marden Ducat R.E.22 and native engineer Rao Bahadur Vasudev Bapuji Kanitkar23 in the development of architectural vocabulary of Poona and Deccan region in late nineteenth century. Walter Ducat had carried out several projects in important towns like Bombay, Gujarat in India simultaneously 17 Jaymala Deddee and Samita Gupta, Pune Queen of the Deccan.cit., 175. 18 Sir Bartle Frere was Governor of Bombay presidency from 1862-67 initiated public building activities in neo-Gothic style 19 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered.cit. 20 Enlightenment is used for awareness of science, western technologies and art getting widespread in elites from India in nineteenth century architecture context. They tried to imitate to some extent for their construction activities. 21 Preeti Chopra, A Joint Enterprise: Indian Elites and the Making of British Bombay, (University of Minnesota Press, April 2011), 90. Muncherji Cowasji Murzban as assistant engineer worked on several projects in Mumbai in association with royal engineers and local philanthropists. 22 Colonel Walter Mardon Ducat R.E. hence used as 'Walter Ducat' 23 Local engineer from Poona, Rao Bahadur Vasudev Bapuj Kanitkar hence used as 'Vasudev Kanitkar' 11 Kolhapur, Ahmedabad24, Poona, Dhuley25 and Sholapur. He worked as executive engineer, urban designer and simultaneously was mastermind behind projects like Gokak water mill, Poona drainage layout and so on. He started his career as Second Lieutenant then became Lieutenant colonel then executive engineer and ended his official career as Superintending engineer in Deccan.26 His collaborative works with local engineers and his contemporaries like Charles Mant27 are important to note. His experience of work in Indian conditions led him to develop his skills as technical expert and designer, which later exemplified in the cases of two covered markets in Poona. In this chapter his technical and practical solutions for various proposals, executed projects are highlighted with various instances. Whereas Vasudev Kanitkar worked with Charles Mant, Chishom28, Trubshaw29 and Walter Ducat in towns like Baroda, Bombay, and Poona as Indian contractor. He was nominated as Rao Bahadur by British government for his important role in construction activity in Deccan.30 Laxmi vilas Palace in Baroda, Secretariat Building, High court in Bombay and Reay/ Phule market Poona are some of his major contribution in the architectural development under Bombay Presidency as an Indian local contractor. His self executed projects in Poona left his mark as significant designer and engineer in late nineteenth century. Educational, official, Public, and domestic buildings show his advancement from local contractor to designer with his intricacy of work. His influences originated from the earlier work experiences of varied projects amalgamated with local traditional workmanship lead into development of style could be named as local Indo-Saracenic architecture. This could be perceived in his own designs executed in Poona such as Fergusson College, Anandashram31, 24 Dhuley is a historic town located at north part of Maharashtra state 25 Ahmdabad is the largest city of Gujrat a states of India, known for its great tradition of local and modern architecture. 26 Second Lieutenant and Lieutenant colonel are ranks in British Army, but Walter Ducat appointed under PWD for infrastructural development. As per Medley's book he mentions Executive engineer had to work under Superintending Engineer. He is responsible person for executing various projects right from Barracks, Road developments, Railway to layout and construct. Designs, estimations and workings drawings are made under guidance of superintendent and execution is done under his supervision. 27 Charles Mant important from Indo-Saracenic designers series in India. He joined as Royal Engineer in Indian PWD, he designed Laxmi Vilas Palace (1878) for ruler of Baroda Sayajirao Gaekwad , New Palace Kolhapur (1878), Mayo School Ajmer and Palace at Darbhanga. 28 Architect Robert Fellowes Chisholm famous for Indo-Saracenic works in India. To mentions few of his important works are Bombay Yatch Club, execution of Laxmi Vilas Palace after Mant, University of Madras(1874-79), Lawrence Asylum building(1865) 29 Lieutenant colonel Trubshaw appointed on Bombay Rampart removal committee and worked on several remarkable projects in Bombay such as General Post Office, Elphinston College(1975), High court (1878), Plan for Bombay. 30 Lethbridge Roper, The Golden Book of India, (London, Macmillan and Co., 1893), 566. This is Genealogical and Biographical dictionary of the ruling princes, chiefs, nobles and other personages, titles or decorated of the Indian Empire. 31 Anandashram (1888) trust located in Poona, founded by Mahadev Chimnaji Apte for providing residential facility for middle and economically weaker class students. It also publishes books for Sanskrit and has collection of manuscripts. 12 Sangamashram32 and Pune Nagar Vachan Mandir (Poona Native Library)33 and so on. His contribution as a local contractor and designer working in collaboration with Royal Engineers and local social reformists like Bhandarkar34 and Apate35 is underlined in the further discussions. Main focus is on his role in the development of architectural vocabulary in late nineteenth century Poona. In the fifth part analysis of covered markets developed in Poona with the support of primary and secondary sources is done. Nine covered markets Lambert Market Karachi, Tollington Market Lahore, Crawford Market Bombay, Bolten Market Karachi, Hogg Stuart Market Calcutta, Empress market Karachi, Reay/ Phule Market, Shivaji / Connaught market, Moore Market and were built in India during eclectic movement of late nineteenth century. All endured and still in use, out of which Reay and Shivaji market exists in Poona. These are instances of 'Public landscapes' as idiom used by Preeti Chopra in case of Bombay, which is pertinent in case of Poona too. Two markets in Poona are unique examples of covered markets in India during this phase. In both the projects Walter Ducat was involved as a designer and exponent. Different contractors built these two markets in the year 1886 which in turn reflect the choices of architectural vocabulary used. Both have followed entirely distinctive models. Two uniquely designed covered markets are benchmarks in the context of old core and cantonment area of Poona. There are very few references and primary sources available on these markets. Original drawings are not available to refer and designer Walter Ducat is not very well acknowledged for these markets in historic documents. Perhaps his references in some local articles are mentioned wrongly. Walter Ducat and Vasudev Kanitkar's contribution in architectural development of Poona need more research to understand their collaborative landmark project of Reay market/ Phule Mandai located at the heart of the city. Two covered markets emerged in Poona during 19th century were resultant of eclectic movement followed to a larger scale in India by royal engineers and local contractors. Thought the models adopted from western roots they mark their difference as a language self developed and experimented by local contractors in terms of ornamentation, decoration, use of material and construction techniques. This research will contribute in deriving the method of architectural research that is helpful in understanding architectural history of a particular case in its socioeconomic and political context. This study will try to analyze European models with various influences, inspirations from varied styles and sources how implemented with modifications in local conditions. In extension this will support in understanding history of Public Architecture typology of covered market as an emerging typology in India during late nineteenth century. Along with this it can be probably a tool to understand different aspects and layers of study related to architectural vocabulary developed in late 19th century designed and executed by Royal engineers in association with Indian local contractors. ; Colonial rule had influenced 19th century monumental Architecture as a form of imperial expression in India. European concepts of architecture reached the Asian subcontinent through visuals, literature, paintings and pattern books. Various examples from this neoclassical and neo gothic phase, also referred to as Anglo-Indian1, Indo-Sarasanic2, Indo Gothic3, Mughal Gothic4, Neogothic, Hindoo or Hindu5 Gothic architectural style that could be experiential at various levels and scales. This new vocabulary tried to reach not only the major cities under colonial rule but it reached the smaller towns and countryside instantaneously.6 7 Calcutta, Madras, Bombay procured their identity during the late eighteenth and nineteenth century beginning with neoclassical era. These three presidency towns developed with sculptural indications of the colonial rule. This was an effort of collaborative works between locals and British officials. Comparatively smaller towns like Poona8 tried to nurture its space as a part of this wave in their own way. Notably these emerging urban patterns gave rise to new public realm and social spaces. This research is divided into five parts commencing with literature review. Review of books, annals, travelogues, helps understand the context of research that is covered in detail in the further discussions. Diverse aspects of the colonial, with elements of local architecture developed in late 19th century India, are covered by various travellers, artists, historians and architects. This helps in developing frame of research and knowing what could be our contribution to the state of art. The first chapter analyses 19th century architecture developed in India and especially the Deccan9 as a result 1 Word Anglo-Indian architecture is used for style with English and Indian elements. Anglo-Indian is used by various British officers referring to person relating to England and India or a person of mixed English and Indian descent or an English person who lives or has lived for a long time in India. 2 Indo-Saracenic style mainly demonstrated by British architects and engineers to mention few Stevens, Chisholm, Beg, Charles Mant worked with local Indian contractors used Indo-Islamic and Indian architectural elements with Gothic revival style for various public buildings in India during late nineteenth century. Word Saracenic is used for people lived in desert areas nearby Roman province of Arabia. Meyer Schapiro defines style as "the constant form –and sometimes the constant elements, qualities and expression- in the art of an individual or group." Gothic revival styles defined empire style after great rebel of 1857. East India Company dissolved its powers and concentrated Queen Victoria's control on India lead in the development of architectural style using Gothic forms in Public buildings. 3 Indo Gothic phrase mainly indicates mix of Indian and Indo-Islamic forms with European Gothic style. 4 Mughal Gothic denotes elements from Mughal and Gothic architecture flourished in India in late nineteenth century. Mughal ruler was Muslim dynasty of Turkish Mongol called as Mughal rulers, ruled from 16th to mid 18th century in northern part of India. 5 Hindu or Hindoo word is generally referred to people from India. It's a pronunciation derived from Sindhu/ Indus River largest in India. 6 Jan Morris, Simon Winchester, Introduction to Stones of Empire: The buildings of the Raj, (Oxford University Press, 1983) 7 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered, (Partridge Publishing, 2014),5. 8 Poona is pronounced as 'Pune' in colloquial language. For research writing purpose it is used as Poona as the name used earlier in 19th century. 9 Deccan is a peninsular plateau located in central India comprised states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. In this research western Deccan is mainly referred to western part of Maharashtra state developed under 8 of British initiative of infrastructure development following European models in Indian settings mainly for their own determination. With the examples of individual pattern of architectural expression it is significant to note how western models adapted in local climatic and geographical context. Some call this as magnificent pieces of architecture to some extent while in opinion of few these Indo Saracenic structures were unacquainted and had obsessive ornamentation too.10 Emergence of Public architecture in urban context focusing on essentials of European and local migrations were erected with western concepts. Collaborative works of European notions with Indian features lead to eclecticism in the manifestation of architectural style developed.11 Bombay presidency. 10 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered .cit., 6. 11 Christopher W., Bombay Gothic, (Mumbai, India Book House Pvt. Ltd., 2002), 131. Eclecticism he explains as "the 'discovery of a repository of styles established a great range of decorative options for architects of the period. In India, this led to the absorption of Hindu (Indo) and Mughal (Saracenic) architectural elements into neo-Gothic and Fig 1 St Paul Cathedral Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1863), Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Fig 2 Deccan College Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1864), Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Figure 3 Deccan College Poona designed by St Clair Wilkins 1868. Designed in Venetian Gothic Style one of the landmark structure in Poona. Source: Photo by Lavand Vaidehi Figure 1 St Paul Cathedral Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1863) Figure 2 Deccan College Foundation Stone laid by Bartle Frere (1864) 9 Royal engineers were the key persons worked in collaboration with local engineers and masons at grass root level in the process of establishing British rule in India. Many of them came from middle and lower class families but reached greater heights by their performance. Diverse projects from basic architectural interventions, railway, bridges, basic infrastructure, and services were coordinated in India. They worked on European models in local context with successful and unsuccessful efforts.12 To explain this further, till early nineteenth century simple and function based structures built for residential and religious purposes. Engineers were experimenting and modifying European models considering local climatic conditions. From mid nineteenth century building construction activity received more attention as vocabulary of Raj13. Which kept on changing adapting local climate, material and incorporation of local traditional art forms in architecture. This argument extends with the cases of medieval town planning, comprising meandering roads for warfare strategies with fortress at a central location of main axis of town, those were extended with grid Iron pattern. This could be grasped prominently in case of towns where cantonments were developed under colonial rule like Ahmadnagar, Sholapur (Solapur), Kolhapur,14 and Poona in Deccan context under Bombay presidency. Multiethnic, cosmopolitan settlements took place in these newly developed areas.15 Cantonments flourished with residential units for British Officers and market space known as Sadar Bazar mainly comprising migrating communities like Parsi, Bohara, Tamils and Gujarati16 to serve neo-classical compositions. Sometimes the buildings were pure enough in their use of indigenous stylistic sources to be called 'Indo-Saracenic' in other instances they were not, merely certain elements or certain areas of the building exhibited these unusually mixed stylistic character." 12 Sandes E. W. C. Lieut. Colonel, Preface The Military Engineer in India, Vol II, (Chatham: Institution of Royal Engineers, 1933), 35. 13 Word Raj indicates British hegemony in India. 14 Ahmadnagar, Sholapur, Kolhapur are few of important historic towns of western Maharashtra developed under Bombay presidency in 19th century 15 Deddee Jaymala and Samita Gupta, Pune Queen of the Deccan.cit Introduction. 16 Parsi, Bohara, Tamils and Gujarati are different trading communities settled in parts of India. Parsi belongs to Iran, Boharas are Muslims from parts of Pakistan and Gujarat, Tamils and Gujarati are from state of Tamilnadu and Figure 4 Reay Market Designed by Walter Ducat and Vasudev Kanitkar Photo by Lavand Vaidehi 10 British residential colonies. This mix culture of Anglo-Indian society reflected in the development of architectural language emerged in the vicinity in several typologies. Then cases of late 19th century Poona developed with its preexisting native town with two cantonments and Sadarbazzar (Market adjacent to cantonment) with evolving typologies of buildings are examined with the support of varied sources. The reasons behind selecting Poona as an example of this process of change in architectural style are its geographical location, political and cultural importance in Deccan region. It was the monsoon capital under Bombay presidency. Two major events such as the railway connecting Poona with Bombay and formation of municipality geared physical expansion of the town.17 Sir Bartle Frere's18 (Fig 1 and 2) initiatives of public building activities in Poona lead in developing face of Poona as an Educational hub, which is well known even today. Building activity at an early stage of colonial expanse was mainly utility based. But later officers in East India Company implemented policy of getting connected with local rulers so they beheld for architectural style that will impress locals and reflect power of colonial rulers. European surveyors and engineers procured and adapted various elements, details and layouts from pattern books for particular site requirements.19 Native philanthropists were inspired by Enlightenment20 and progress that; they tried to implement Neo-gothic revival style at urban level in late nineteenth century.21 Colonial government with local elites shaped cities with new urban infrastructure. European and Indian engineers, architects and artists made designs, whereas Indian laborers, craftsmen and artisans worked on actual execution. In the process, the local teams left their mark on the vocabulary at different levels right from selection of materials, construction techniques, features, and ornamentation. Examples such as Governors bungalow, Deccan College (Fig 3), College of Engineering, Reay Market (Fig 4) and number of churches erected in Poona are very evocative. These monumental scale buildings are still reminiscent of the colonial presence in Poona. Third, fourth and fifth part of research is an original contribution to the state of art, focusing on Contribution of Colonel Walter Marden Ducat R.E.22 and native engineer Rao Bahadur Vasudev Bapuji Kanitkar23 in the development of architectural vocabulary of Poona and Deccan region in late nineteenth century. Walter Ducat had carried out several projects in important towns like Bombay, Gujarat in India simultaneously 17 Jaymala Deddee and Samita Gupta, Pune Queen of the Deccan.cit., 175. 18 Sir Bartle Frere was Governor of Bombay presidency from 1862-67 initiated public building activities in neo-Gothic style 19 Das Pradip Kumar, Henry Irwin and the Indo Saracenic Movement reconsidered.cit. 20 Enlightenment is used for awareness of science, western technologies and art getting widespread in elites from India in nineteenth century architecture context. They tried to imitate to some extent for their construction activities. 21 Preeti Chopra, A Joint Enterprise: Indian Elites and the Making of British Bombay, (University of Minnesota Press, April 2011), 90. Muncherji Cowasji Murzban as assistant engineer worked on several projects in Mumbai in association with royal engineers and local philanthropists. 22 Colonel Walter Mardon Ducat R.E. hence used as 'Walter Ducat' 23 Local engineer from Poona, Rao Bahadur Vasudev Bapuj Kanitkar hence used as 'Vasudev Kanitkar' 11 Kolhapur, Ahmedabad24, Poona, Dhuley25 and Sholapur. He worked as executive engineer, urban designer and simultaneously was mastermind behind projects like Gokak water mill, Poona drainage layout and so on. He started his career as Second Lieutenant then became Lieutenant colonel then executive engineer and ended his official career as Superintending engineer in Deccan.26 His collaborative works with local engineers and his contemporaries like Charles Mant27 are important to note. His experience of work in Indian conditions led him to develop his skills as technical expert and designer, which later exemplified in the cases of two covered markets in Poona. In this chapter his technical and practical solutions for various proposals, executed projects are highlighted with various instances. Whereas Vasudev Kanitkar worked with Charles Mant, Chishom28, Trubshaw29 and Walter Ducat in towns like Baroda, Bombay, and Poona as Indian contractor. He was nominated as Rao Bahadur by British government for his important role in construction activity in Deccan.30 Laxmi vilas Palace in Baroda, Secretariat Building, High court in Bombay and Reay/ Phule market Poona are some of his major contribution in the architectural development under Bombay Presidency as an Indian local contractor. His self executed projects in Poona left his mark as significant designer and engineer in late nineteenth century. Educational, official, Public, and domestic buildings show his advancement from local contractor to designer with his intricacy of work. His influences originated from the earlier work experiences of varied projects amalgamated with local traditional workmanship lead into development of style could be named as local Indo-Saracenic architecture. This could be perceived in his own designs executed in Poona such as Fergusson College, Anandashram31, 24 Dhuley is a historic town located at north part of Maharashtra state 25 Ahmdabad is the largest city of Gujrat a states of India, known for its great tradition of local and modern architecture. 26 Second Lieutenant and Lieutenant colonel are ranks in British Army, but Walter Ducat appointed under PWD for infrastructural development. As per Medley's book he mentions Executive engineer had to work under Superintending Engineer. He is responsible person for executing various projects right from Barracks, Road developments, Railway to layout and construct. Designs, estimations and workings drawings are made under guidance of superintendent and execution is done under his supervision. 27 Charles Mant important from Indo-Saracenic designers series in India. He joined as Royal Engineer in Indian PWD, he designed Laxmi Vilas Palace (1878) for ruler of Baroda Sayajirao Gaekwad , New Palace Kolhapur (1878), Mayo School Ajmer and Palace at Darbhanga. 28 Architect Robert Fellowes Chisholm famous for Indo-Saracenic works in India. To mentions few of his important works are Bombay Yatch Club, execution of Laxmi Vilas Palace after Mant, University of Madras(1874-79), Lawrence Asylum building(1865) 29 Lieutenant colonel Trubshaw appointed on Bombay Rampart removal committee and worked on several remarkable projects in Bombay such as General Post Office, Elphinston College(1975), High court (1878), Plan for Bombay. 30 Lethbridge Roper, The Golden Book of India, (London, Macmillan and Co., 1893), 566. This is Genealogical and Biographical dictionary of the ruling princes, chiefs, nobles and other personages, titles or decorated of the Indian Empire. 31 Anandashram (1888) trust located in Poona, founded by Mahadev Chimnaji Apte for providing residential facility for middle and economically weaker class students. It also publishes books for Sanskrit and has collection of manuscripts. 12 Sangamashram32 and Pune Nagar Vachan Mandir (Poona Native Library)33 and so on. His contribution as a local contractor and designer working in collaboration with Royal Engineers and local social reformists like Bhandarkar34 and Apate35 is underlined in the further discussions. Main focus is on his role in the development of architectural vocabulary in late nineteenth century Poona. In the fifth part analysis of covered markets developed in Poona with the support of primary and secondary sources is done. Nine covered markets Lambert Market Karachi, Tollington Market Lahore, Crawford Market Bombay, Bolten Market Karachi, Hogg Stuart Market Calcutta, Empress market Karachi, Reay/ Phule Market, Shivaji / Connaught market, Moore Market and were built in India during eclectic movement of late nineteenth century. All endured and still in use, out of which Reay and Shivaji market exists in Poona. These are instances of 'Public landscapes' as idiom used by Preeti Chopra in case of Bombay, which is pertinent in case of Poona too. Two markets in Poona are unique examples of covered markets in India during this phase. In both the projects Walter Ducat was involved as a designer and exponent. Different contractors built these two markets in the year 1886 which in turn reflect the choices of architectural vocabulary used. Both have followed entirely distinctive models. Two uniquely designed covered markets are benchmarks in the context of old core and cantonment area of Poona. There are very few references and primary sources available on these markets. Original drawings are not available to refer and designer Walter Ducat is not very well acknowledged for these markets in historic documents. Perhaps his references in some local articles are mentioned wrongly. Walter Ducat and Vasudev Kanitkar's contribution in architectural development of Poona need more research to understand their collaborative landmark project of Reay market/ Phule Mandai located at the heart of the city. Two covered markets emerged in Poona during 19th century were resultant of eclectic movement followed to a larger scale in India by royal engineers and local contractors. Thought the models adopted from western roots they mark their difference as a language self developed and experimented by local contractors in terms of ornamentation, decoration, use of material and construction techniques. This research will contribute in deriving the method of architectural research that is helpful in understanding architectural history of a particular case in its socioeconomic and political context. This study will try to analyze European models with various influences, inspirations from varied styles and sources how implemented with modifications in local conditions. In extension this will support in understanding history of Public Architecture typology of covered market as an emerging typology in India during late nineteenth century. Along with this it can be probably a tool to understand different aspects and layers of study related to architectural vocabulary developed in late 19th century designed and executed by Royal engineers in association with Indian local contractors.

"Self-preservation is the first duty of a nation"Alexander Hamilton "The whole point of the doomsday machineis lost if you keep it a secret!!"Dr. Strangelove VI) El Interés Nacional y las políticas de poder La mayoría de los teóricos han recurrido al interés nacional como concepto ordenador y exegético del accionar de los estados en el concierto internacional. Alexander Wendt (1999: 242) reconoce que nadie puede negar que los estados actúan sobre la base de intereses nacionales, tal como ellos los perciben y los definen. Toda teoría de relaciones internacionales o de política exterior articula su entendimiento del relacionamiento de los estados en el S.I en referencia, precisa o difusa, al interés nacional. El interés nacional, como concepto teórico, cumple dos funciones, una normativa y una descriptiva. El rol normativo intenta aportar, en última instancia, un estándar a partir del cual juzgar la conducta de los estados, basándose principalmente en consideraciones éticas. Este es precisamente uno de los principales puntos que los realistas, y en particular el principal teórico del interés nacional, H. Morgenthau, criticarán. La función descriptiva trata sobre el componente empírico (lo que los estados hacen) del interés nacional (Nincic, 1999: 30). En otras palabras, la concepción del interés nacional oscila entre lo que debería ser y lo que efectivamente es (o ¿cuál es la política exterior implementada que defiende el interés nacional?). Si bien existe un consenso sobre la idea del interés nacional como motor de la acción del estado, esta unanimidad no se aplica a la definición sustantiva del término (función normativa) ni tampoco, en cierta medida, a su rol descriptivo. Esto tiene importantes consecuencias en la elaboración y conducción de la política exterior. Efectivamente, la política exterior, de ser racional, debe estar en sintonía con la idea que nos hacemos del interés nacional. En otras palabras, la política exterior debe apuntar siempre a defender el interés nacional. Sin embargo, este aspecto, o sea la visión descriptiva de lo que es el interés nacional (o de las políticas implementadas en su defensa) no siempre encuentra unanimidad, incluso dentro de una misma escuela teórica. En este sentido, es interesante estudiar el debate entre H. Morgenthau y Henry Kissinger en torno a la guerra de Vietnam y en qué medida la intervención americana se justificaba en defensa del interés nacional. Si Morgenthau, el principal teórico realista en materia de interés nacional criticaba la intervención, H. Kissinger, el principal policy maker realista, pensaba todo lo contrario (Zimmer, 2011). La noción o idea de interés nacional puede, y de hecho representa y vehicula distintos significados y justificaciones (morales, económicas, de seguridad, políticas, etc.) de la acción de los estados. El interés nacional recorre el mismo camino difuso que nociones tales como Nación y Comunidad. Al debate histórico de qué o quién representa la Nación (Greenfield, 1999: 48-49), el interés nacional obliga a una reflexión sobre los objetivos nacionales así como sobre el propósito y razón de ser del estado (el encargado de perseguir el interés nacional). Los primeros en preocuparse por la noción de interés nacional fueron los teóricos realistas clásicos, como Tucídides, Hobbes o Rousseau. Más recientemente, una perspectiva liberal y luego una visión constructivista, aún más cercana en el tiempo, han atacado la concepción realista del interés nacional, quebrantando aún más la idea de una lectura unívoca y monolítica de este concepto (Battistela, 2002: 143). El tratamiento que los realistas han dado al interés nacional, y en particular Morgenthau, ha sido fuertemente criticado por otras escuelas teóricas, particularmente los liberales y los constructivistas, pero igualmente los behavioristas. Estos últimos ven en la noción de interés nacional un concepto a nula operacionalización científica, incapaz de explicar el accionar y la continuidad de la política exterior de los estados. El interés nacional es, para los behavioristas, lo que la nación, y más precisamente el decisor en política exterior, decide que sea (Rosenau, 1968). El enfoque realista del interés nacional funcionaría más sobre la base de un axioma o suposición filosófica que a partir de un postulado científicamente verificable. En efecto, el realismo clásico asume que el mundo es y actúa de una determinada manera, y el interés nacional no es más que el accionar racional del estado en un contexto que no domina completamente (el control que el estado tenga en la escena internacional dependerá en gran parte del poder almacenado). Hobbes es uno de los primeros en articular la noción de interés nacional indisociablemente ligado a una visión de la seguridad del estado. La paz de Westfalia en 1648 representa el triunfo de la visión Hobbesiana, con la consolidación del estado como la unidad territorial de referencia (paradigma de la soberanía) así como con la creciente rivalidad entre los estados poderosos (Badie, 2001: 254). La concepción realista del interés nacional se desprende de dos de las premisas importante ya mencionadas del realismo: la naturaleza anárquica del sistema internacional y la relación conflictiva entre estados en el marco de dicho sistema. Por lo tanto, si el estado de anarquía conduce a la inseguridad general, el principal cometido del estado, entendido en términos de interés nacional, debe ser el de asegurar su seguridad. ¿Qué se entiende entonces por seguridad y cuáles son las cuestiones incompresibles que el estado no puede abandonar?. Los realistas definen estas cuestiones de manera relativamente vaga, pero es innegable la centralidad de las ideas de integridad territorial, independencia política e identidad cultural. ¿Cómo se alcanza, defiende o preserva el interés nacional? Principalmente a través del uso o la amenaza de la fuerza. Por lo tanto, para los realistas, el interés nacional se traduce casi exclusivamente en términos de poder (principalmente militar, aunque no exclusivamente), ya que la fuerza sería, en un contexto de anarquía y de conflicto, la única manera de disuadir o alcanzar los interéses de un estado. Hans Morgenthau (1961:5) así lo expone: "the main signpost that helps political realism to find its way through the landscape of international politics is the concept of interest defined in terms of power". Para los realistas, el interés nacional ha sido inmutable a lo largo de la historia y, producto de la naturaleza del sistema internacional (anarquía), de la naturaleza humana (para los realistas clásicos), y de la estructura (para los neorrealistas), destinado a permanecer así. Este es uno de los principales puntos de crítica de los liberales y en particular de los constructivistas, quienes avanzan que la difusión de valores, normas y códigos compartidos en el seno de la comunidad internacional han contribuido a modificar el comportamiento de los estados. En este punto, los realistas se encuentran en las antípodas del pensamiento liberal. El poder es, para los realistas, casi exclusivamente el único criterio que debe determinar la política exterior. Cualquier otro principio, en particular aquellos de orden moral, estarán subordinados a la búsqueda, preservación y fortalecimiento del poder (Tucker, 1952: 215). Para Morgenthau, la escena internacional se articula sobre la búsqueda de poder contra poder y no, como a menudo se ha instrumentalizado el conflicto, entre dos visiones del bien y el mal, de virtud o de vicio, de moralidad o inmoralidad. La descripción de interés nacional y poder que hace Morgenthau ha conducido a dos interpretaciones distintas de la noción de poder (Williams, 2004: 639-640). La primera reduce el realismo a una suerte de materialismo, donde el poder y el interés es definido en términos principalmente militares (el propio Morgenthau criticará está visión simplificadora). El segundo enfoque sería instrumentalista: si el poder es un medio necesario para alcanzar los intereses, entonces se transforma en un fin en sí. La búsqueda de poder, para los realistas, es entonces a la vez un fin y un medio para dicho fin ¿Por qué? Porque el mundo es anárquico debido a que los hombres buscan el poder (naturaleza humana o, como diría Morgenthau, un impulso bio-social) y al mismo tiempo deben buscar el poder justamente para protegerse de ese impulso natural. Por lo tanto, la búsqueda de poder como medio para un fin depende de la naturaleza del sistema (anarquía) mientras que la búsqueda del poder como un fin en sí debe encontrarse en las necesidades manifiestas de los miembros del sistema (Nincic, 1999:33). Se ha argumentado largamente que la naturaleza tautológica de esta definición (los estados buscan el poder porque están ontológicamente predeterminados a hacerlo), así como el supuesto inicial de que la búsqueda de poder es una necesidad primaria del ser humano, debilitan la posición realista y restan fuerza a sus postulados centrales. El interés nacional, bajo la óptica realista, es entonces por naturaleza egoísta y superior a los intereses privados sub-nacionales (Battistela, 2002: 145). Es egoísta porque los estados se encuentran en un sistema de self-help y de suma cero, donde las ganancias de un estado representan la pérdida de otro. Asimismo, los realistas defienden la idea del interés Nacional y no, como lo hacen los liberales, la idea que los estados pueden compartir intereses comunes (vitales) en el seno de una comunidad internacional. El interés nacional entendido en términos de seguridad es la matriz irreductible sobre la cual se sustenta todo proyecto de construcción nacional o comunitaria y no puede ser, por definición, compartido en el seno de una comunidad inter-nacional, inter-comunitaria o inter-estatal. Ya lo decía Morgenthau cuando criticaba la visión moral y cooperativa propuesta por el idealismo de W. Wilson: "It therefore follows that, despite the profound changes which have occurred in the world, it still remains true, as it has always been true, that a nation confronted with the hostile aspirations of other nations has one prime obligation – to take care of its own interests. The moral justification for this prime duty of all nations- for it is not only a moral right but also a moral obligation- arises from the fact that if this particular nation does not take care of its interests, nobody else will" (Morgenthau, 1952: 4). El interés nacional es igualmente superior a los intereses individuales o privados, porque sólo en la salvaguardia de la seguridad del estado, los demás intereses pueden ser perseguidos. Por lo tanto, como decía Raymond Aron (1984: 101), el interés nacional es irreductible a los intereses privados. Frente a la rigidez del concepto de interés nacional defendido por los realistas, los liberales han aportado una perspectiva diferente, planteando que el interés nacional es lo que una nación decide que sea. Este no se limita a cuestiones de seguridad, pero puede englobar igualmente intereses materiales o espirituales. El estado es, para los liberales, el encargado de llevar adelante los intereses individuales de la sociedad y no, como para los realistas, una entidad independiente con agenda propia. Para los liberales, el interés nacional está determinado por los valores internos de una sociedad, y no por las limitantes externas presentes en el sistema internacional (anarquía, estructura, relación de fuerzas, etc.). ¿Cómo se define entonces el interés nacional para los liberales? Principalmente a través de la negociación y la adopción de los intereses "mayoritarios". Los enfoques constructivistas, particularmente fecundos luego de la guerra fría, rechazan la idea de inmutabilidad presente en el realismo (critican la incapacidad de los realistas, clásicos o estructurales, para pensar el cambio). Si es cierto que los constructivistas comparten con los liberales la idea que el interés nacional no está predeterminado por condiciones "fijas" , ellos consideran, sin embargo, que los intereses se definen sobre la base de la identidad y las representaciones que los estados se hacen de ellos mismos, de los otros estados, del sistema internacional y del lugar que ocupan en él (y no, como en el liberalismo, a través de un proceso de negociación interna). Asimismo, el accionar de los estados, y sus intereses, se ven condicionados por el conjunto de normas y valores que, compartidas en un marco internacional, regulan y estructuran la vida política internacional. Para los constructivistas, todos los conceptos están sujetos a interpretaciones y sentidos cambiantes. Así, un concepto central como el de anarquía en el realismo puede ser comprendido bajo diferentes enfoques. Cuando los estados se consideran como enemigos en el plano internacional, podemos hablar de una anarquía hobbesiana. En el caso de estados que se consideran como rivales, se trataría de una anarquía lockiana. Por último, cuando los estados se ven como amigos, estaríamos en presencia de una anarquía kantiana. Sólo en el primer caso, central al realismo, el interés nacional puede ser definido en términos de seguridad y supervivencia. Como hemos visto, los autores neorrealistas focalizan su estudio en la interacción de los grandes poderes y en la polaridad del sistema internacional como factores explicativos de la ocurrencia de conflictos o guerras. Los neorrealistas, sin embargo, no parecen concernidos por las cuestiones relativas al cambio ni a la evolución del poder en el sistema internacional. Los realistas no se preguntan de dónde viene el poder, ni como los estados son capaces de emerger, consolidarse y descomponerse. Para ellos, tanto los actores como la estructura del sistema son variables consideradas como dadas o variables independientes. La única variable dependiente, o sea, el único proceso que los neorrealistas intentan explicar, es la guerra (Kratochwil, 1993). El foco del neorrealismo ha sido el de intentar explicar la fase de consolidación del poder en el sistema internacional en un reducido número de grandes potencias y como este sistema ha logrado evitar la unipolaridad (Cederman, 1994: 504). Entre las principales críticas que pueden hacerse a la noción del interés nacional defendida por los realistas, es posible citar la obsesión realista con las políticas de poder y el recurso sistemático y axiomático a la idea de anarquía. El primer punto refiere a que muchos estados pequeños o medianos no determinan ni implementan su política exterior en términos de poder ni, generalmente, tienen preocupaciones relacionadas a la seguridad. Inclusive las grandes potencias por momentos se apartan igualmente de esta lógica (como en el caso estadounidense bajo las presidencias de W. Wilson y J. Carter). Igualmente, ciertos teóricos realistas a menudo obvian que el concepto de poder es relativo al tipo de asunto en cuestión. El poder militar, o el poder económico, sólo son útiles en determinadas circunstancias. Es indudable que el poderío económico de Japón hace de este país una potencia capaz de influenciar el comportamiento de otros estados y eso, a pesar de no contar con un poderío militar importante. Los defensores de las políticas de poder argumentarán que la posición privilegiada de Japón en el comercio mundial es únicamente posible gracias al respaldo militar que su alianza con los Estados Unidos le otorga. No sólo esta apreciación niega de manera burda la dimensión económica presente en el sistema internacional, sino que condicionaría todo desarrollo posible a la expansión del poderío económico o a la concertación de alianzas defensivas. ¿Cómo explicar entonces los niveles de desarrollo de países como Suiza o Luxemburgo?. En segundo lugar, el concepto de anarquía derivado del estado de naturaleza Hobbesiano y que ha estructurado y condicionado el pensamiento realista, no es un absoluto empíricamente comprobable. Diferentes mecanismos de cooperación, coordinación y reciprocidad son posibles en un universo donde priman los actores egotistas (Nincic, 1999: 34-36). La respuesta a estas críticas, principalmente por parte de los neorrealistas, ha sido de argumentar que, si bien todos los estados son iguales, sólo cuentan en términos de poder y de estructura los grandes y poderosos. Para Waltz (1979:94), la estructura del sistema internacional (polaridad) y la naturaleza de éste (anarquía) dependen del número de grandes actores y la distribución de fuerzas entre estos. Si bien esta argumentación responde parcialmente a la segunda crítica, no así a la primera. Podemos mencionar igualmente que en la actualidad el concepto de Estado-Nación como unidad central de análisis del sistema internacional ha sido parcialmente puesto en jaque por los postulados liberales o constructivistas. Si, efectivamente, el Estado Nación no es más la única unidad de referencia, de subordinación o de pertenencia del individuo moderno, el postulado realista del estado unitario se resquebraja. En este sentido, resulta difícil justificar la idea del interés nacional en términos de defensa de la independencia política o cultural, ya que estas nociones tendrían crecientemente menos importancia para los individuos. Resulta imposible desprenderse de la idea que la concepción del mundo propuesta por los realistas es profundamente pesimista e impregnada de una desconfianza generalizada acerca la naturaleza humana (en el caso de los realistas clásicos) y que, gran parte de los supuestos realistas se sustentan en un "worst case scenario". En palabras de Wittner (1985:285): "Admittedly, people sometimes fail to live up to the level of cooperation and moral development encouraged by civilization, but most of the time, they do. Realism focuses upon the exception and turns it into the rule. Indeed, it transforms that exception into a normative principle of international behavior!". Los realistas responderán seguramente que el interés nacional último es el de defender la supervivencia e integridad física del estado y de sus ciudadanos y, ciertamente, en un mundo donde la amenaza del uso de las armas nucleares representa inequívocamente el fin absoluto, la posición realista no deja de presentar una argumentación válida (la ausencia de conflicto atómico en los últimos 60 años ahonda precisamente en el sentido del balance de poder defendido por los neorrealistas). El peor escenario posible, en un mundo nuclear, es efectivamente lo suficientemente aterrador para justificar el pesimismo realista. Los realistas no dicen que la guerra sea inevitable, la mayoría de sus teóricos han intentando buscar las causas de la guerra, sin por lo tanto entrar en consideraciones morales sobre el bien fundado de la acción de los estados. Al explicar como el mundo es, y no cómo debería ser, los realistas se despojan de consideraciones filosóficas que apartan al estadista de su verdadero objetivo: preservar la seguridad del estado. Es en este sentido que uno de los primeros realistas, Maquiavelo, consideraba que existen dos éticas diferentes. La primera, relativa a la salvación individual, debía ser regulada por las consideraciones morales y religiosas; y la segunda, en claro contraste con la primera, es la ética de la responsabilidad que tienen los gobernantes, obligados a llevar adelante ciertas acciones consideradas como "inmorales" en defensa del interés nacional (Viotti y Kauppi, 1993: 38). *Este artículo fue presentado en la 9° sesión el Seminario Interno de Discusión Teórica 2013, organizado por el Departamento de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad ORT Uruguay. Sobre el autorGermán Clulow es Licenciado en Estudios Internacionales por la Universidad ORT –Uruguay, Master en Ciencia Política por la Université de Genève – Suiza, y Master en Estudios de Desarrollo por el Instituto de Altos Estudios Internacionales y de Desarrollo (IHEID-The Graduate Institute) Ginebra, Suiza.

AMICO ASPERTINI Amico Aspertini (Bologna, 1474 circa – Bologna, 1551) è un pittore italiano del periodo rinascimentale il cui stile complesso, eccentrico ed eclettico anticipa in qualche modo il Manierismo. È da collocare agli inizi della carriera artistica di Amico e precisamente nel 1496 un viaggio a Roma, che il giovane intraprende in compagnia del padre. L'Adorazione dei Magi, ora a Berlino rivela, infatti, la conoscenza dell'Adorazione dei Pastori dipinta dall'umbro nella Cappella della Rovere in Santa Maria del Popolo intorno al 1488-90. Ma oltre che dal Pinturicchio una grande influenza venne esercitata su di lui da Filippino Lippi e soprattutto dagli affreschi romani in S. Maria sopra Minerva. La scarsa fortuna critica che ha seguito Amico nel corso dei secoli è in gran parte dovuta al celebre Giorgio Vasari che nelle sue "Vite", forse per la sua difformità rispetto sia alla bellezza classica del '400 che alle nuove tendenze del Manierismo non ne riconobbe le grandi qualità artistiche e lo tacciò di pazzia: "Costui, venuto finalmente in vecchiezza di settanta anni, fra per l'arte e la stranezza della vita bestialissimamente impazzò". Nel 1112 iniziò la riedificazione dell'edificio che fu consacrato nel 1147. Una prima annotazione da fare su questa basilica è il fatto che sia particolarmente a ridosso delle mura e affatto isolata; molti degli edifici, infatti sono stati direttamente inglobati nella costruzione principale, essendo stati questi parte del monastero e del cimitero che erano adiacenti alla chiesa. Nel XIII secolo si ebbe l'innalzamento della basilica con l'aggiunta del mosaico in facciata e la trasformazione dell'interno, poiché questa venne divisa in cinque parti: tre navate centrali più due laterali occupate dalle cappelle. Nella facciata non ci sono logge se non una finta loggetta al di sotto del mosaico. Ad esempio, in quello principale c'è un architrave con un motivo a tralci, tipico della scultura del XII sec. L'affresco cuspidato che raffigura il Martirio dei Santi Vincenzo, Stefano e Lorenzo è una delle più antiche testimonianze della pittura medievale a Lucca e risale alla prima metà del XII secolo. Nella navata sinistra si apre la Cappella Trenta, che è stata costruita e decorata da Iacopo Della Quercia nei primi decenni del XV secolo. Sotto l'altare, all'interno del sarcofago romano, sono collocati i resti di San Riccardo a cui la cappella è dedicata. Fra questi vanno ricordati la Divisione del fiume Serchio da parte di San Frediano, la Natività, il Trasferimento del Volto Santo a Lucca e la Deposizione dalla Croce. Inoltre, all'interno di questa cappella venivano seppelliti i priori del convento dedicato a San Frediano, e così fu previsto di ricordare il Santo a cui è dedicata la chiesa. Amico Aspertini affrescò anche una Sacra conversazione. Lo scultore Matteo Civitali scolpì tre statue dei Santi Vescovi Frediano, Agostino e Giovanni I ed è anche l'autore della Madonna dell'Annunciazione. Le nuove tele includono il Miracolo di San Cassiano del Lomi e il Martirio di Santa Fausta del Sorri. Dopo le soppressioni napoleoniche la grande lunetta di Mattia della Robbia e l'altare scolpito da Giovanni Baratta (inizio del XVIII secolo) arrivò a San Frediano. La cappella di Sant'Agostino Questa lastra è ricordata per la prima volta dal Ridolfi nel 1835 in occasione del resoconto del restauro degli affreschi della cappella, ma non vi si fa alcun cenno dell'autore. L'attribuzione della lastra sepolcrale all'Aspertini risale invece al 1965 e si deve alla Ciardi Duprè. Questa lastra sepolcrale si inserisce invece a buon diritto nel contesto della sua opera, per ragioni di affinità stilistica che la legano alla decorazione affrescata. Nell'iscrizione a rilievo sulla lastra si confermano sia il nome del committente dell'impresa, sia la dedica a Sant'Agostino che l'inizio dei lavori di ristrutturazione della vecchia cappella della Croce nel 1506. Il 26 giugno 1510 Pasquino Cenami muore, per cui sono questi gli estremi cronologici fra i quali si deve collocare la presenza di Aspertini a Lucca. Secondo il Silva Aspertini non avrebbe ideato soltanto la decorazione pittorica della cappella, ma anche l'arredo plastico della medesima, di cui avrebbe eseguito le parti in marmo (sull'altare, una Croce sostenuta da un piedistallo con lo stemma Cenami e due soggetti mitologici, Apollo e Mida e Atena e Marsia sui lati, oggi nel Guardaroba della basilica), lasciando a Masseo Civitali il compito di realizzare le sculture lignee di Sant'Agostino e di San Frediano, ora nella cappella di San Biagio, e quella del Vescovo Giovanni, ora nel Guardaroba. La lunetta della parete di fondo è occupata dal Giudizio Universale, che purtroppo è stato molto danneggiato per l'apertura di una finestra al centro della parete negli anni Ottanta del Seicento e per le infiltrazioni d'acqua. Al centro è ancora visibile un frammento dell'angelo del Giudizio che riceve e separa le anime, a destra la resurrezione della carne alla presenza della Maddalena, di San Giovanni, di un papa, di un vescovo e a sinistra l'Inferno con i tormenti dei dannati. Nella lunetta destra è affrescata l'Approvazione della Regola di Sant'Agostino. Il Trasporto del Volto Santo narra l'episodio relativo all'arrivo a Lucca di questa antica reliquia, tuttora venerata nella Cattedrale di San Martino. Le fonti che Aspertini poteva conoscere erano i manoscritti trecenteschi che narrano della leggenda, ma nella rappresentazione vengono privilegiati tre elementi: il Beato Giovanni, di cui si conservano le reliquie nella chiesa, il « Titoli della Croce », cui era in origine dedicata la cappella e un'immagine corale del popolo dei fedeli. Nell'Adorazione dei pastori la narrazione evangelica è arricchita di episodi diversi: il gruppo dei servitori al seguito dei Re Magi, che scaricano vettovaglie e masserizie dal lungo viaggio, l'annuncio sull'erta del colle e la danza gioiosa dei pastori in mezzo al gregge, la vecchia che indica il luogo della Natività. La Tazartes ha portato l'attenzione sulla stella cometa, al centro della composizione, che ha la stessa forma della stella nello stemma della famiglia Buonvisi. Un indizio questo, che potrebbe significare sia un omaggio alla potente famiglia dalla quale provenivano Paolo e Benedetto, fra i personaggi più in vista della città e della comunità di San Frediano, sia il riconoscimento di un contributo finanziario all'impresa decorativa del Priore. La Deviazione del fiume Serchio: l'episodio rappresenta un miracolo di San Frediano, monaco di origine irlandese, diventato vescovo di Lucca intorno al 560, fondatore della omonima congregazione di Canonici, che impedì l'inondazione della città dando al fiume Serchio un nuovo corso con un semplice solco tracciato col rastrello. Le fonti del miracolo sono i Dialoghi di San Gregorio Magno (libro III) e un poema scritto da Rangerio, vescovo di Lucca nel XII secolo. Una medesima alternanza si può individuare fra due episodi di storia religiosa locale (Trasporto del Volto Santo e Deviazione del Serchio), due relativi alla vita di Gesù Cristo (Natività e Deposizione nel Sepolcro) e due dedicati alla vita di Sant'Agostino, che non potevano mancare in una cappella di recente dedica al Santo (Battesimo e Approvazione della Regola). Infine, la Deposizione e le scene della Passione (la Lavanda dei piedi, l'Ultima cena, l'Orazione nell'orto e la Flagellazione) alludono anche alla destinazione funeraria della cappella, quale luogo per la sepoltura del Priore e dei suoi Canonici. Lo stesso fonte battesimale di San Frediano, eseguito nella seconda metà del XII secolo, sembra essere la fonte diretta dell'atteggiamento del battezzando. Qui Aspertini pone al centro della composizione, inquadrato dal baldacchino, l'Arco di Costantino, simbolo della vittoria della croce sul paganesimo e, in senso lato, del trionfo di Cristo sulla morte e della cristianità sui suoi nemici. Affollato e sostanzialmente lontano dalla misura classica, lo spazio aspertiniano sembra essere debitore, nella relazione fra figure, architetture e paesaggio, all'arte oltremontana, e forse quindi più vicino ad esempi del Nord Italia, con cui condivide la negazione della razionale prospettiva (si veda nel Trasporto del Volto Santo la presentazione frontale dell'icona in mezzo alla processione che si rovescia giù dal colle o il divagare senza regola del racconto nella Deviazione del Serchio). Infatti, solo due lati della cornice di ciascun riquadro sono illuminati dall'alto al basso. Questa volta, nell'impaginazione come nei singoli dettagli, sono richiamati alla memoria i cantieri romani quattrocenteschi del Perugino e del Pinturicchio: nel Sant'Ambrogio battezza Sant'Agostino il gesto del giovane catecumeno seduto riprende quello del giovane seduto dietro il Battista nel Battesimo di Cristo affrescato nella Sistina. Nella vasta apertura del paesaggio si intravede, invece, un influsso giorgionesco. La natura ha qui un respiro assai più ampio, tanto è vero che gli episodi contigui del Trasporto e del Battesimo, separati tra loro dalle candelabre a monocromo, sono tuttavia unificati dalla rappresentazione della città di Lucca che si sviluppa, completandosi, dalla prima alla seconda scena. È molto probabile che Aspertini realizzò un viaggio a Venezia durante la parentesi lucchese, nel breve lasso di tempo che intercorse tra l'esecuzione dell'affresco della controfacciata di San Frediano, con la Madonna col Bambino fra i Santi Giovanni Battista, Agata, Margherita e Sebastiano e l'inizio dei lavori nella cappella di Sant'Agostino. Nell'affresco della controfacciata Amico palesò una sorta di «richiamo all'ordine», prima di intraprendere le scene più complesse e articolate della cappella, dove peraltro la struttura compositiva doveva anche adeguarsi alle esigenze narrative del ciclo. Nel Trasporto del Volto Santo prevalgono, invece, fisionomie meno caratterizzate in senso individuale o ritrattistico, tuttavia fortemente accentuate nelle espressioni e in certe grinte che si pongono quasi al limite del caricaturale. L'espressione leonardesca dell'uomo barbuto a sinistra, in primo piano, nel Trasporto del Volto Santo, ritorna nell'espressione arcigna del portatore di stendardo dei Tre Lanzichenecchi in un paesaggio, una stampa che Amico realizzò verso la fine del primo decennio. AMICO ASPERTINI A LUCCA Non è mai stata messa in dubbio l'attribuzione ad Aspertini degli affreschi della cappella di Sant'Agostino, che risale al Vasari, e la datazione era stata concordemente stabilita fra il 1508 e il 1509, sia per ragioni stilistiche che per i legami con altri avvenimenti della sua vita. Oggi, tuttavia, un nuovo e importante punto fermo viene ad aggiungersi alla cronologia del pittore bolognese e a confermare la data degli affreschi. Il 2 giugno 1508 Amico chiede al Consiglio Generale della città di Lucca la cittadinanza e la ottiene. In questo modo abbiamo la certezza documentaria della presenza in città del pittore bolognese, che ottiene da questa concessione notevoli privilegi sociali ed assicura al suo lavoro uno «status» più solido. Due bolognesi lavorano dunque a Lucca nella stessa chiesa; sembra quindi opportuno cercarne le ragioni nelle relazioni fra le due città e nella figura del committente degli affreschi. Pasquino da Monzone in Lunigiana aveva vissuto dal 1482 al 1489 a Bologna, nel convento di San Frediano dei Sacchi, fondato per i Canonici lucchesi che frequentavano lo Studio; inoltre, amministrava i beni della chiesa lucchese e contemporaneamente si era laureato in diritto. Un altro importante anello di congiunzione è la figura di Pietro da Lucca, canonico di San Frediano nel Monastero di San Giovanni in Monte a Bologna, predicatore insigne, che dedica uno dei suoi scritti morali alla figlia di Giovanni II Bentivoglio nel 1506, poco prima dunque che i tragici avvenimenti politici del novembre dello stesso anno spezzassero la signoria bentivolesca della città. Già a metà del 1508, però, la scelta di lasciare la città si era concretizzata, stando al documento del 2 giugno, con il quale Aspertini ottiene la cittadinanza lucchese. Dunque, tutto lascia pensare che alla fine del 1509 o nel corso del 1510 la parentesi lucchese fosse terminata. LA PALA DELLA CONTROFACCIATA La pala ad affresco, raffigurante la Madonna col Bambino fra i Santi Giovanni, Battista, Agata, Margherita e Sebastiano, è sempre stata concordemente attribuita ad Amico Aspertini dalle guide lucchesi del Settecento e Ottocento, ma non si aveva nessuna notizia documentaria di quest'opera. Sono state le importanti ricerche archivistiche della Tazartes, nel 1981, a gettare luce su alcuni episodi di committenza «popolare» nella chiesa di San Frediano, che riguardano appunto la decorazione della controfacciata. Esistevano infatti due altari ai lati della porta maggiore, uno a destra, dedicato ai Santi Pietro e Paolo, l'altro, a sinistra, a Santa Margherita, ricordati in alcuni libri di Memorie del monastero raccolte nel tardo Cinquecento. L'esecuzione della pala ad affresco è sempre stata collocata in un tempo prossimo al ciclo della cappella di Sant'Agostino (1508-1509), perché stilisticamente non se ne discosta molto, anche se la composizione sembrerebbe più arcaica persino degli affreschi di Santa Cecilia. Infatti, per l'impianto statico e lo statuario isolamento delle figure, la Sacra Conversazione è ancora in stretta relazione con la struttura delle pale del Costa, come la Pala de' Rossi in San Petronio datata 1492, e del Francia, come quella in San Martino del 1506 circa, che forniscono paralleli nel modello compositivo e anche nell'atteggiamento delle figure. Ma nell'affresco dell'Aspertini è scomparsa la struttura architettonica e le figure monumentali dei Santi si dispongono contro un cielo chiaro intorno alla Madonna, presentata come in una festa campestre, sotto una rustica tenda: è un motivo usato dall'Aspertini anche nella Nascita della Vergine della predella Strozzi (1500-1505 ca., Ferrara, Pinacoteca Nazionale) e nella Consegna della Regola nel lunettone destro nella cappella di Sant'Agostino in San Frediano, ed è molto frequente anche nel Costa. Le sottigliezze grafiche presenti nell'affresco sottoforma di un finto tratteggio incrociato, il forte segno che accompagna i contorni delle figure e i dettagli decorativi in ceroplastica (la collanina di corallo, la corona della Madonna, il bottone della camicia di Santa Margherita e le aureole) legano l'affresco alle precedenti esperienze del pittore e nello stesso tempo anticipano la decorazione della cappella di Sant'Agostino, nella quale darà prova di maggiore libertà nell'articolazione spaziale delle scene e nella scioltezza della pennellata. LE ALTRE OPERE LUCCHESI DI AMICO ASPERTINI La Madonna col Bambino in gloria e i Santi Giorgio, Giuseppe, Giovanni Evangelista e Sebastiano Inizialmente questa pala si trovava sull'altare maggiore della chiesa di San Cristoforo a Lucca e vi rimase fino al 1820, quando venne acquistata dalla Commissione per le Belle Arti e trasferita nella Pinacoteca di Villa Guinigi. Sulla suola del sandalo di San Giuseppe è ancora parzialmente visibile una lettera «A» in oro, che originariamente si intrecciava ad un'altra «A», che la Kropfinger von Kügelgen ancora leggeva nel 1973, dopo che erano state scoperte in seguito al restauro effettuato nel 1961 dalla Carusi. Sulla base di questa notizia, sembra lecito identificare uno dei due pannelli laterali con il San Cristoforo della Galleria Spada a Roma, mentre dell'altro, quello con San Biagio, non si hanno al momento notizie. Forse l'interruzione della parola «S. Petr…» si può interpretare come un dubbio, da parte dell'estensore della descrizione, sull'identità del Santo rappresentato. A Firenze, dove nel 1508 Fra' Bartolomeo era impegnato nella realizzazione del dipinto con Dio Padre, Santa Maria Maddalena e Santa Caterina da Siena richiesto dai domenicani del convento di San Piero Martire di Murano e ora nella Pinacoteca Guinigi di Lucca, Aspertini venne forse a sapere anche di quel giovane marchigiano molto promettente, che fino alla tarda estate dello stesso anno si era trattenuto in città. L'attribuzione del dipinto al pittore bolognese, risalente alle guide lucchesi dell'Ottocento, non è mai stata messa in dubbio per gli evidenti caratteri stilistici che presenta. Quanto alla datazione, è stata generalmente posta in relazione con il soggiorno di Aspertini a Lucca (1508-1509) per l'esecuzione degli affreschi della cappella di Sant'Agostino nella chiesa di San Frediano. San Cristoforo e San Luca Il recente ritrovamento della descrizione di come si presentava in origine la Madonna e i Santi, già sull'altare maggiore della chiesa di San Cristoforo a Lucca (oggi nella Galleria Spada a Roma), affiancata da due pannelli laterali con San Cristoforo e San Biagio, consente di ipotizzare che questa tavola (sulla quale sono raffigurati su un lato San Cristoforo e sul lato esterno, in monocromo, San Luca) possa aver fatto parte di quel complesso. Questa figura molto spesso manca nella tradizione italiana, mentre è frequente nella pittura e nella grafica nederlandese e tedesca del XV e XVI secolo. Nuova luce giunge ora dalla proposta, che si avanza sulla base della descrizione fornita dalla Visita Pastorale del 1561, di identificare questo San Cristoforo con uno dei pannelli laterali che affiancavano la Madonna in gloria e Santi, che originariamente si trovava sull'altare maggiore della chiesa di San Cristoforo a Lucca. Il San Luca a monocromo costituirebbe allora la facciata esterna dell'anta, restituendo alla pala nel suo complesso un aspetto abbastanza arcaico. Quest'opera documenta, più e meglio delle altre, i rapporti del pittore con la cultura nordica, tanto che lo Hermanin la attribuiva a un artista della Germania centrale della prima metà del Cinquecento. Insieme agli affreschi di San Frediano, questa pala costituisce un'importante testimonianza della costante attenzione prestata da amico alla cultura d'Oltrape. Quella impiegata qui dall'Aspertini è, in effetti, un tipo di rappresentazione più frequente nel Nord Europa: si nota, infatti, una stretta vicinanza del volto di San Cristoforo a quello del Santo omologo al centro della pala dei Quattordici Intercessori di Lucas Cranach oppure alle fisionomie degli astanti nel Cristo fra i Dottori di Dürer. Quanto al San Luca, raffigurato sulla faccia esterna della tavola, viene visto da Zeri come il «massimo documento» dei suoi rapporti con l'arte tedesca: e in effetti l'accentuato grafismo di questa immagine e la perspicacia dell'occhio che indaga tutti i dettagli dell'arredo, del paesaggio, del bue e dell'angelo, lo avvicinano molto alle stampe, e in particolare a quelle tedesche (si veda anche l'aspetto «nordico» del castello sullo sfondo). Nella figura di San Luca tali suggestioni nordiche si accompagnano a reminescenze neo-medievali: ad esempio, nella precaria collocazione della figura e nella disposizione diagonale dello scrittoio, Aspertini sembra far riferimento al gotico bolognese e in particolare, come sottolinea la Faietti, al San Gregorio nello studio dello Pseudo-Jacobino (che si trova nella Pinacoteca Nazionale di Bologna). Quanto alla collocazione cronologica, era stato il Grassi a proporre un collegamento con la Pala della Pinacoteca di Lucca, leggendo entrambe le opere come preludio alla pala di San Martino a Bologna: una relazione stilistica che ha trovato poi conferma nella descrizione della Visita Pastorale. Inoltre, la scoperta fra i padrini al battesimo del figlio Alessandro nel 1511 del cardinale Domenico Grimani, confermerebbe questo rapporto con la città lagunare. La pala di San Cristoforo, al pari degli affreschi di San Frediano, si colloca quindi in un momento di svolta del percorso culturale di Amico. Più di quanto aveva fatto in passato, Amico istituisce un nesso profondo tra irregolarità del volto ed espressione del sentimento interiore. Del resto, l'ambiente bolognese era piuttosto aperto agli studi promossi da Achillini. Alla fine del primo decennio del Cinquecento e nel corso del secondo, l'artista prosegue la sua diversione dagli ideali classici di bellezza, accentuando l'interesse per l'introspezione psicologica, sia nel genere della ritrattistica sia nelle pale d'altare. In effetti, nel 1511 Aspertini ha l'onore di annoverarlo tra i padrini al battesimo del figlio Alessandro. Nella chiesa bolognese di San Martino, in cui si trovava la cappella della famiglia Achillini, anche Amico ebbe la sua sepoltura. La soluzione artistica prospettata da Amico non era probabilmente del tutto consapevole della complessa visione filosofica degli Achillini.

This paper will first define the words and terms applicable to the topic of light infantry that appear in eighteenth-century literature so that there is an understanding of how an eighteenth-century soldier conceived of warfare. After establishing this connection, this paper will follow a chronological chain of events that focuses on the creation of regular light infantry in European armies in Europe and North America from the War of the Austrian Succession (1740-1748) until the beginning of the Revolutionary War (1740-1775), how those events influenced Washington, the first use of light troops during the Revolutionary War, and how the Continental light infantry developed through the war. This paper will not delve into the intricacies of battles because historians have well-examined the few notable battles involving the Continental light infantry. However, this paper will draw from battles the tactics that highlight the regular and irregular methods used by the light infantry and highlight details from campaigns and battles that depict how Washington and other leaders employed the light infantry. This paper argues that Washington recognized that trained, properly equipped, and competently led light infantry was more effective against regular and irregular enemies, rather than other American irregular light troops that often proved ineffective against those same enemies. Washington based his decision first, by drawing from his military experiences on the North American frontier, and second from European theory and practical application of regular light infantry forces in European armies. ; Master of Arts in Military History ; "The Picked Corps of the American Army": The Light Infantry of the Continental ArmyBrian K. GerringA paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for theMaster of Arts in Military HistoryNorwich UniversityMH 562D Capstone PaperDr. John RocheAugust 23, 2020 Gerring 1This position is only twenty miles from New York island; and was accordingly occupied by the van guard, consisting of light infantry; that is to say, the picked corps of the American army.—Marquis de Chastellux, Travels in North-AmericaThe history of the War of American Independence is replete with studies of military campaigns, leaders, weapons, and tactics. Historians frequently focus on particularmilitary units that have becomeingrained into American folklore concerning the war, such as the minutemenmilitia or Daniel Morgan's riflemen. Even the broadtopicof the Continental Army receives an adequate amount of scholarly consideration. However, one element within the army's structure that does not receive significant attention is the light infantry. Writing in 1900, Henry Johnston noted this absence of research concerning the Continental light infantry, concluding that "our books contain little about them."1In 1926, John Wrightsimilarly noted that the Continental light infantry suffered from scholarly neglect.2There has been minimal scholarly research into the Continental light infantry nearly a century later. When scholars do mention the Continental light infantry, they relegate those forces to a paragraph or two containing some form of exposition.This paper will begin to fill that scholarly voidby providing abroad overview of the history of the Continental light infantry.The inattention from historians towards theContinental light infantry likely stems from the seemingly insignificant role these forces played in the Revolutionary War's overall outcome.While onlybriefly touching on that topic, this paper arguesthat the Continental light infantry did fulfill a unique role for the army during the war. The Continental light infantry wasso unique that John Wright assessed them asthe first elite unit created within the regular American army 1Henry P. Johnston, The Storming of Stony Point (New York: James T. White, 1900), 68.2John W. Wright, "The Corps of Light Infantry in the Continental Army," The American Historical Review31, no. 3 (1926): 461. Gerring 52perception proved that the regular light infantry wassuddenly the preeminentelite force within the Continental Army.Wayne also advocated for a distinct uniform for the light infantry, which again indicatestheir status as elite troops. Contemporary troops considered as elite wore something unique, either headgear or uniforms—the most notable examples were the tall grenadier caps covered in bear fur and leather helmets of the British dragoons and light infantry.252Wayne wrote to Washington,expressing that as the commander of the corps, he should "have it in our power to Introduce Uniformity among the Light Corps belonging to the Respective States, andInfuse a Laudable pride and Emulation into the Whole."253He further concluded that the light infantry should have:an Elegant Uniform & Soldierly appearance—so much so that I would much rather risque my life and Reputation at the Head of the same men in an attack Clothed & Appointed as I could wish, with a Single Charge of Amunition—than to take them as they appear in Common with Sixty Rounds of Cartridges.254However, Washington opposed the outfitting of the light infantry with distinctive uniforms, noting that "the Light Infantry being only considered as detachments from the line ought to bear the uniform of the Regiments from which they are taken."255Despite this, Wayne did order the light infantry under his command to adorn their caps with hair, which was not a regular standard for the army's headgear.256252Cuthbertson's suggestion that light infantry should wear "jackets made from old coats . . . and snug little caps composed from old hats, and the pairing of the coat skirts" is evident in the British light infantry uniforms during the Revolutionary War. Bennett Cuthbertson, Cuthbertson's System for Management for the Complete Interior of a Battalion of Infantry, rev. ed. (Bristol: Rouths and Nelson, 1776), 190-191.253"From Brigadier General Anthony Wayne," July 4, 1779, Fort Montgomery, in PGW, https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/GEWN-03-21-02-0289[accessed 28 Jun 2020].254Ibid. 255"To Brigadier General Anthony Wayne," September 14, 1779, West Point, in PGW, https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/GEWN-03-22-02-0353[accessed 28 Jun 2020].256Robert Gamble, "The Orderly Book of Captain Robert Gamble[. . .]," in Collections of the Virginia Historical and Philosophical Society[. . .] (Richmond: T. W. White, 1833), 256. Gerring 53Congruent with the light infantry under Wayne in the main army was the light infantry operating with MajorGeneral John Sullivan. Washington tasked Sullivan to engage and destroy most of the Indians of the Six Nations, including any Tory allies and any British troops,in western New Yorkin late spring of 1779. Washington originally devised that a quarter of the troops participating in this campaign would "harrass and distract the enemy, and create diversions, in favor of the principal operation," which are known aspects of lapetite guerre.257However, Washington's later conception of the campaign involved Sullivan operating in the irregular tactics of the Indians, coupled with regular tactics. Washington suggested to Sullivan:as general rules ought to govern your operations—to make rather than receive attacks attended with as much impetuosity, shouting and noise as possible, and to make the troops act in a loose and dispersed a way as is consistent with a proper degree of government concert and mutual support—It should be previously impressed on the upon the minds of the men when ever they have an opportunity, to rush on with the warhoop and fixed bayonet—Nothing will disconcert the Indians more than this.258This reflects that Washington relied on his experiences because he understood howto engage and defeat Indians using proven combat-tested methods. Sullivan began his campaign on June 18, 1779 after months of extensive preparations. During Sullivan's Expedition, there was a designated light corps composed of various troops under the command of BrigadierGeneral Edward Hand.259Some of these troops were regular light infantry companies. Captain Leonard Bleeker—the Major of the Brigade for BrigadierGeneral James Clinton—records that each of the four regular regiments in Clinton's brigadehad 257"To Major General Horatio Gates," March 6, 1779, Middlebrook, in PGW, https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/GEWN-03-19-02-0391[accessed 07Jun 2020].258"To Major General John Sullivan," May 31, 1779, Middlebrook, in PGW, https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/GEWN-03-20-02-0661[accessed 07Jun 2020].259Dearborn, Journals of Henry Dearborn,164; Adam Hubley to Hand, June 22, 1779, Sunbury, in Linn and Egle, Pennsylvania in the War, 2:11. Gerring 54light infantry companies.260Bleeker notes that these light infantry companies operated in conjunction with riflemen under Hand.261Therefore, these light infantry soldiers operated more in-line with the light troops at Saratoga, which were a combination of riflemen and designated light infantry troops. It is unlikely these light infantry troops receivedthe same training as Wayne's troops because the two bodies of troops were separate from each otherand Wayne was actively conducting operationsduring Sullivan's Expedition. Despite this, Hand's corps did containsome troops with experiencein light operations, such as some remnants of Morgan's Regiment.262During movement, Hand's light corps acted as the forward element, staying a mile in front of Sullivan's troops.263If attacked on the move, the light corps acted as a maneuver element to either surround the enemy or move through the regular troop formation to form a rear-guard.264The light corps routinely operated well in advance and detached from the main force.265Due to their ability to move quickly, Hand's light corps also operated as a quick reaction force.266On one occasion after Sullivan's troops repelled an ambush, the light infantry chased the fleeing Indians three miles.267On August 13, Hand led a portion of the light infantry in advance of the armyoutside the village of Chemung; Indians ambushed this force, and the light 260Leonard Bleeker, The Order Book of Captain Leonard Bleeker, Major of Brigade[. . .] (New York: Joseph Sabin, 1865), 104-105, 128. The Major of the Brigade was the Brigade Inspector, which operated under the auspice of the Continental Army's Inspector General, see Bleeker, Order Book,11-12. The four regiments under Clinton were the 3rd, 4th, 5th New York, and the 7th Massachusetts, see Dearborn, Journals of Henry Dearborn,165n28. 261Bleeker, Order Book, 128.262Richard B. LaCrosse, Revolutionary Rangers: Daniel Morgan's Riflemen and Their Role on the Northern Frontier, 1778-1783(Westminster, MD: Heritage Books, 2007), 46-48, 119.263Dearborn, Journals of Henry Dearborn,165.264Ibid., 166-168.265Linn and Egle, Pennsylvania in the War, 2:17.266Dearborn, Journals of Henry Dearborn,186; Adam Hubley, "Journal of Lieutenant-Colonel Adam Hubley," in Journals of the Military Expedition of Major General John Sullivan, ed. Frederick Cook (Auburn, NY: Knapp, Peck, Thomson, 1887), 150.267Ibid., 178. Gerring 75Martin, James Kirby and Mark Edward Lender. 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