Extraterritorial Taxation #10: Violating Human Rights
In: SEAT Working Paper Series #2023/10 (June 5, 2023).
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In: SEAT Working Paper Series #2023/10 (June 5, 2023).
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In: SEAT Working Paper Series #2023/11 (June 5, 2023).
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In: SEAT Working Paper Series #2023/12 (June 5, 2023).
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In: SEAT Working Paper Series #2023/13 (June 5, 2023).
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In: SEAT Working Paper Series #2023/15 (June 5, 2023).
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In: SEAT Working Paper Series #2023/16 (June 5, 2023).
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In: Zeitschrift für Rechtssoziologie. 2023. https://doi.org/10.1515/zfrs-2023-2007
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In: Banco de Espana Article 2023/Q1 Article 05, 2023
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In: Bruegel | Working Paper | Issue 17/2023 | 05 October 2023
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In: Concurrences N° 4-2023, Art. N° 115114, November 2023
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In: Nationalities papers: the journal of nationalism and ethnicity, p. 1-19
ISSN: 1465-3923
Abstract
Latvia's far right has had a great deal of political influence since the late 1980s, when nativist movements played a key role in mobilizing political opposition to Soviet power. Far-right parties have been in 16 of the 22 government coalitions in Latvia between 1993 and 2023. Since 2010, the National Alliance (NA), a merger between an established far-right party and a more youthful political party, has come to dominate Latvia's far right and has been a part of every government coalition from 2011-2023. This article begins with a discussion of Europeanization, the Europeanization of political parties, and the qualitative methodology used in the article to examine the impact of Latvia's membership in the European Union on NA's international links and program. The article then outlines the development and influence of Latvia's far-right. The following sections examine links between Latvia's far right and Europe's far right and the impact of Europe on NA's ideology and program. It finds little evidence of Europeanization of Latvia's far right. Latvia's far right is more hawkish toward Russia than the West European right and also enjoys greater domestic influence and respectability. "New nativist" anti-immigration and cultural Marxism themes have lower salience in Latvia where Russian-speakers are perceived as a bigger and more immediate threat than Muslims or "Woke" activists.
The plates are lithographs. ; Found also in the Congressional series of public documents, serial no. 505. ; Published also, with Reports of J.W. Abert and P. St. G. Cooke, and Journal of A.R. Johnston, as House doc. 41, 30th Cong., 1st sess. ; "December 16, 1847. Read, and ordered to be printed; and that 1,000 copies, in addition to the usual number, be printed for the use of the Senate." ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Library's copy signed on front pastedown.
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In: Jahrbuch für historische Kommunismusforschung 2023
Die Stabilität autoritärer Ordnungen beruht auf ihrer Fähigkeit, Kontrolle auszuüben und tatsächliche oder vermeintliche Gegner zu unterdrücken. Nach Stalins Tod 1953 bedienten sich kommunistische Regime unterschiedlicher Methoden der Herrschaftssicherung, die sich im Laufe der Zeit veränderten: Setzten sie anfangs zumeist weiterhin auf Terror und Willkür, wurden Repressionen und Kontrollmechanismen später zunehmend "verregelt". Die Beiträge des Jahrbuches für Historische Kommunismusforschung 2023 beschreiben, auf welche Weise Ordnungen in staatssozialistischen Gesellschaften durchgesetzt und gefestigt wurden. Im Zentrum stehen die Jahrzehnte nach dem Tod Stalins bis in die frühen 1980er-Jahre. In dieser Phase nahmen Repressions- und Kontrollpraktiken neue Formen an. Denn alle spätsozialistischen Regime konnten die innergesellschaftliche Stabilität nur aufrechterhalten, indem sie begrenzte Formen der Partizipation zuließen. Derartige Zugeständnisse verlangten jedoch nach einer Professionalisierung von Kontrollmechanismen, damit aus Stimmungen und Meinungen kein offener Widerstand erwuchs.
In: Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai. Studia Europaea, Volume 68, Issue 1, p. 321-344
ISSN: 2065-9563
"It is very important for countries to stimulate their economic prosperity and reduce poverty. While it is commonly accepted that education of all forms enhances economic performance of a country, yet the question of which level of education, secondary or tertiary, is more important to fuel the economy is not conclusively answered. The finding in Avraham Cohen's PhD thesis is that education, as measured by published research, is strongly associated with Artificial Intelligence index of countries. Also, he found that AI is strongly associated with GDP. His findings encourage the idea that higher education, which is needed for Artificial Intelligence (AI), will be a dominant factor for economic growth in general; hereby, policy makers should invest in higher education to ensure economic affluence. Enrollment rates for higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa are by far the lowest in the world and the academic research output in the region is among the world's lowest. Because of a belief that primary and secondary schooling are more important than tertiary education for poverty reduction, the international development community has encouraged African governments' relative neglect of higher education. Using methodology of fuzzy logic-based soft regression, this study challenges these beliefs and demonstrates that economic growth is almost exclusively determined by higher education. Also, the importance of higher education relative to secondary education is more so in recent years relative to a decade or two ago. Motivated by this finding, I propose to find the right branch of higher education for every country based on its economic competitive advantage that will impact its economic growth best. Keywords: Education, Economic Growth, Artificial Intelligence, fuzzy logic, soft regression"
In: Confraternitas, Volume 12, Issue 1, p. 36-37