Suchergebnisse

The article is devoted to the analysis of the evolution, nature and content of Russia-EU political relations, formally established by the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) of 1994. The paradigm of building a united Europe and a common European security space in line with overcoming post-bipolar confrontation and the emergence of post-Soviet Russia as well as the European Union, established in 1992, as new actors in international arena became the basis for their cooperative relations, which was built towards strategic partnership. It was strengthened at the turn of the 2000s, including on the basis of mutual strategies of relations, when Russia's "European choice" was declared and the EU's "new dynamics" in security and defense dimension were initiated. However, the NATO-centric model of European security and the policy of expanding Euro-Atlantic institutions to the East created a potential for conflict, and Russia-EU cooperation entered a phase of a latent crisis, especially as a result of differing interests in the so-called common neighborhood. Attempts at a new strategic start by the adoption of Russia-EU Roadmaps on the four common spaces and by planning the negotiations on a new basic agreement failed to overcome fundamental disagreements and contradictions. The Ukrainian conflict became the culmination of the Russian-European crisis and fundamentally changed the direction and content of Russia — EU relations. The defining of the future strategy of relations is becoming increasingly acute, which is considered in the article as a challenge of strategic choice for the parties. The author substantiates the prospect of overcoming the "new normality", which is boils down to maintaining a controlled mutual deterrence, although it does not exclude the option of terminating the Russia-EU legal relations ("breakesit").

In the article the analysis of the influence of economic and political factors of society development and the variability of their influence on the formation of positive socio-political climate in the Soviet Union, 1965-1985. The main focus is on economic performance, with subsequent evaluation of the role of major historical personalities (L. I. Brezhnev, A. N. Kosygin, M. A. Suslov) on the formation aspects have a direct or indirect influence on social and political interaction. Investigates the legitimacy of the use of the thesis and interconnection of economic and political aspects in the formation of socio-political interactions on the example of the most important major economic and political events, such as the economic reform of 1965. In this study used several scientific and honest scientific methods such as analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, comparative and descriptive methods of research characteristic of modern historical science. The novelty of this study is a comprehensive consideration of the economic and political aspects through the prism of influence on the formation of positive public and political climate in the region. The practical importance of this article is the possibility of subsequent use of this study for the preparation of a complex of works on Russian history and the history of Astrakhan Region.

1. Introduction: A Civilian Response to State Terror -- 2. Political Technologies of Registration and Denunciation of State Violence -- 3. How to sustain a human rights organisation under state violence -- 4. Professions and Profiles: Epistemic Communities and the Registration of Human Rights Violations -- 5. Making state violence visible: Documenting, investigating and denouncing atrocities -- 6. The repertoire of Political violence: naming, defining and classifying -- 7. Registration and documentation of State violence as judicial evidence in human rights trials -- 8. Conclusion: Documentation of State Terrorism as Resistance -- 9. Epilogue

In this paper I consider how the increase of Public-Private Partnerships (P3s) in Canada now threatens the autonomy of municipal water services. P3s have gained traction since the 1990s as a mechanism of private alternative service delivery that replace traditional public provision. Over the past decade, P3s have been actively promoted by the state via quasi-government agencies such as Public-Private Partnerships Canada (PPP Canada), yet their results have been markedly poor. Nevertheless, P3s are now being situated as a key mechanism in the neoliberal (re)regulation of public services, regardless of their shortcomings and inequities. With this in mind, I frame recent Federal policy changes concerning the funding of local water infrastructure and services and their implementation through such agencies as PPP Canada as expressions of post-political governance in Canada. I argue that the capacity for local decision-making concerning this integral social and ecological service is being overwhelmed by a technocratic, expert-driven political process that is contingent on the hegemony of economic austerity to institute municipal water privatization, free from democratic accountability. Bestellen über Zugriff(Open Access)

From a decidedly multidisciplinary perspective, the articles in Transnational Political Spaces address the notion that political space is no longer fully congruent with national borders. Instead there are areas called transnational political spaces—caused by factors such as migration and social transformation—where policy occurs oblivious to national pressure. Organized into three sections—transnational actors, transnational spaces, and critical encounters—this volume explains how these spaces are formed and defined and how they can be traced and conceptualized.Aus interdisziplinärer Perspektive gehen die Beiträge der Frage nach, wie transnationale politische Räume hervorgebracht und gestaltet werden. Dabei sind diese nicht rein territorial definiert: Einbezogen werden Identitäten und Interaktionen, die nationale Grenzen überschreiten – wie sie etwa durch Migration entstehen.

AbstractThis note addresses questions relating to the level of women's political activity and specific obstacles that restrict it. The work of Black and McGlen, showing a decrease in the traditional participation differences between Canadian men and women, is replicated over an expanded series of six national election studies. The results challenge the suggestion that there has been a decline in difference over time, and there is an attempt to account for this lingering distinction between the genders. Data are presented which indicate that the presence of children in the home has a much more constraining impact upon women's political activity than upon that of men.

One of few serious academic studies of Chomsky's political writing, this volume addresses many key issues in political theory through an engagement with Chomsky's ideas. Subjects covered include equality and freedom, politics and the media.

The aim of the given work is to identify and classify the types of political discourses that (may) exist in any particular society. Compared to existing definitions and classifications, our purpose serves a practical goal of schematic classification of political discourses. The article intends to give a starting point for a general classification and typology that will be elaborated within the framework of future research, as typology of discourse specimens is the least developed area of the field (van Dijk, 1997). Definitions/typologies that have been made until now are more of a theoretical character and, therefore, it would be useful to create more concrete mental pictures (expressed in the forms of schemata) that will enable us to operate easier with the concepts discussed while studying the subject. The article starts with the general definition of the term(s) and links the concept of discourse to other concepts like narrative, frame, ideology, discursive strategy. As we try to show the ideology/narrative/discourse link, formulation of corresponding schemes also gain importance in order to have a clearer mental picture of the above mentioned correlation. In parallel with the above mentioned points we also emphasize correlation between the dominant / secondary discourses with specific focus on ideological differences/power struggle.