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Derek Gregory and Allan Pred's Violent Geographies gathers together a group of young and well established geographers to look at how territory and space delimit and shape both terrorism and political violence in wide range of places, from the Middle East to Latin America. In short, the book shows how physical violence, especially terrorism, disrupts the distinction between the global and the local by injecting transnational politics into the intimacies of everyday life.

Three main perspectives about the political involvement of aging citizens -- disengagement theory, selective withdrawal, & cohort composition theory -- were explored using data from a 3-wave panel study conducted in 1965, 1973, & 1982 with US adults (N = 1,562, 1,179, & 898, respectively) aged 53-70. With cohort deprivation ruled out by the panel design & period effects controlled for statistically, effects of aging on participation remained. Although the more passive forms of political involvement remained rather steady, participation in the more demanding modes declined following the transition to old age. Those declines were partly offset by increased involvement of the elderly in age-appropriate activities that can have direct political consequences. 4 Tables, 1 Figure, 28 References. Modified HA

This paper aims to develop an analytical framework different types of political coalitions between unions and community organisations. It presents a four part framework that categorises different types of coalitions according to their form and power, and describes the possibilities and limitations of each.

This paper aims to develop an analytical framework different types of political coalitions between unions and community organisations. It presents a four part framework that categorises different types of coalitions according to their form and power, and describes the possibilities and limitations of each.

In his valuable contribution to this special issue, Richard Pierce underscores the role the Administrative Conference of the United States ("ACUS") has played over the years in encouraging on the ground fact-finding by its consultants, who have usually been academics consulted at the beginning of careers that ever after would be marked by this encounter with the realities of the administrative process. As the mentee of Walter Gellhorn, who directed the remarkable empirical studies of federal agency procedures that underlay the eventual Administrative Procedure Act ("APA") and who was a member of the ACUS Council from its initiation in 1964 until the end of its first active period, perhaps its most active member, it is easy to agree. My own first serious essay into administrative law scholarship, arranged by Walter, was an ACUS project that placed me for two months at the Bureau of Land Management offices in Denver, Colorado, observing how policy decisions concerning land use issues hap pened to arise in both adjudications and rulemakings – and learning that the prevailing supposition that agencies chose from the top which of these procedural routes to pursue was (at least there) unrealistic. Not unimportantly, the empirical research ACUS has promoted – like mine, like Professor Pierce's, and like the others' he recounts – has been research requiring physical presence and observation – interviews and facts on the ground more than the disembodied data sets that fuel the "empirical" research of economists and many political scientists. Next to actually serving in an administrative agency (the deepest of educational experiences about the subject we teach), it is research like this that is most likely to free the young scholar from the illusion that administrative law is all about, as Louis Jaffe once put it, "Judicial Control of Administrative Action." What a contribution, then, ACUS has made not only to improvements in the functioning of government, but also to the way in which administrative law is presented in law school classrooms and written about in the academic literature.

The aim of the study was to clarify the psychological content of assessments of the Ukrainian-Polish conflict of 1943–1944 by the current Ukrainian population of Volyn and Galicia. 100 residents were surveyed using a semi-standardized interview. The answers were processed with content analysis, χ2 criterion, and cluster analysis. Ignorance and uncertainty dominated the events assessments. As a result of quantitative procedures, their content became more specific in such psychological positions: evasive-defensive, compromise-defensive, denial-defensive, humanistic-compassionate, political-accusatory, and self-blaming. The evasive-defensive position was manifested in the reluctance to learn about painful events, avoidance of uncomfortable thoughts, and soft justification of Ukrainians. The compromise-defensive position was to focus on the objective content of the events, acknowledge the mutual guilt of Ukrainians and Poles, and propose not to "stir up" the past. Evidence of the denial-defensive position was denying the importance of the events or the reference to third sides' provocations. Humanistic-compassionate position included the emphasis on the tragic nature of events, the expression of pity for the dead, and the need to draw the right conclusions. The political-accusatory position meant the negative assessments and accusations of Poles, the unappealable justification of Ukrainians, and the use of patriotic rhetoric. The self-blaming position was embodied in the recognition of the greater guilt of Ukrainians and the need to apologize to Poles.

Empirical research on the relationship between political trust and political participation has rarely focused on adolescents. By acknowledging the important role of young people for the sustainability of representative democracies, this study considers a two-dimensional conceptualization of political trust—that is, distinguishing between trust in order institutions (e.g., the police) and trust in representative institutions (e.g., the parliament)—to examine how it relates to several intended acts of legal and illegal political participation among Flemish eight-grade adolescents. Using structural equation modelling on data from the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) 2016 ( n = 2,829), we find that Flemish adolescents with lower levels of trust in representative institutions are more likely to withdraw from political life as adults. Those with lower levels of trust in order institutions, however, have a stronger inclination to use a range of political participation modes, including illegal means.

Preliminary Materials /E.P. Rakel -- Chapter One. Theoretical Framework /E.P. Rakel -- Chapter Two. Power Structures And Factional Rivalries In The Islamic Republic Of Iran /E.P. Rakel -- Chapter Three. Factional Rivalries And Economic Policies /E.P. Rakel -- Chapter Four. Factional Rivalries And Socio-Cultural Developments /E.P. Rakel -- Chapter Five. Factional Rivalries And Foreign Policy /E.P. Rakel -- Chapter Six. Factional Rivalries And Iran-European Union Relations /E.P. Rakel -- Chapter Seven. The European Union Policy Towards Iran /E.P. Rakel -- Conclusion /E.P. Rakel -- Appendices /E.P. Rakel -- Glossary /E.P. Rakel -- References /E.P. Rakel -- Important Websites From Iran Of Members Of The Political Elite, State Organizations, Non-Governmental Organizations, And Intellectuals/Political Activists /E.P. Rakel -- Index /E.P. Rakel.