Suchergebnisse

Food insecurity in smallholder coffee growing communities is recognized as a problem "deserving of a response that reflects its reach" (Caswell 2012, 1). Subject to structural factors including unstable coffee prices, extreme weather shocks, food price swings, smallholder coffee farming households must also access sufficient food and healthy diets amidst an historical trajectory that has incentivized homogenization of available land to coffee cultivation, and restriction of food production, leaving them even more vulnerable to seasonal hunger and chronic malnutrition. Although the relationship between coffee and food insecurity is recognized, its multiscalar dynamics have not been well understood. In this study I investigate and outline the "chain of explanation" (Robbins 2012, 88) of why food insecurity is so persistent in smallholder coffee growing communities. I explore the manifestations of seasonal and chronic hunger, as well as food resilience, which play out in eight first-level cooperatives that are participants in the Youth Leadership and Food Sovereignty Project executed by the cooperative organization the UCA San Ramón, in the department of Matagalpa in northern Nicaragua. Using a combined framework of political ecology, agroecology, and food security and sovereignty, I focus especially on the relationships that contribute to the phenomenon of hunger and insecurity in the eight cooperatives, identifying factors besides overdependence on coffee production on income that contribute to the phenomenon as it manifests in each of the eight cooperatives. My major findings agree with the established understanding that economic dependence on one cash crop (be it coffee or basic grains) leaves farming households unable to provide for themselves during the entire year. I find that more balanced dependence on two or more cash crops is related to longer periods of household provisioning. I also find that finance cycles that farmers must use to purchase seed and food exacerbate the situation. Other factors include ...

The modern society is characterized by a deterioration of socio-economic conditions of life and challenging political situation. In such circumstances, the socialization of many children occurs outside the family and educational institutions, which leads to the formation of values and life orientations and psychological characteristics of teenagers under the negative influence of factors that differ from the generally accepted norms of law, culture and morality in society. To correct negative phenomena of deviant behavior in youth centers of social services for families, youth and children implement a system of measures which at preventing deviant behavior: role-plays, dialogues, video lectures, trainings, conversations, mini lectures; mobile advisory services are organized in rural areas and remote regions of the country, these are involved in the cooperation with specialists from various fields. The social prevention of teenage deviant behavior is based on identifying adverse psychobiological conditions, psychological and pedagogical factors that cause deviations in the social and mental development of teenagers, in their health, behavior, and leisure activities.Professionals should utilize the following methods of corrective education for deviant teenagers: until the teenager has fulfilled social and psychological adaptation, it is worth reducing the requirements for him; to involve him in joint activities, to stimulate the development of creative potential, self-expression; emulate situations of success, develop appropriate incentive measures; express and explain positive behaviors and so on. This system of methods will help to consistently guide teenagers toward self-education, which should become an important factor in the prevention of deviant behavior for the future. ; Для сучасного суспільства характерним є погіршення соціально-економічних умов життя та складна політична ситуація. У цих умовах соціалізація багатьохдітей відбувається поза родиною і за межами навчально-виховних закладів, що призводить до формування ціннісних і життєвих орієнтацій, психологічних осо-бливостей підлітків під негативним впливом чинників, що відрізняються від загальноприйнятих у суспільстві норм права, культури, моралі. Для корегування негативних явищ, девіантної поведінки у молодіжному середовищі центрами соціальних служб для родини, молоді та дітей реалізовується система заходів, що має профілактичний характер: рольові ігри, діалоги, відеолекторії, тренінги, бесіди, міні-лекції; організовуються мобільні консультативні точки по селах та віддалених районах країни, залучаються до співпраці фахівці інших галузей. Соціальна профілактика девіантної поведінки підлітків базується на тому, щобвиявити несприятливі психобіологічні умови, психолого-педагогічні чинники, які спричиняють відхилення у соціальному і психічному розвиткові підлітків, уїхньому стані здоров'я, поведінці, організації вільного часу. Фахівцям варто використовувати наступні методи корекційного виховання підлітків-девіантів: доки підліток не пройшов соціальну та психологічну адаптацію, варто знизити вимоги до нього; залучати його до спільної діяльності, стимулювати розвиток творчого потенціалу, самовираження; організовувати ситуації успіху, розробити належні заходи для заохочення; виражати і роз'яснювати позитивні способи поведінки тощо. Така система методів допоможе послідовно орієнтувати підлітка на самовиховання, що має стати важливим чинником профілактики девіантної поведінки на майбутнє.

Abstract
Since 2018, climate mobilizations have been shaping political life in Europe. Young people are at the heart of this mobilization, both because of their massive nationwide presence in intergenerational demonstrations, but also because of their own modes of action, such as the climate strikes that have been emerging since January 2019. Within these mobilizations, forms of radicalism are expressed through an important support for civil disobedience, such as blocking actions, as well as support – for a significant part of protestors – for material damage. This paper analyzes the new forms of youth radicalism in their link to the social determinations of the awareness of the climate catastrophe. Based on a demonstration survey concerning three French cities for the strike of March 15, 2019, and in Paris for the strike of September 20th, which collected more than 1,800 questionnaires, this paper sets out to show the sociological profiles of radical individuals, which distinguish themselves by significant cultural capital and left-wing familial political socialization. The exploitation of the data collected shows that these new forms of radicalism are conditioned by an awareness of the climate emergency, deeply linked to family legacies and specific academic curricula. The radicalization of inherited dispositions leads these individuals to go beyond the legality/illegality framework, and to favor a debate on the effectiveness of the means of action, in which the link with conventional democratic participation is constantly questioned.

Summary: Approximately 50 years ago, Blacks were refused the right to sit down and receive service at lunch counters in most variety stores, drug stores, department stores, and restaurants in the South (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People [NAACP], 1962). On February 1, 1960, four young Black men of North Carolina Agricultural & Technical State University (NC A&T) defied this prejudiced system by sitting down at an all-White Woolworth lunch counter and demanding to be served (Dykeman & Stokely, 1960). The press reported the incident, which immediately empowered other young students across the country to take a stand by sitting-down (Dienstfrey, 1960). Within just two months, sit-ins spread to over 60 Southern cities ("Dixie Negroes," 1960). Although Pensacola, Florida, became involved in the national sit-in movement just months after the Greensboro Four's demonstration ("Klansmen Want Sheriff," 1960), little of this history was known since most of the lived experiences remained undocumented prior to this study. This study addressed the role of the NAACP Youth Council's (YC) civil rights protests on desegregating the lunch counters of Pensacola, Florida. By implementing Busha and Harter's (1980) methods of historical inquiry, data were collected through archival research, site-based research, and interviews. Data were then analyzed and triangulated. While archival sources were organized to provide a chronological framework for the study, site-based data provided a geographical framework for the study. Interviews then provided personal first-hand emotions and experiences of individuals in the social and political setting. The results of this study are a detailed account of how protests were organized, sustained, and implemented in Pensacola. ; 2015-06-01 ; Ed.D. ; Department of Research and Advanced Studies ; Doctorate

Children and youths living in areas of political conflict are at increased risk of mental health problems, but little is known about psychosocial adjustment among ethnic minorities living in war-afflicted settings. This cross-sectional study used an ecological approach to investigate the unique contributions of child, family/social, and minority related factors as well as traumatic exposure and perceived discrimination to the mental health of 167 Druze adolescents in Northern Israel. Outcome measures included participants' self-reported posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms, psychological distress, and emotional and behavioral problems. Adolescents reported high indirect exposure, moderate discrimination, strong ethnic identity and high religious involvement. Regression analyses showed that female gender, number of traumatic events, and perceived discrimination were associated with more severe mental health outcomes. In addition, low social support and high religious involvement predicted increased PTSD symptom severity, while stronger ethnic identity was associated with less emotional and behavioral problems. Findings are discussed in terms of the cultural characteristics of the Druze community and highlight the need to consider additional stressors, such as discrimination, when working with ethnic minority youth in conflict zones.

Este estudio se centra en las estrategias territoriales utilizadas por las autoridades estatales para organizar el territorio político hondureño. La tesis central es que las autoridades estatales no desarrollaron una estrategia territorial de soberanía, en su lugar permitieron la existencia de varias estrategias territoriales, las cuales estaban bajo dominio de las distintas elites dominantes, en el mismo espacio político. Las múltiples estrategias dentro del espacio político hondureño no produjo un espacio homogéneo y unificado, sino produjo un espacio nacional fracturado. Asimismo, las múltiples estrategias condujo al surgimiento de varios territorios y enclaves dentro de un mismo espacio político. La ausencia de una estrategia territorial de soberanía se expone con el intento de las autoridades estatales de controlar a las pandillas (o maras) hondureñas. Las pandillas desarrollaron su propia estrategia territorial, controlando algunas zonas urbanas marginales. La diferencia entre las estrategias territoriales de ambos conduce a veces a disputas y enfrentamientos por el territorio. ; This investigation focuses on the territorial strategies used by the state authorities to organize political territory in Honduras. The central thesis is that Honduran authorities did not develop a national territorial strategy, instead authorities permitted various territorial strategies, which were controlled by different dominant elites, within its political space. The multiple territorial strategies did not produce a homogenized, fragmented national space rather they led to the emergence of various territories and enclaves within Honduran political space. The absence of a national territorial strategy, or the existence of various territorial strategies, is exposed with the authorities' attempt to control youth gang members. Youth gangs, or maras, developed their own territorial strategy controlling some urban marginal neighbourhoods. The difference between both territorial strategies leads to territorial disputes between state ...

Im Dezember 2017 wählt die südafrikanische Regierungspartei African National Con­gress (ANC) einen neuen Vorsitz. Diese Person soll auch für das Amt des Präsidenten Anfang 2019 kandidieren, wenn Präsident Jacob Zuma die von der Verfassung zugelas­senen maximal zwei aufeinanderfolgenden Amtszeiten erreicht hat. Derzeit ist unklar, ob er diese beenden kann. Seit der Entlassung des Finanzministers Pravin Gordhan hat der Widerstand gegen Zuma einen neuen Höhepunkt erreicht. Ein breites Bündnis von zivilgesellschaftlichen Gruppen, Gewerkschaften und Parteivertretern, teilweise sogar aus seiner eigenen Partei, fordert seinen Rücktritt. Zwar richten sich die Proteste direkt gegen Zuma, doch liegen die Ur­sachen der Unzufriedenheit tiefer. Dem ANC ist es nicht gelungen, die sozialen Heraus­forderungen im Land erfolgreich anzugehen. Korruption und Misswirtschaft haben das Vertrauen zusätzlich erschüttert. Lange Zeit galt es unter der schwarzen Bevölkerung als alternativlos, für die ehemalige Befrei­ungsbewegung zu stimmen. In den letzten vier Jahren ist dem ANC mit den Eco­nomic Freedom Fighters (EFF) aber eine ernst­zunehmende Konkurrenz erwachsen. Mit dem Bedeutungsverlust des ANC wandelt sich das südafrikanische Parteiensystem. (Autorenreferat)

This paper examined how political elites have excluded a number of people from partisan politics, and discussed the effect of the domineering role of political elites on good governance in Oyo state, Nigeria. The paper also examined the challenges that politics of exclusion pose on good governance in the study area. The study adopted primary and secondary data. For the primary data, in-depth interviews were conducted with ten purposively chosen respondents which comprised of former and serving lawmakers, party chairman, local government chairman, a labour leader, member of a social cultural group, and a serving commissioner. The secondary data was sourced from journal articles, books, newspapers and online publications. The primary and secondary data were content analyzed. The study found that political elites used the electorate to achieve their selfish political agenda; politics of exclusion is responsible for the poor participation of the people in partisan politics, undermining of democratic principles, and breeding of political violence in Oyo state, Nigeria. The study recommended that the Nigerian youths need to be more assertive to demand for accountability from political actors; while political elites should learn to do away with selfish interests. In addition, rule of law, freedom of the press and independence of the judiciary must be upheld in the country.

The paper deals with the knowledge of Moscow students about the processes, institutions of socialization and the subjects of youth policy in Russia. The basis of the empirical base is the sociological study conducted by the authors in April–May 2019 in Moscow. It is noted that students adequately and critically assess the state of modern Russian society and the state, understand the causes of the crisis. The greatest impact on the formation of value orientations of modern Russian youth is provided by the media, family and education institutions. Moreover, the media form both positive and negative benchmarks for young people. Students are aware of the presence of various negative phenomena in the youth environment and show a critical attitude towards them. Comparative analysis with 2013–2017 studies shows that in 2019 the levels of patriotic sentiments among Moscow students and their approval of the activities of political figures, socio-political institutions decreased. The trends of prevalence in the values of young people of consumer orientations, approval of traditionally negative phenomena intensified. This contributes to the desocialization of youth, the manifestation of asocial and unlawful forms of their self-realization, the development of various countercultures, increased conflict tension and aggressiveness of young people, and the growth of extremism in the youth environment. Measures are proposed that increase the social efficiency of the state youth policy of the Russian Federation. The research materials are of interest to specialists involved in the problems of youth socialization and the implementation of state youth policy.

Social class differences in political participation are a pressing issue for democracies and they are particularly severe among young people in the UK. Disadvantaged young people are the least likely to be politically engaged in the UK and it is assumed that with declining levels of participation inequalities in political participation increase. What happens to political inequality though when levels of youth participation increase? Do more advantaged young people account for most of the extra participation or do disadvantaged young people 'catch up'? Based on representative survey data, this paper investigates levels of political inequality among 16- and 17-year-olds in a context of increasing participation in Scotland. We find that in Scotland young people of all social classes were equally likely to be politically engaged, while among young people in the rest of the UK and adults from Scotland those of higher social status were more likely to be engaged in politics. Overall, social class differences in political engagement were less pronounced amongst 16- and 17-year-olds in Scotland than in the rest of the UK. The paper offers some possible explanations of this finding and suggestions for further research.

The establishment of PSI was a continuation of the movement of youth groups during the period of the National Movement which the members came from intellectual elites named PNI Baru. This organization had an important role in the form of Parliamentary Democracy system in Indonesia. During the independence period, PNI Baru became a political party called Partai Rakyat Sosialis (Paras), Paras then affiliated with Partai Sosialis Indonesia (Parsi) to become the Partai Sosialis in the late of 1945. Partai Sosialis appeared convincing as the dominating party in the course of Indonesian politics in early independence, placing Sjahrir and Amir as cabinet leaders for five consecutive periods. After the name of Partai Sosialis changed into PSI on February 12, 1948, the party was unable to be considered as a potential political party anymore. PSI had no chance to contribute to the political dynamics of Indonesia at that time. It was only after the recognition of Indonesian sovereignty that the PSI was able to carry out effective party work, including their involvement in cabinet in the 1950s. The PSI members were responsible of serving the government as ministers in the structure of the Natsir Cabinet of 1950, the Wilopo Cabinet of 1952 and Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet of 1955, the other figures who had special affiliation and sympathy with PSI also became party representatives to serve the government during that period.

Media outlets and academics often oversimplify and mischaracterize current manifestations of Black mobilization as a movement that opposes police violence against Black men, supports police reform, and desires assimilation and integration into the state. In reality, however, the movement is much more complex. We examine how Black Youth Project 100 (BYP100), a prominent organization in the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL), creates, teaches, and negotiates ideology. Drawing on fieldwork with Black organizers involved in the M4BL, in-depth interviews and conversations with Black organizers, and a content analysis of primary documents from the movement, we find that rather than promote assimilation, Black organizers use intersectional ideology to socialize members into an understanding of a racialized state. This socialization allows members to develop political subjectivity that not only challenges the state but also transforms their everyday lives and relationships.