Suchergebnisse

Coordinating organizations horizontally is a longstanding difficulty of public governance, often called departmentalism in central government systems. Several tools for horizontal coordination have previously been analysed but shared performance targets across departments have received relatively little attention. This article develops a control theory of shared performance target systems for horizontal coordination of departments consisting of 'director' (shared objective and target setting), 'detector' (shared monitoring of progress), and 'effector' (shared feedback to promote achievement of targets) components. The theory distinguishes between two kinds of shared targets: those promoting sequential coordination and simultaneous coordination among departments. The expectations of control theory are assessed for the Public Service Agreement (PSA) adopted in the United Kingdom. PSAs enabled a step change increase in discussion of shared policy objectives across departments. However, despite these benefits, the fundamentally separate broader ministerial and departmental accountability structures led to the setting of vague outcome targets, underdeveloped performance reporting, and fragmented delivery arrangements for shared targets. Points for practitioners The findings provide a cautionary tale for policy-makers seeking to implement horizontally shared targets across departmental organizations. The UK Government's Public Service Agreement (PSA) system reveals that shared target systems for departments supervised by a finance ministry are a useful tool for incentivizing departments to collaborate with other departments in policy discussions and resource allocation. However, it was difficult for departments to set specific cross-cutting targets and to develop practical joint delivery and performance reporting strategies across existing departmental boundaries. The effects of the system were, for the most part, counteracted by departmentally focused resource and accountability structures. In some cases, broader structural reform to reorganize departmental structures to align with the formerly cross-cutting policy challenge was necessary rather than predominantly relying on shared targets to pursue policy goals.

The author provides an overview of the history of social work education transformation in Chile. Starting from the paradigmatic analysis of organizations such as the Escuela de servicio social of the University of Chile, the author explores the orientations of social work schools in 1925 to 1960, 1960 to 1973 and 1973 to 2012. The structural reforms introduced by the military dictatorship had important implications for the most prominent Chilean public university and this is best studied through a historic lens which explores the origins, the changes that occurred between 1960 and 1973, and neoliberalism. All these influences have permeated social work education in Chile for almost 90 years. ; La autora aborda panorámicamente la historia de las modificaciones sufridas en la formación del trabajo social en Chile. Demuestra las orientaciones de las escuelas entre el ciclo 1925-1960, 1960-1973 y 1973-2012, a través de un estudio de un caso paradigmático como es la Escuela de servicio social dependiente de la Universidad de Chile. La universidad pública más importante de Chile y golpeada fuertemente por las reformas estructurales realizadas por la dictadura militar. Se puede observar como los procesos (los origines, procesos de cambios entre 1960 y 1973, y posteriormente el neoliberalismo) históricos han permeado la formación de casi 90 años, en el trabajo social chileno. ; L'autrice illustra il quadro generale della storia delle trasformazioni in-tervenute nella formazione del servizio sociale in Cile. Descrive gli orientamenti delle scuole nei periodi 1925-1960, 1960-1973 e 1973-2012, attraverso lo studio di un caso paradigmatico, quello della Escue-la de servicio sociale dell'Università del Cile. La più importante univer-sità pubblica del Cile è stata colpita duramente dalle riforme strutturali intraprese dalla dittatura militare. I processi storici (le origini, i cam-biamenti intervenuti tra il 1960 e il 1973 e, successivamente, il neolibe-rismo) hanno permeato la formazione del servizio sociale cileno per quasi novant'anni.

Public procurement systems must strive to align three main goals: economic development, efficiency, and transparency (or corruption prevention). This paper focuses on the last goal: government purchases are generally prone to corruption and waste, which yield dire consequences for both countries and people's ordinary lives. Latin America is no exception to this, and its public markets are further weakened by obsolete, formalistic government procurement systems that not only compromise integrity but also fail to achieve basic levels of efficiency and simple developmental outcomes. Not surprisingly, this management deficit coexists with a severe lack of adequate information systems regarding public finance and procurement data. For countries in the region to upgrade their procurement systems to a results-based approach that finally manages to align development, efficiency, and transparency, they will necessarily have to develop more sophisticated methods to gather and share information on how they purchase, especially since the electronic government procurement systems (e-GP) that have been serving as a mantra for the last two decades have not done the trick This paper considers that e-GP systems might have failed because they are unilaterally created by the State and are thus unable to involve the relevant stakeholders in the creation of useful tools to transform raw procurement data into smart systems of information that help the State buy at the best value for money, the bidders find better business opportunities, and society at large prevent corruption and fraud while participating in collaborative exercises of democratic governance. In contrast, open data strategies might well help in this direction, particularly because they incorporate infinite instances of re-utilization of the information by the very interested parties. Furthermore, in producing empirical data, open data initiatives can yield useful inputs for public and private agents wishing to push for more structural reforms that government ...

The Governing Uranium project is a global research effort studying the implications of a changing uranium market, specifically the production, processing and transport of uranium ore concentrates (UOC), commonly referred to as "yellowcake". In total, 15 uranium producing and consuming countries were studied, representing 85% of global production and 70% of consumption. The concluding final report published 28 August 2015, provides a mapping of an evolving system of treaties, guidelines, and regional and national obligations at a time when the uranium market is shifting both structurally and geopolitically. This regulatory snapshot is particularly relevant as more front-end materials fall under the full-scope safeguards system of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), placing new obligations on state regulatory authorities and industry and facility operators, as well as new verification responsibilities on the IAEA. This means that, although the three rules of real estate apply to uranium (location, location, location), the uranium market is still global, while export controls and nuclear security are still local (that is, national). The expansion of civilian nuclear fuel cycles to new centres of production and consumption thus calls for increased harmonisation of regulations across states. The report begins with a look at the uranium industry (Chapter 2), followed by descriptions of the evolving application of IAEA safeguards (Chapter 3) and the international nuclear security structure (Chapter 4) as it applies to the (very) front-end of the nuclear fuel cycle. Chapter 5 analyses best practices in tracking and inventory controls to ensure that safeguards and security obligations are met efficiently and effectively. Each chapter provides recommendations for addressing governance gaps at the international and national levels as the industry undergoes legal and structural reforms. It attempts to assist long-time suppliers in updating governance approaches and newcomers in developing nationally appropriate regulatory systems from scratch based on global best practices.

From 2003 to 2012, a new period appears in Latin America. Growth is higher, the «basics» ( trade balance, budgetary balance, international reserves, unemployment, formal employment, inflation) more often better, social policies are more or less important depending on the country, poverty recedes and income inequality seems to decrease. The disappearance of the external constraint in the 2000s made less urgent to proceed with structural reforms. It pays now. From 2012, the difficulties appear in Argentina, the Brazil and, to a lesser extent, to the Mexico. The economic miracle becomes mirage, the new eldorado is not. With the brutal reversal of the price of raw materials, new vulnerabilities appear today and result in the prompt return of the external constraint to which the Governments of these countries thought escaped with rising prices and traded volumes. However, globalization is not guilty. This is the way, at least passive, to fit into the international division of labour which is. ; De 2003 à 2012, une période nouvelle apparait en Amérique latine. La croissance est plus élevée, les « fondamentaux » (soldes de la balance commerciale et du budget, réserves internationales, chômage, emplois formels, inflation) s'améliorent le plus souvent, les politiques sociales sont plus ou moins importantes selon les pays, la pauvreté recule et les inégalités de revenus paraissent diminuer. La disparition de la contrainte externe dans les années 2000 a rendu moins urgent de procéder à des réformes structurelles. Elle se paie aujourd'hui. A partir de 2012, les difficultés apparaissent en Argentine, au Brésil et, dans une moindre mesure, au Mexique. Le miracle économique devient mirage, le nouvel eldorado en n'est pas un. Avec le retournement brutal du cours des matières premières, de nouvelles vulnérabilités apparaissent aujourd'hui au grand jour et se traduisent par le retour rapide de la contrainte externe à laquelle les gouvernements de ces pays pensaient avoir échappé avec la hausse des cours et des volumes échangés. ...

This study is structured around the observation of a gap between the pursuit of apolitical project of a federal nature, the single currency, and implementation tools based onbelonging to a centralized state, the ante budgetary control. This situation results first of lackof trust between them, but the use of tools unsuitable for purpose generates numerousmalfunctions and feeling, for lack of a sufficiently strong association of national parliaments ofa "power of Brussels" seeking to assert itself against the will of the states and their peoples.three texts were introduced [the "six pack", the "Two pack" and the Treaty on Stability,Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union (TSCG)] in EuropeanUnion economic coordination that are no longer only indicative and the possibility for the EUto indicate to the structural reforms that these countries must undertake in areas that do notbelong to the field of competence of the European Union raised for the jurist many questionson both the doctrinal foundations of the European Union and on the institutional mechanismsimplemented. ; Cette étude est structurée autour du constat d'un hiatus entre la poursuite d'unprojet politique de nature fédérale, la monnaie unique, et une mise en oeuvre reposant surdes outils appartenant à un état centralisé, le contrôle budgétaire à priori. Cette situation,résulte d'abord du manque de confiance entre les Etats mais l'utilisation d'outils inadaptés aubut poursuivi génère de nombreux dysfonctionnements. Le fait de confier par trois ensemblede textes [le « six pack », le « Two pack » et le Traité sur la stabilité, la coordination et lagouvernance au sein de l'Union économique et monétaire (TSCG)] à l'union européenne unecoordination économique qui ne soit plus uniquement indicative et la possibilité, donnée àcette dernière, d'indiquer aux Etats les réformes structurelles que ces derniers doivententreprendre, dans des domaines qui n'appartiennent pas au champ de compétences del'Union européenne, soulève pour le juriste de ...

Hungary has a long successful history in the Summer Olympics, although the performance of its commercialized global team sports has been decreasing radically in the past decades. Despite the strong political and social willingness to field successful professional sports teams, the trend has not changed. This study attempts to describe the effect of governmental subsidization on professional sport's performance with the aim of understanding why a huge gap has emerged between successful elite sports and the popular but underperforming 'spectacular' teamsports (football, basketball, ice-hockey, handball, water polo) in Hungary. It is important to conceptualize this paradox properly in order to better understand the particular mechanisms of decision-making and changes in sport policies. Our research reviews and analyses the role, status and position of the governing bodies of the Hungarian elite sport system since the structural reforms of 2010. A non-financial audit were conducted with the support of the Hungarian Olympic Committee in which the sixteen prioritized national sports federations were analysed, by interviews with leaders of the federations and filling out a questionnaire by experts of the associations. ; Hungary has a long successful history in the Summer Olympics, although the performance of its commercialised global team sports has been decreasing radically in the past decades. Despite the strong political and social willingness to field successful professional sports teams, the trend has not changed. This study attempts to describe the effect of governmental subsidisation on professional sports performance with the aim of understanding why a huge gap has emerged between successful elite sports and the popular but underperforming 'spectacular' team sports (football, basketball, ice-hockey, handball, water polo) in Hungary. It is important to conceptualise this paradox properly in order to better understand the particular mechanisms of decision-making and changes in sport policies. Our research reviews ...

Despite the mythology that the global economy with its trade rules creates a 'level playing field,' international trade has never involved 'level players.' The inequalities in outcomes generated by the more powerful winning more frequently has led to innovative ideas for ex post redistribution to make the matches between the players both fairer, and in the analogy to basketball used by the authors, more interesting and even more competitive. The proposal for a Global Social Protection Fund, financed by a small tax on the winners to enhance social protection spending for the losers, presumably increasing the latter's capabilities to compete more effectively in the global market game, is one such idea. It has much to commend it. Several problems, however, stand in its way, apart from those inherent within nations themselves and to which the authors give some attention. First, much global trade is now intra-firm rather than international, making calculations of which nations win or lose exceedingly difficult. Second, tax havens persist without the transparency and global regulatory oversights that would allow a better rendering of where winnings are stashed. Third, pre-distribution inequalities (those arising from market activities before government tax and transfer measures apply) are still increasing as labour's power to wrestle global capital into some ameliorative social contract diminishes. Fourth, there are finite limits to a planet on the cusp of multiple environmental crises. These problems do not diminish the necessity of alternative policy playbooks such as the proposed Fund, but point to the need to embrace the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as a single set, such that economic growth for the bottom half of humanity includes deep structural reforms to both pre-distribution and redistribution, if the targets for environmental survival are to be met.

From 2003 to 2012, a new period appears in Latin America. Growth is higher, the «basics» ( trade balance, budgetary balance, international reserves, unemployment, formal employment, inflation) more often better, social policies are more or less important depending on the country, poverty recedes and income inequality seems to decrease. The disappearance of the external constraint in the 2000s made less urgent to proceed with structural reforms. It pays now. From 2012, the difficulties appear in Argentina, the Brazil and, to a lesser extent, to the Mexico. The economic miracle becomes mirage, the new eldorado is not. With the brutal reversal of the price of raw materials, new vulnerabilities appear today and result in the prompt return of the external constraint to which the Governments of these countries thought escaped with rising prices and traded volumes. However, globalization is not guilty. This is the way, at least passive, to fit into the international division of labour which is. ; De 2003 à 2012, une période nouvelle apparait en Amérique latine. La croissance est plus élevée, les « fondamentaux » (soldes de la balance commerciale et du budget, réserves internationales, chômage, emplois formels, inflation) s'améliorent le plus souvent, les politiques sociales sont plus ou moins importantes selon les pays, la pauvreté recule et les inégalités de revenus paraissent diminuer. La disparition de la contrainte externe dans les années 2000 a rendu moins urgent de procéder à des réformes structurelles. Elle se paie aujourd'hui. A partir de 2012, les difficultés apparaissent en Argentine, au Brésil et, dans une moindre mesure, au Mexique. Le miracle économique devient mirage, le nouvel eldorado en n'est pas un. Avec le retournement brutal du cours des matières premières, de nouvelles vulnérabilités apparaissent aujourd'hui au grand jour et se traduisent par le retour rapide de la contrainte externe à laquelle les gouvernements de ces pays pensaient avoir échappé avec la hausse des cours et des volumes échangés. ...

Статья посвящена политике китайских и индийских национальных энергетических компаний по приобретению зарубежных нефтегазовых активов, проводимой на протяжении последних двух десятилетий. В работе ставится вопрос лежат ли в основе инвестиционной политики коммерческие интересы акционеров или воля политического руководства двух стран. Чтобы ответить на него, автор исследует организацию китайских и индийских государственных нефтяных компаний и их структуру собственности, основы которых были заложены в 1990-х гг., когда в национальных энергетических секторах Индии и Китая были проведены кардинальные преобразования, позволившие превратить архаичные административно-командные структуры в современные госкорпорации, способные конкурировать с ведущими западными нефтегазовыми компаниями. Особое внимание в статье уделяется конкуренции между китайскими и индийскими компаниями, исследуется проблема способна ли эта конкуренция повлиять на политические отношения между Пекином и Дели, а также спровоцировать эскалацию существующих конфликтов или появление новых. Для ответа на этот вопрос автором был проанализирован ряд показательных проектов в различных регионах мира, в рамках которых столкнулись интересы нефтегазовых компаний из Китая и Индии. ; This article concerns overseas oil & gas assets acquisitions made by Chinese and Indian national oil companies (NOCs) within the last two decades. The paper analyzes whether these companies pursue commercial interests of their shareholders or political will of national governments. To answer this question the author examines Chinese and Indian corporations' organization and ownership structure foundations of which were laid in the 1990s when both countries' energy sectors faced structural reforms resulted in transforming archaic governmental organizations into modern competitive state-owned corporations that could compete with the leading Western oil and gas companies. The article also scrutinizes competition between Chinese and Indian companies so as to find out if it is able to affect political relations between Beijing and Delhi, exacerbates existing conflicts or cause the emergence of the new ones. To address this issue the author analyzes some cases of Sino-Indian clash of energy interests in different regions of the world.

From 2003 to 2012, a new period appears in Latin America. Growth is higher, the «basics» ( trade balance, budgetary balance, international reserves, unemployment, formal employment, inflation) more often better, social policies are more or less important depending on the country, poverty recedes and income inequality seems to decrease. The disappearance of the external constraint in the 2000s made less urgent to proceed with structural reforms. It pays now. From 2012, the difficulties appear in Argentina, the Brazil and, to a lesser extent, to the Mexico. The economic miracle becomes mirage, the new eldorado is not. With the brutal reversal of the price of raw materials, new vulnerabilities appear today and result in the prompt return of the external constraint to which the Governments of these countries thought escaped with rising prices and traded volumes. However, globalization is not guilty. This is the way, at least passive, to fit into the international division of labour which is. ; De 2003 à 2012, une période nouvelle apparait en Amérique latine. La croissance est plus élevée, les « fondamentaux » (soldes de la balance commerciale et du budget, réserves internationales, chômage, emplois formels, inflation) s'améliorent le plus souvent, les politiques sociales sont plus ou moins importantes selon les pays, la pauvreté recule et les inégalités de revenus paraissent diminuer. La disparition de la contrainte externe dans les années 2000 a rendu moins urgent de procéder à des réformes structurelles. Elle se paie aujourd'hui. A partir de 2012, les difficultés apparaissent en Argentine, au Brésil et, dans une moindre mesure, au Mexique. Le miracle économique devient mirage, le nouvel eldorado en n'est pas un. Avec le retournement brutal du cours des matières premières, de nouvelles vulnérabilités apparaissent aujourd'hui au grand jour et se traduisent par le retour rapide de la contrainte externe à laquelle les gouvernements de ces pays pensaient avoir échappé avec la hausse des cours et des volumes échangés. ...

From 2003 to 2012, a new period appears in Latin America. Growth is higher, the «basics» ( trade balance, budgetary balance, international reserves, unemployment, formal employment, inflation) more often better, social policies are more or less important depending on the country, poverty recedes and income inequality seems to decrease. The disappearance of the external constraint in the 2000s made less urgent to proceed with structural reforms. It pays now. From 2012, the difficulties appear in Argentina, the Brazil and, to a lesser extent, to the Mexico. The economic miracle becomes mirage, the new eldorado is not. With the brutal reversal of the price of raw materials, new vulnerabilities appear today and result in the prompt return of the external constraint to which the Governments of these countries thought escaped with rising prices and traded volumes. However, globalization is not guilty. This is the way, at least passive, to fit into the international division of labour which is. ; De 2003 à 2012, une période nouvelle apparait en Amérique latine. La croissance est plus élevée, les « fondamentaux » (soldes de la balance commerciale et du budget, réserves internationales, chômage, emplois formels, inflation) s'améliorent le plus souvent, les politiques sociales sont plus ou moins importantes selon les pays, la pauvreté recule et les inégalités de revenus paraissent diminuer. La disparition de la contrainte externe dans les années 2000 a rendu moins urgent de procéder à des réformes structurelles. Elle se paie aujourd'hui. A partir de 2012, les difficultés apparaissent en Argentine, au Brésil et, dans une moindre mesure, au Mexique. Le miracle économique devient mirage, le nouvel eldorado en n'est pas un. Avec le retournement brutal du cours des matières premières, de nouvelles vulnérabilités apparaissent aujourd'hui au grand jour et se traduisent par le retour rapide de la contrainte externe à laquelle les gouvernements de ces pays pensaient avoir échappé avec la hausse des cours et des volumes échangés. ...

Emerging countries in many cases are more crisis-prone than highly developed industrialized countries. This is in many cases due to a weak or volatile financial sector. The best policy to strengthen crisis resistance is the building up of a sound financial position. A sound financial position of a country also increases the capacities to get out of a crisis. For getting out of a crisis, however, an important additional general condition must be fulfilled: the economy must increase its international competitiveness to assure growth, the only way out of a crisis. Building up a sound financial position and a competitive private sector, therefore, should be a pre-crisis policy. It relates to the public sector as well as the financial institutions. Once a crisis has erupted in an unsound financial environment there is no chance to escape a crisis sustainably avoiding a painful process. The blueprint for getting out of a crisis suggests a complex policy approach. The private financial sector must undergo structural reforms (in reality closing down or downscaling unsound institutions) and the government must apply fiscal austerity measures to reduce public debt, regaining credibility and by this creating new fiscal options for counteracting crisis effects. Labour costs can be reduced by increasing the labour market flexibility (e.g. by easier hiring and firing and higher wage spreads especially towards the lower wage scale) and by measures directly reducing labour costs. The result of such measures will be an increase of unemployment and of felt unemployment risks by large population groups as well as general real income losses from labour. The fiscal austerity measures in addition and in short term will reduce economic activities and thus aggravate the social problems. These negative social effects of getting out of a crisis are the most crucial and controversial policy issue. People and their interest organizations to a greatly varying extent will accept or refuse.

Capítulos en libros ; La falta de proactividad política a favor de unas reformas estructurales urgentes que nuestra joven pero agotada democracia requiere actualmente no significa que la sociedad civil no las desee o anhele. Significa, fundamentalmente, que el carácter disfuncional de la acción colectiva de muchos movimientos sociales españoles está vinculado a la falta de representatividad que padece el sistema político vigente y a la manifiesta insostenibilidad del Estado del Bienestar. Esta dinámica dificulta la organización y representación de grandes colectivos ciudadanos con visión política a largo plazo y dispuestos a regenerar el modelo social. En el presente trabajo se reflexiona críticamente sobre los postulados asumidos por numerosos movimientos sociales en España, en los que subyacen demandas desvinculadas de una referencia ética al bien común de la sociedad española, y cuyo activismo irreflexivo ha puesto en marcha una dinámica reivindicatoria que impide la construcción de un proyecto de nación con un Estado sostenible y un planteamiento más abierto y auténticamente regenerador de la política y de las instituciones democráticas. ; The lack of political proactivity for some urgent structural reforms that our young but exhausted democracy requires does not mean that civil society does not want them. It means, essentially, that the dysfunctional nature of collective action of many Spanish social movements is linked to the lack of representativeness afflicting the political system and the obvious unsustainability of the current Welfare State. This dynamic hinders the organization and representation of large groups of citizens with long-term political vision willing to regenerate the social model. In this paper we reflect critically on the assumptions made by many social movements in Spain, whose unthinking activism has launched a vindicating dynamic that prevents construction of a national project, a sustainable State and a more open and regenerative politics and democratic institutions. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The low volatility observed during the global financial crises and the importance of externalities on simulating host economies attribute considerable interest to foreign direct investment especially for developing countries (DCs). Therefore, the territorial attractiveness became the main priority for DCs's policies towards more international openness. This explains the multitude of structural reforms and attractive strategies adopted by these economies over the last two decades. The contribution of this thesis is based on the analysis of FDI determinants at the macroeconomic and mesoeconomic level. The first study estimates the territorial attractiveness of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). We have applied the new contributions of the spatial econometric specification to examine the bilateral flows from 16 OECD countries to eight MENA countries over the period 1985-2010. The purpose is to jointly evaluating the spatial interregional contribution to explain the nature of FDI present in the region and the role of the spatial intraregional autocorrelation to promote investment in the studied areas. The second study proceeds to analyze the specificity of Moroccan investment climate subject of this research. It consists to compare different economic sectors by identifying the significance of the FDI determinants in the primary, secondary and tertiary sectors. Thus, we estimate the impact of macroeconomic variables on FDI inflows within nine sectors. Thereafter, three institutional variables are individually incorporated to approximate the various elasticities of the legal and administrative climate on FDI attractiveness. ; L'aspect peu volatil observé durant les différentes crises financières et l'importance des externalités relatives à la simulation des économies hôtes attribuent aux IDE une dimension considérable surtout pour les pays en développement (PED). Dès lors, l'attractivité du territoire est devenue la priorité principale des politiques des PED vers une ouverture sur les marchés internationaux. Ce ...