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I can be a harsh critic of myself... I have marked the anniversary of this blog a few times before, but, jeez, 15 years is a big number.  Much longer than I have resided anywhere although Ottawa will match that in a few years.  I started blogging in a different world--in the middle of an economic crisis, with a rising far right (remember the Tea Party?), and multiple wars.  Now, we have a housing crisis, my kid is unemployed, and the far right is rising in Canada but is already in solid control of the US courts.  So, yeah, it has been a ride.It is very appropriate that this anniversary falls while I am on a trip.  Much of my blogging bursts of late have been travel reports, as visiting new places has given me new material.  As I have noted before, I slowed down in part because a lot of what I want to say here, I have said before.  I haven't written as much about Gaza and the politics back home as I could because it is just so depressing and angering.  I hate that universities aror the traps that the far right have set, I hate that people think that universities are full of anti-semites who deserve to be suspended and evicted without due process.  I have yet to see any stories that justify bringing cops onto campuses to repress protests.  Snipers?  We don't need another Kent State to see how awful this is, but, yes, each day, each place this happens, we risk students (and profs) getting killed.  I will write more about this in the coming days, but I'd rather spend this Spew-niversary thinking about the highlights of the past 15 years of this place.  I still have no regrets about starting the blog or its name, as it has been a great place to play with half-baked ideas. So, the aforementioned highlights:Writing so much about Canada's experience in Afghanistan here at the Spew made it so easy to write Adapting in the Dust--I didn't cut and paste from the blog, but I did refer to it along the way to find old links and ideas.  Having blogged extensively about this topic made it so easy for the ideas to move from my head to each chapter I wrote.Writing about the logic of the NATO book applied to the Avengers movie at the Duck of Minerva, as blogging here led to the Duck and other outposts.  Writing about poli sci theory applied to Marvel too ultimately led to a publication.Posting the song list for the NATO book--coming up with that was fun.Realizing I am, dare I say it, an influencer.  LtGen (retired) Maisonneuve's speech did not get picked up by the media since it was partly aimed at them, so it only got out and widely discussed after my post about it.  This eventually led to an op-ed where I wrote that he ought not be platformed and then the supposedly cancelled general wrote an op-ed aimed directly at me, a career first!  When people say they have read my blog, I stammer and blush less than I used to.  I still apologize whenever anyone says they follow me on twitter or bluesky, as the stuff there is even more reactive and less baked than the stuff I write here.Before that, blogging made me an activist, which I had never expected (I am not the activist Hollwyood Spew is), but when I saw that the ISA developed a dumb policy on blogging, I wrote about it and then organized an official caucus within the ISA--the Online Media Caucus--to defend/protect/educate/advocate re social media.  Recently, the OMC disbanded, as our mission within the ISA has succeeded as online media stuff is very mainstream, including blogging, even as we have had to move from a very popular but now broken/far right platform to alternatives.Fave? Maybe not but often repeated, re-linked, that rejection is inherent in the enterprise.  Damn near all of my publication efforts have been bumpy roads except the NATO book (one reason it is my fave book).  The CDSN was rejected a few times before we got funded.  Oh, and that whole job search thing.  A recurring theme here has been discussion of sexism in poli sci.  Have things gotten better for women in the profession?  Damned if I know, ask a women who has been doing it for thirty years or so.  I have also addressed racism in poli sci, but not as much.  Why not?  It has not been as obvious to me, I guess, in mostly white departments and with the racists being a bit less overt than the sexists?  When it comes to sexism, I find it easier to engage for whatever reason.  Some folks have called me a good ally, but that has always made me a bit uncomfortable for a few reasons.Doing the right thing should just be the right thing.Calling oneself an ally is usually a hint that one is not, so I have not referred to this label much.  I like to sometimes be subversive is only slightly subtle ways (as I am not a subtle person), like with this post about the best books in the biz.  I thought about this post for a long time before writing it.  It could be read as a rationalization for my media stuff, but I honestly believe the stuff I said about relative value of different folks who appear in the media.  I know I am not the best, but I have seen the worst and it ain't me 😃.When I saw a survey about xenophobia, I had to put on my old hat as ethnic conflict scholar, and that piece (and its sequels) got picked up by Max Fisher then of WP and made a dent.Oh and some stats from 15 years:6250 posts3384 comments, which shows that this has mostly been me talking to myself except ...3,648,197 views.  That can't just all be me and my family.When I look back, I find several trends in what I wrote about with the most fun, zest, anger, or expertise.  First, I do like to write about the academic profession, even if it is not always professionally wise to do so (such as here).  Second, I love taking ideas and playing with them, often taking concepts from my academic work and applying to pop culture, or applying stuff from one realm to another.  One of the best (worst?) parts of blogging is that I don't have to please reviewers or editors, so I don't have to downplay the playfulness. Third, I write mad a fair amount about the state of US politics, the state of Canadian politics, and the state of the world.  There is much to be angry about, so this is a good place to vent.  Fourth, I do love the fun stuff--pop culture, skiing, ultimate (well, sigh), beer, and other topics.    I started out with no discipline here, and that has continued--I write about whatever I want, whether it is in my lane or not.  I have exhausted a bit of my imagination.  So, if you have ideas for stuff to write about, let me know.  Thanks for reading!

[spa] Esta tesis comienza con el seguimiento de la historia de Argelia desde su independencia, el 5 de julio de 1962, empezando por la construcción de un Estado libre e independiente. Este Estado tendrá como fundamento una identidad nacional árabe y musulmana en todos sus aspectos (etnológico, político, económico, social y religioso) que adoptará la forma de un sistema político basado en el socialismo. Dicha opción política influirá directamente en la forma de vida y la organización social, en particular sobre el núcleo esencial, es decir, la familia. Al llegar a este punto, la tesis analiza el papel asignado a la mujer por los textos constitucionales de 1963 y 1976, así como su desarrollo legislativo mediante el "Code de Famille". Los fundamentos políticos y religiosos tuvieron un impacto directo sobre la vida social y particularmente su núcleo, la familia. Según el artículo 65 de la Constitución Argerlina de 1976 « La famille est la cellule de base de la société . Elle bénéficie de la protection de l'Etat et de la société. » La familia es el núcleo de la sociedad. En Argelia , el tipo de familia ¿se distinguiría evolutivo de patriarcal a moderna? ¿o siempre patriarcal? La familia patriarcal obedece a valores tradicionales y religiosos. La mujer es el miembro de la familia quien desempeña un papel y un estatuto doble . El papel de la mujer en la sociedad argelina es primordial. Es doble: al exterior y al interior del domicilio familiar. Primero, la mujer en el espacio público le permite una igualdad en todos los dominios jurídicos. Los textos Constitucionales de 1963 y de 1976 no mencionan ninguna diferencia entre hombre y mujer y al contrario expresan una igualdad entre los sexos para la construcción de un Estado argelino, la participación de todos es decir el pueblo incluyendo hombre y mujer. Segundo, la mujer argelina en el espacio privado desempeña un papel de esposa, madre y hija. Su estatuto de persona en el seno de la familia es de una menor durante toda su vida. Los derechos de las mujeres se determinan en un texto de ley, El Código de la Familia. Este comporta artículos de ley inspirados en la ley islámica « La Shari'a Islamiya » a fin de inscribir la mujer dentro de una dinámica reduciendo sus elecciones personales sobre el noviazgo, el matrimonio, el divorcio, la custodia y el testamento. El derecho femenino en su vida privada está relacionada directamente a la interpretación del texto musulmán en el Código de la Familia. ; [eng] BETWEEN RELIGION AND POLITICS IN ALGERIA SOCIALIST (1962/1989): THE JURIDICAL STATUS OF WOMEN IN THE FAMILLY. TEXT: At the independance of Algeria, on 5th July 1962, the construction of the algerian state was the first step in this country . This thesis talks about the followed of the history of this country starting with the contruction of a free and independent state. This Algerian state will have of foundation an identities : etnologic , political , economical , social and religious established by the algerian law inclusive in the Constitution . The elaboration of the constrution of a state will start with the first president of the Republic Ahmed Ben Bella and followed by his successor Houari Boumédiène . The foundations of this establishment express itself for a national algerian identity in all Constitutions ( Constitution of the Algerian Republic of 1963 and Constitution of Algerian Republic of 1976 ) underlined an arabic and muslim identity of State . The identity arabic and muslim will be determining for an union with arabics States and a no integration of those for common projects permit diplomatic and solidarity relations . More than relation of all Arabics States , it's more about a way to be : a consideration of a fraternal relation . The etnologic and religious similarities between all countries offered a sufficient reason for an union and a long relation . The option of an arabic and muslim identity will be too nessary pillar for the aplication of a political system socialist . The socialism in Algeria will determine a way of life of people with always an evocation of the direct and immediate implication of this in all properties for realizing this constitutionnal project of a country with strong foundations . This algerian politics according to Ahmed Ben Bella will be made up of the nacionalization of a lot of properties like banks , mines , petroleum , agriculture . But other problems will appear in the new State like unemployment , shortage produced an instability . The decline of the gestion of the country will stop the overthrow the 19th june 1965 . The second president of Algerian Republic, Houari Boumédiène will take the mandate of the country for his country for its funtioning under the same political system but with a new personality at the government. Chadli Bendjedid, the third algerian president will succeed to Boumédiène after his death in December 1978. The presidence of this third government will face dificulties in a lot of properties political, economic and social. The accumulation of problems was expressed by a popular and violent reaction the 05th october 1988. Chadli Bendjedid reacted immediatly when he decided to celebrate a referendum for an adoption of a new Constitution the 23rd February 1989 for giving a different orientation to the functioning of the country. The socialism will stand out the Algerian politics between 1962 and 1989 and it will be presented in both Constitutions (Constitution of 1963 and Constitution of 1976) so that the State gets closer to the people with the device of the political party, FLN, «The revolution by the people and for the people» and put last at the explotation of man by the man. This new identity will be situated in an official writing and put on practice. The respect of this norms and the application of orientations will depende on their leaders because the first Algerian Constitution return to 1963 signed by Ahmed Ben Bella and the second Constitution signed by Houari Boumédiène and will be in vigour until 1989 to give place to another orientation political, economic and social. The foundation, political and religious had a direct impact on the society and in particular his nucleus, the family . The article 65 of the Algerian Constitution of 1976 «La famille est la cellule de base de la société. Elle bénéficie de la protection de l'Etat et de la société». The family is the nucleus of the society. In Algeria, the kind of family could distinguish an evolution to patriarchal to modern? or always patriarchal? The patriarchal family respects traditionals and religious values. The woman is the member of the family who has a role and a double status. The role of the woman in the algerian society is vital. It's double: outside and inside the family's home. First, the woman in the public space give it an equality in all properties legal. The Constitutional texts of 1963 and 1976 don't mentionary difference between man and woman and at contrary they express an equality between sexes for the construction of an Algerian State, the participation of all the people included man and woman. Second, the algerian woman in the private space has role of wife, mother, daughter. Her status of person in the family is a minor all her life. The women rights were determined in texte of laws, "The family law". This includes articles of law inspired by the islamic law « Shari'a Islamiya » to introduce the woman in a dynamic reducing her personal elections in the engagement, the marriage, the divorce ,the custody, the testament. The woman rights in his private life have a direct relation with the interpretation of muslim text in "The Family law" .

China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001 was rightly hailed as a huge step forward in international cooperation. However, China's participation in the WTO has been anything but smooth, with China alienating some of its trading partners, particularly the United States. The mismatch between the WTO framework and China's economic model has undermined the WTO's ability to mitigate tensions arising from China's size and rapid growth. What has to change? China and the WTO demonstrates that unilateral pressure, by the United States and others, is not the answer. Instead, Petros Mavroidis and André Sapir show that if the WTO enacts judicious reforms, it could induce China's cooperation, leading to a renewed confidence in the WTO system. The WTO and its predecessor, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, are predicated on liberal domestic policies. They managed the previous accessions of socialist countries and big trading nations, but none were as large or powerful as China. Mavroidis and Sapir contend that for the WTO to function smoothly and accommodate China's unique geopolitical position, it needs to translate some of its implicit principles into explicit treaty language. To make their point, they focus on two core complaints--that Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) benefit from unfair trade advantages, and that domestic companies, private as well as SOEs, impose forced technology transfer on foreign companies as a condition for accessing the Chinese market--and they lay out specific proposals for WTO reforms. In an age of global trade disputes, China and the WTO offers a timely exploration of unprecedented challenges to the current multilateral system and fresh ideas for lasting solutions

'Von den Wahlen im September 1996 erhofften sich die Architekten des Dayton-Abkommens die Etablierung neuer Führungsspitzen, die die Umsetzung des Abkommens und eine Stabilisierung des Landes garantieren würden. Statt dessen erhielten - wie schon vor dem Bosnien-Krieg - abermals die Nationalparteien der bosnischen Moslems, Serben und Kroaten die Mehrheit, während die gesamtbosnischen übernationalen Parteien, die in der titoistischen Tradition stehen, in eine periphere Rolle gedrängt wurden. Bei den Kommunalwahlen im September 1997 konnten sich zwar in einigen Städten gemäßigte Politiker behaupten, doch blieben die grundlegenden Machtstrukturen erhalten. Lediglich in der bosnischen Serbenrepublik gerieten die Machtverhältnisse in Bewegung. In der Untersuchung werden die wichtigsten Persönlichkeiten und Kräfte der drei Nationalitäten Bosniens vorgestellt: 1. die bosnisch-muslimische Elite um Izetbegovic und Silajdzic; 2. die bosnisch-serbische Führung um die Kontrahenten Plavsic und Krajisnik; 3. die kroatisch-hercegovinische Führungsschicht um Zubak. Dabei soll geklärt werden, ob innerhalb der dominierenden Kräfte der drei Ethnien ein pragmatisch eingestellter Personenkreis nach oben strebt, mit dem der in Dayton eingeleitete Friedensprozeß erfolgreich umgesetzt werden kann. Insbesondere soll auf die Rolle der multiethnisch orientierten Opposition eingegangen werden. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit verdient die Szene in Mostar als Brennpunkt kroatisch-muslimischer Querelen. Eine wichtige Rolle für Bosniens Zukunft spielen allein schon aufgrund der Kriegsereignisse und der jetzigen Aufbauprogramme die Militärs. Anhand der Personenanalyse der Führungsgremien in Politik, Diplomatie, Militär und Sicherheitsdiensten wird ein Einblick in die neue Herrschaftsstruktur in Bosnien-Hercegovina vermittelt, die durch die Verflechtungen der bosnischen Serben und hercegovinischen Kroaten mit ihren jeweiligen 'Mutterländern' zusätzlich kompliziert wird. Die Untersuchung gipfelt in der Fragestellung, ob die von der internationalen Gemeinschaft angestrebte Wiederherstellung eines einheitlichen, multiethnischen Bosniens an der Realität vorbeigeht und die Teilung des Landes in drei ethnische Gebiete mit der Konsequenz eines zwischen Großkroatien und Großserbien eingekeilten muslimischen Restbosnien unumgänglich ist. Die Untersuchung basiert neben der einschlägigen Literatur vor allem auf den aktuellen Agenturmeldungen und der Berichterstattung der einheimischen und internationalen Presse.' (Textauszug)

"Binge-drinking" cannot simply be recognized as a feature of campus culture, but as the product of a profoundly alienating one, made strikingly evident by our creation of a separate world ("drunk world"). We have created a small world of impossible possibles that exists in the corners of the actual; a separate world, in which the imagining of the self, other, and the world, is not only permissible but promoted. At the heart of college students' "partying hard" is a longing, hope, and dogged determination that the liberating and unifying aspects of this world can overwhelm the actual.and in the meantime we are just glad it helps us endure it.

"Die politischen Folgen niedriger Wahlbeteiligung sind immer ein wiederkehrendes Thema politischer und politikwissenschaftlicher Debatten. Insbesondere wird diskutiert, ob bestimmte Parteien durch eine niedrige Beteiligung benachteiligt und andere bevorteilt werden. Um dies zu prüfen, werden in der Literatur unterschiedliche Herangehensweisen vorgeschlagen. Zum einen werden Nichtwähler nach der Wahl zu ihren hypothetischen Wahlentscheidungen befragt. Zum anderen werden diese nicht getroffenen Entscheidungen durch statistische Modelle prädiziert. In diesem Beitrag werden die Wahlentscheidungen der Nichtwähler in der Europawahlstudie 2009 durch multiple Imputation simuliert. Die Simulation zeigt, dass dutzende Parteien zum Teil erhebliche Gewinne und Verluste zu erwarten hätten, wenn die Wahlbeteiligung bei den EP-Wahlen die der jeweils vorausgegangenen nationalen Hauptwahl erreicht hätte. Ferner werden die so ermittelten Beteiligungseffekte mit den Ergebnissen eines alternativen Ansatzes verglichen, welcher auf der Selbstauskunft der Nichtwähler in der Europawahlstudie basiert. Die Simulation durch multiple Imputation zeigt durchschnittlich höhere Beteiligungseffekte als die kontrafaktische Selbstauskunft. Die Differenzen sind dabei unabhängig sowohl von der Größe der Beteiligungseffekte als auch von der Anzahl der Parteien." (Autorenreferat)

Dafür, dass Christen sich auch in Parteien organisieren sollen, so der Verfasser, spricht, dass Parteien die zentrale Verbindung zwischen der Zivilgesellschaft, in der Kirchen und christliche Organisationen vorwiegend wirken, und dem staatlichen Bereich von Parlamenten und Regierungen darstellen. Zivilgesellschaftliche Akteure können zwar durch Beeinflussung der öffentlichen Meinung, politisches Lobbying, Demonstrationen oder Petitionen auf die politische Willensbildung Einfluss nehmen, der tatsächliche Einfluss hängt aber wesentlich davon ab, ob zivilgesellschaftliches Engagement auch von Parteien und im staatlichen Sektor rezipiert wird. So haben lokale Bürgerinitiativen im Umweltbereich die Erfahrung gemacht, dass nicht nur eine überregionale Zusammenarbeit auf der nationalen politischen Bühne ausreicht, um ihre Ziele zu erreichen, sondern dass man die Gründung von Parteien (Die Grünen), die Mitarbeit in Parlamenten und darüber hinaus in Regierungen benötigt, um eigene Ziele durchzusetzen. Für Christen bleibt Politik, so die These, immer etwas Vorläufiges und Relatives. Sie werden daher politische Ideologien mit umfassendem Weltanschauungscharakter und Erlösungsanspruch zurückweisen. Solche Ansprüche können sie aufgrund der christlichen Anthropologie, die um die Anfälligkeit der Menschen für sachliche und moralische Irrtümer weiß, nicht annehmen. Weiterhin sollte der christliche Glaube politisch handelnde Christen ermuntern, über die Vertretung ihrer eigenen Interessen hinauszugehen und sich durch einen Gerechtigkeitssinn auszuzeichnen, der die Interessen anderer, auch von Nichtwählern, z. B. kommender Generationen, Ausländer, der 'Dritten Welt', einbezieht. Das Handeln von Christen in der Politik steht unter dem Selbstanspruch, einen Beitrag zu größerer Gerechtigkeit in der Gesellschaft zu leisten. (ICF2)

'Schlagen der unverkennbare Ansehens- und Vertrauensverlust der politischen Parteien und der Parteipolitiker sowie der Rückgang der organisierten Partizipation in Legitimationszweifel an der Demokratie als Herrschafts- und Lebensform um, wird aus 'Politikverdrossenheit' 'Systemzweifel'? Dies würde bedeuten, dass Bürgerinnen und Bürger zu dem Schluss gelangt wären, dass die Demokratie an sich nicht mehr die Kompetenz besitzt, in zentralen, drängenden gesellschaftlichen Fragen wirksame und nachhaltige Problemlösungen zu entwickeln. Welche Möglichkeiten bestehen, diese Situation aufzufangen und aktives Praktizieren von Demokratie zu unterstützen?' (Autorenreferat)