AbstractPolicy issues are increasingly cross‐cutting. Policy integration has therefore become a fashionable concept among policy‐makers at domestic and international levels. Theoretically, the article facilitates a deeper understanding of the concept of policy integration. Empirically, this article analyses food safety policy integration in the European Union (EU). Three different historical phases are identified here. The central argument is that the way cross‐cutting policy issues are integrated within policy sectors affects the opportunities for effective integration of these issues across different policy sectors.
On June 1, 200, the European Union (EU) began to implement a new law governing chemicals in EU commerce: Registration, Evaluation, Authorization, and Restriction of Chemicals (REACH). It is intended to protect human health and the environment from hazardous chemicals while at the same time protecting the competitiveness of European industry. This report contains information on the background and views on the law.
"In May 2004, Malta, Cyprus and eight Central and Eastern European countries joined the European Union (EU). This raises the question whether the increasing heterogeneity of the new EU member states, their different memories, interests, ideas and identities will have a negative effect on the policy-making process of the EU or if the integration dynamic of the EU can be maintained. Analytically, three different aspects of such a capacity to act can be distinguished: The capability to enforce compliance with the European legislation and rules, the decision-making capability of the EU organisations and the capability to advance further political projects. 1. The implementation of the Community acquis was a crucial membership criterion in order to preserve the central 'club goods' of the EU, especially the Common Market and the competition rules. 2. The decisionmaking capability of the EU is challenged by the accession of ten mostly smaller and poorer countries. Until the date of accession, the former member states could not agree upon the required fundamental reforms of the institutional architecture, the budget and the redistributive policies. 3. A prerequisite for further political projects is the readiness of the 25 member states to cooperate. This requires a new balance between the equality of sovereign nations and a stronger influence of bigger states. The development of such a balance is considerably impeded by the process and the results of the extremely asymmetric accession negotiations. It can be concluded that compliance with European rules was largely assured, but it is still open to question as to whether the organisational and political prerequisites for the European capability for action can be restored after the successful enlargement process." (author's abstract)
The mythology of the European Union (EU) in world politics can be told and untold in many different ways. This article focuses on the lore or stories of who did what to whom, the ideological projection of the past onto the present and the escapist pleasure of storytelling in looking at the mythology of 'global Europa'-- the EU in the world. It concludes with a reflection on the way in which the many diverse myths of global Europa compete for daily attention, whether as lore, ideology or pleasure. In this respect the mythology of global Europa is part of our everyday existence, part of the EU in and of the world. Adapted from the source document.
"Der Prozess der zunehmenden europäischen Integration lässt sich nicht nur als ein Prozess der Zunahme europäischer Regelungen und der Ausbildung eines eigenständigen politischen Herrschaftsverbandes, sondern aus soziologischer Perspektive auch als ein Prozess der Etablierung einer europäischen Gesellschafts- und Werteordnung begreifen. In diesem Beitrag wird gefragt, in welchem Maße die Bürgerinnen und Bürger der Europäischen Union und der gegenwärtigen Beitrittskandidaten die institutionalisierten Ökologiewerte der EU unterstützen. Zunächst wird das Ökologieskript der EU unter Rückgriff auf die Entwicklung des Primär- und Sekundärrechts rekonstruiert. Anschließend untersuchen die Autoren anhand von Daten des 'Gallup Millennium Survey' 1999 und des ISSP 2000, in welchem Maße die Ökologievorstellungen der EU von den Bürgern in den Mitglieds- und Beitrittsländern geteilt werden und welche Ursachen für auftretende Werteunterschiede verantwortlich sind. Die Ergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass die mittelosteuropäischen Länder und die Beitrittskandidaten mittelfristig kaum weitergehende EU-Initiativen zum Umweltschutz unterstützen werden. Langfristig jedoch kann die Bereitschaft zum Umweltschutz wieder ansteigen, wenn die erwartete ökonomische Modernisierung der neuen Mitgliedstaaten voranschreitet, und wenn sich in ihrem Gefolge die grundlegenden Werthaltungen vom Materialismus hin zum Postmaterialismus ändern." (Autorenreferat)
Die Maltesischen Inseln sind seit der Steinzeit besiedelt. In ihrer nationalen Geschichte, die von zahllosen Eroberern und Piratenüberfällen geprägt war, haben sich spezielle Formen landwirtschaftlicher Strukturen und Methoden herausgebildet. Dieser Artikel fasst die Geschichte der maltesischen Agrarwirtschaft in kurzer Form zusammen und widmet sich in der Folge insbesondere den Prozessen, die ihre sekundäre Stellung in der heutigen Wirtschaftslandschaft Maltas bedingt haben. Die Autoren beschreiben wie Industrie und Dienstleistungen nach und nach die Landwirtschaft als den dominierenden Wirtschaftsfaktor des Maltesischen Archipels abgelöst haben. Sie heben dabei bestimmte Phänomene hervor, die in besonderem Maße von dem Strukturwandel beeinflusst waren. Insbesondere die Auswirkungen auf den Weinbau und das Problem der aufgegebenen, einst landwirtschaftlich genutzten Hangterrassen werden in diesem Beitrag diskutiert. Versuche der maltesischen Regierung diese Probleme zu lösen werden Forderungen der Europäischen Union gegenüber gestellt und verglichen. Eine kurze kritische Diskussion der möglichen Auswirkungen von Maltas EU-Beitrittspolitik beendet den Artikel. (Autorenreferat)
Social expenditure plays an important role in European Union (EU) countries. It improves the lives of citizens whose welfare is endangered due to poverty or illness. However, social expenditure represents a considerable share of the budgets of EU member states. Despite evident similarities in their levels of development, EU countries show apparent differences in social expenditure levels. Therefore, this work aims to determine the similarities and differences between EU countries in this regard. The analysis uses clustering methods, such as hierarchical cluster analysis and the k-means, to divide countries into homogeneous groups. The research demonstrates significant differences between EU countries in the years 2008-2018, which resulted in a low number of objects (countries) in the identified groups. In the case of 6 out of 28 countries, it was not possible to assign them to any group. The research proves that EU countries should take more care when organising their social policy, taking into consideration cultural and social factors.
This article discusses European Union (EU)-North Africa energy relations with a special focus on renewables in North Africa, arguing that the research so far has not taken due account of North African perceptions of EU external energy policy. It is argued that current research on EU-North African relations has not taken sufficient note of the multidimensionality of energy or addressed the inconsistent nature of EU policy making. However, addressing these issues is vital in approaching EU-North Africa energy relations and EU policy towards North Africa in general. The study of perceptions is introduced as one way to develop research further, to give further impetus on understanding how EU-North African energy relations develop and to understand energy relations in their complexity.
The attitudes of the European Union (EU) citizens towards immigration and the impact of their national identification on attitudes towards the EU have received ample attention in the literature. However, the immigrants' identification with Europe has not been adequately studied. This article investigates the impact of non-EU immigration heritage on European identification. Based on social identity theory and using Eurobarometer cross-sectional data, it compares the European identification of those with a first generation non-EU immigration heritage to that of EU country natives. Moreover, it focuses on salient aspects of immigrant experience such as country policies directed at reducing discrimination and personal experience of discrimination. The results show that those with non-EU immigration heritage have higher European identification compared to the natives. Furthermore, in line with social identity theory, this article shows that successful anti-discrimination policies pull immigrants towards national identification rather than European identification.
On June 1, 200, the European Union (EU) began to implement a new law governing chemicals in EU commerce: Registration, Evaluation, Authorization, and Restriction of Chemicals (REACH). It is intended to protect human health and the environment from hazardous chemicals while at the same time protecting the competitiveness of European industry. This report contains information on the background, how each part of the REACH law are implemented, and related materials.
International actors promoted the transfer of regulatory authority and financial resources from national governments to the European Union (EU) in the context of establishing the prerequisites for financial stability in Europe through banking union. It was supplied, however, by a political process that kept significant resources in resolution and deposit insurance largely in national hands. This article examines the politics behind those decisions, and how the hybrid of European and national competences affects bank regulation and financial stability in the EU. It concludes that the tension between strong EU supervisory powers and weak capacity to deal with insolvent institutions will persist.
