Suchergebnisse

Early in its development, political science established itself as part of modern secular authority, with something to say about government & politics. This achievement did not, though, lead to much noticeable impact on governance & policy, with the exception of administrative reforms. The past five decades have witnessed impressive growth in influence, as political science self-confidently embraced an idea-driven policy science. Political behaviorism, fashioned as a response to the loss of Enlightenment naivete, was a political as well as a science project, & its successes, on both fronts, drew many to a new type of policy science. A leading example is neoconservatism, whose practitioner political scientists linked new political ideas with applied social science as a basis for challenging assumptions of the regulatory welfare state. By the end of the twentieth century, political science had returned to its earliest mission(s) -- building a better science & strengthening democratic practice. 23 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2005 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

Analysis of the pre-1989 situation; The development of political science since 1989; Core theoretical and methodological orientations; Thematic orientation and funding; Public space and academic debates; Views on further development and major challenges.

Analysis of the pre-1989 situation; The development of political science since 1989; Core theoretical and methodological orientations; Thematic orientation and funding; Public space and academic debates; Views on further development and major challenges.

In his inaugural lecture, the Director of the UCL Policy Lab, Marc Stears will argue that the UK can overcome its current crises, but only if it democratises its politics and radically opens up its core institutions to people of all backgrounds. He will set out why this matters, what obstacles it will face and also explain the role that initiatives like the UCL Policy Lab can play in the process.

Together they will discuss the challenges of nation building in Afghanistan and Iraq: should the West intervene in such countries, and what can western intervention realistically achieve?

In three important decisions,1 handed down on the same day in October 1994, the Australian High Court continued its exploration of the implied constitutional guarantee of freedom of political communication. Two years previously, in the judgments in Nationwide News Pty Ltd v. Wills2 and Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v. The Commonwealth,3 a majority of the High Court had distilled an implication of freedom of political communication from the provisions and structure of the Australian Constitution.4 This was not an implication of freedom of expression generally, since it was derived from the concept of representative government which the majority considered to be enshrined in the Constitution: "not all speech can claim the protection of the constitutional implication of freedom … identified in order to ensure the efficacious working of representative democracy and government".5 The extent of this implied constitutional guarantee was left rather unclear, since a number of different views were expressed. As Justice Toohey has now explained,6 there were two possibilities. The first was a more limited "implied freedom on the part of the people of the Commonwealth to communicate information, opinions and ideas relating to the system of representative government". The second was a rather more expansive "freedom to communicate in relation to public affairs and political matters generally". In the recent trilogy of cases a majority of the High Court was prepared to endorse the second of these alternatives.7 In Cunliffe v. The Commonwealth Chief Justice Mason concluded that it would be too restrictive to limit the implied freedom to "communications for the purposes of the political processes in a representative democracy".8