Crime scenes associated with child sexual exploitation and trafficking in child pornography were once limited to physical locations such as school playgrounds, church vestibules, trusted neighbors' homes, camping trips and seedy darkly lit back rooms of adult bookstores. The explosion of Internet use has created a virtual hunting ground for sexual predators and has fueled a brisk, multi-billion dollar trade in the associated illicit material. Approximately half of the caseload in computer crimes units involves the computer assisted sexual exploitation of children. Despite the scale of this pro.
Since this paper in substantially its present form was delivered at the APSA annual meeting in Los Angeles in September, 1970 it has been seen and commented on by several of my friends who are intimate enough to be frank. Views ranged all the way from "don't spoil it by changing it," to "bury it." Clearly this is not the stuff of which neutral principles are made. In deciding to go forward, therefore, a plea of confession and avoidance is in order. This is an evocative paper, not a scholarly article. It suggests but does not prove a hypothesis, the real question being how much of it is true and what if anything should political science do about it. Because of the panel format there is intentional hyperbole in my characterization of certain aspects of the behavioral movement, and suggestion that for some researchers it may be almost a "cop-out" on current political and social problems. I trust that those I venture to chide a bit will receive it in the spirit of Marilyn Monroe, who used to say, better to be photographed nude than not at all.
Abstract This article explores the potential contribution of international human rights law – specifically, the oft-neglected 'right to science' – to the interpretation, operation and progressive development of international environmental law. Science and its applications play a critical role in environmental protection. At the same time, society faces persistent controversies at this interface. Environmental regimes may lack sufficient norms and tools for regulating upstream science and innovation processes because they tend to focus narrowly on physical harms to the environment and may not address the wider ethical, legal, social and political concerns. The human right to science, which is codified in various international and regional human rights instruments, may serve to augment international environmental law and contribute to more effective, equitable and democratically legitimate and accountable processes and outcomes in relation to the application of science and technology in environmental regimes. The article begins by outlining the scope and contents of, as well as the limitations on, the right to science, focusing on Article 15(1)(b) of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and its overlaps with the norms of international environmental law.1 It then analyses the ways in which the right to science may influence the development of international environmental law by elucidating mechanisms for the integration of a human rights perspective in science and technology and by outlining its potential substantive contributions to the development of international environmental law.
Examines the incorporation of feminist theory into legal scholarship, considering issues facing women in the discipline of political science. Various approaches to the study of women & the law are considered, & Carol Smart's (eg, 1991) theory of the gendered nature of law is advocated. Obstacles within political science are identified as: views which hold that feminist research is marginal, the isolation of feminist scholars from within & outside the discipline, & denigration of political science by conventional fields. Consequences are described of nonreflective incorporation of women into research & misinterpretations of philosophers such as Carol Gilligan & Catherine MacKinnon. It is suggested that scholars draw on work of their predecessors & recognize the conditions in the discipline. 104 References. Adapted from the source document.
Since this paper in substantially its present form was delivered at the APSA annual meeting in Los Angeles in September, 1970 it has been seen and commented on by several of my friends who are intimate enough to be frank. Views ranged all the way from "don't spoil it by changing it," to "bury it." Clearly this is not the stuff of which neutral principles are made. In deciding to go forward, therefore, a plea of confession and avoidance is in order. This is an evocative paper, not a scholarly article. It suggests but does not prove a hypothesis, the real question being how much of it is true and what if anything should political science do about it. Because of the panel format there is intentional hyperbole in my characterization of certain aspects of the behavioral movement, and suggestion that for some researchers it may be almost a "cop-out" on current political and social problems. I trust that those I venture to chide a bit will receive it in the spirit of Marilyn Monroe, who used to say, better to be photographed nude than not at all.
There is much controversy about the dangers of a free media when it comes to children and adolescents. Many believe that this constitutional right should be amended, altered, or revoked entirely to prevent the young from being negatively influenced. Graphic violence, sexual content, and the depiction of cigarette smoking have all come under fire as being unacceptable in media that is geared toward adolescents, from television and movies to magazines and advertising. Yet not much has been written about the developmental science behind these ideas, and what effects a free media really has on ado
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