Suchergebnisse

Time is a critical factor in the success of librarians' scholarship. Shared perceptions of organizational time enable, regulate, and constrain performance. Under the values and practices of New Public Management (NPM), intended to increase accountability and efficiency in the public sector, time in the university has become accelerated, intensifed, fragmented, and commodifed. Feminist and anti-colonial scholars remind us of the differentiated temporal impacts of NPM on women and other minorities in higher education, yet to date, its impact on the feminized profession of librarianship has not been examined. Using data from semi-structured interviews with 24 librarians working in Canadian U15 public research-intensive universities, the present article seeks to address this gap by exploring the impact of neoliberal timescapes on librarians' scholarship and professional-service activities. Findings indicate that time is an important mechanism through which neoliberal governmentality is enacted. Being a "successful" researcher is largely dependent on intrinsic motivation and self-regulation. Trying to work with, rather than against, neoliberal timescapes facilitates research. Results also suggest that conficting organizational timescapes may exist between library directors and librarians, and that, as researchers, Canadian academic librarians are being held accountable to ambiguous performance standards and impracticable timescapes. ; Le temps est un facteur de réussite critique quant à l'érudition des bibliothécaires. Les perceptions partagées du temps organisationnel permettent, régulent et limitent le rendement. En vertu des valeurs et des pratiques de la nouvelle gestion publique (NGP), qui visent ``a accroître la responsabilisation et l'efficience dans le secteur public, le temps passé ``a l'université s'est accéléré, intensifié, fragmenté et marchandisé. Les universitaires féministes et anticoloniaux nous rappellent les impacts temporels différenciés de la NGP sur les femmes et les autres minorités dans l'enseignement supérieur, mais ``a ce jour, son impact sur la profession féminisée de bibliothécaire n'a pas été examiné. À l'aide de données tirées d'entrevues semi-structurées menées auprès de 24 bibliothécaires travaillant dans des universités publiques canadiennes à forte intensité de recherche du U15, le présent article cherche a combler cette lacune en examinant l'impact des paramètres temporels néolibéraux sur les activités d'érudition et de services professionnels des bibliothécaires. Les résultats indiquent que le temps est un mécanisme important par lequel la gouvernementalité néolibérale est mise en œuvre. La réussite d'un chercheur dépend en grande partie de sa motivation intrinsèque et de son autorégulation. Tenter de travailler avec les param`etres temporel néolibéraux, plutôt qu'à l'encontre de ceux-ci, facilite la recherche. Les résultats sugg`erent également qu'il peut exister des situations organisationnelles conflictuelles entre la direction des bibliothèques et les bibliothécaires et que, en tant que chercheurs, les bibliothécaires universitaires canadiens doivent respecter des normes de rendement ambiguës et des paramètres temporels impracticables.

Un tipo de violencia sistemática y sostenida sobre los cuerpos feminizados pero también un hacer sobre los cuerpos, una técnica detallada y precisa en el acto de dar la muerte es lo que define un tipo de genocidio y una insistencia en el imaginario cultural latinoamericano reciente. En las páginas siguientes vamos a considerar "La parte de los crímenes" incluida en 2666 de Roberto Bolaño alrededor de la figura del feminicidio que se trama a partir de la vulnerabilidad y la exposición corporal selectiva: ¿qué es lo que define esa deriva genocida -vinculada a los modos precisos de la violencia patriarcal y la gestión de la muerte a través de la destrucción de los cuerpos- que habita en los procesos de precarización de la vida? "La parte de los crímenes" trabaja sobre una cierta sensibilidad de los procesos de precarización de la vida, esto es, un tipo de violencia desmesurada que se expande y desplaza los límites de los espacios sociales de inscripción de la muerte y la vida, del cadáver y de los vivos, los sobrevivientes. Esta obra logra capturar algo de esa vibración perceptible y las marcas de época. En otros términos, se trata de la deriva genocida de la precariedad, el revés constitutivo de la vida precaria, que en esta obra se trabaja como razón de gobierno o como dimensión femigenocida ligada a la gubernamentalidad precaria. AbstractA type of systematic and sustained violence on the feminized bodies but also a doing on the bodies, a detailed and precise technique in the act of giving death is what defines a type of genocide and an insistence on the recent cultural imaginary. In the following pages we will consider "La parte de los crímenes" included in 2666 of Roberto Bolaño around the figure of feminicide that is framed from vulnerability and selective body exposure: What is it that defines this genocidal drift -linked to the precise ways of patriarchal violence and to the management of death through the destruction of bodies- that lives in the processes of precarization of life? Over a certain sensitivity of the processes of precarization of life works "La parte de los crímenes", that is, a type of excessive violence that expands and displaces the limits, something of that perceptible vibration and the marks of time, is what manages to capture this cultural material. In other words, it is about the genocidal drift of precariousness, the constitutive setback of precarious life, which in this work works as a reason for government or as a femgenocide dimension linked to precarious governmentality.

The thesis examines conditions and nature of securitisation of a rhinoceros antipoaching response in South Africa after 2010. In a surge of rising numbers of animals being illegally hunt for their horns and other parts, the country awoke in a scramble over effective mitigation measures. Through lenses of securitisation theory, I analyse historical and social contexts, that led a range of state and nonstate actors in framing rhinoceros poaching as an emergency and helped in proclaiming it a national security threat. Aimed to secure the survival of rhinoceros in South Africa and beyond, the securitisation was achieved through chain of practices that have been introduced over the last decade in the country. Applying sociological understanding of the theory that draws on Bourdieu's concept of the field and Foucauldian elements of theory of governmentality, I focus on evolving character of such practices, which effected in a securitised response to poaching. According to this approach, actors and audience inclined in power relations produce new meanings and practices that aim to eliminate, the threat. They do so by applying extraordinary measures, such as creating new policies or drawing attention and resources to the pronounced threat. I argue that international actors initiated the security framing of broader wildlife crime issues, which South Africa eventually accepted and reinforced as a dominant narrative. Aligning with the global actors was possible because of the historical security-based politics and aimed to achieve more favourable image of country's tourism industry and attract financial support. On the other hand, donors help did not come without interests. These were linked to Western -oriented concepts of nature and wildlife conservation reoriented by security discourse. By using national security as a justification for extraordinary measures, such as delegating anti-poaching agenda to the security cluster and allocating more funds, South Africa was able to gain more control over resources rich areas though applying wildlife security narrative. The research utilises information from South African government agencies, nongovernmental organisation as well as other actors engaged in broadly understood conservation topic within last decade. By analysing laws, strategies, policies, official briefings, independent and academic reports as well as media articles, I construct a timeline of practices that led to securitising the rhinoceros antipoaching strategies. The thesis comprises of review of the existing literature on security and securitisation studies as well as critical analysis of trends global environmental politics, followed by specific theoretical approach and methodology that allows to analyse key elements. The research concludes with identifying potential risks and opportunities of securitisation, depending on development scenarios and provides the list of recommendations to mitigate potential negative impacts.

1 recurso en línea (páginas 117-137). ; This article attempts to analyze the particular relationship of the overlapping that Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben have established between human life and power. Such that, it is proposed a travel across the two key moments of its production that allow to consider this overlapping: in the case of Agamben, the moment referring to the research "Homo sacer" and, for Foucault, that of his research concerning bio-politics as a decisive event of modernity. Both researches have reappeared, among other aspects, but mainly, in the configuration of human life and its relationship with power. At each of these chosen moments of the philosophers productions, it is analyzed the main notions that compose each research: bare life, "homo sacer", state of exception and "oikonomics", in the first moment, and biopolitics and governmentality, in the second one. Finally, both philosophical formulations are compared such that their reaching and potentialities can be weighted, for they contrast against the analysis they propose. This short analysis on the relationship between life and power in the two philosophers attempts to show the risks to which certain assumptions expose us. Such frequent assumptions support and yield a north to the contemporaneous ideas and political practices. ; Este artículo pretende analizar la particular relación de imbricación que Michel Foucault y Giorgio Agamben han venido a establecer entre la vida humana y el poder. A tal fin, se propone un recorrido por los dos momentos centrales de su producción que permiten dar cuenta de dicha imbricación: en el caso de Agamben, el referido a la investigación "homo sacer" y, en el de Foucault, el de su investigación en torno de la biopolítica como acontecimiento decisivo de la modernidad. Ambas investigaciones han redundado, entre otros aspectos, pero de manera central, en la configuración de la vida humana en su relación con el poder. En cada uno de los momentos elegidos en las producciones de los filósofos, se analizan las nociones centrales que componen cada investigación: nuda vida, "homo sacer", estado de excepción y "oikonomía", en el primer caso; y biopolítica y gubernamentalidad, en el segundo. Finalmente, se contrastan ambas formulaciones filosóficas a fin de sopesar los alcances y las potencialidades que implican frente al análisis que proponen. Este breve ejercicio de análisis sobre la relación entre la vida y el poder en los dos filósofos, pretende poner en evidencia los riesgos a los que nos exponen ciertos presupuestos frecuentes que fundamentan y dan sentido a las ideas y a las prácticas políticas contemporáneas. ; Bibliografía: páginas 135-137.

Los dispositivos de intervención social por los que atraviesan las mujeres inmigradas producen efectos de dominación mediante el uso de estrategias de diferenciación social. A partir del estudio de las prácticas y discursos presentes en los servicios de atención a mujeres inmigradas en España, se observan algunos procesos de subjetivación de profesionales y usuarias a partir de mecanismos de diferenciación en términos de género, origen nacional y clase. Estos procesos, basados en una diferenciación jerarquizada, tienen como uno de sus efectos la constitución de la categoría "mujer del tercer mundo" (Mohanty, 2003), entendida como una otra totalmente diferente a partir de un exceso culturalista. Esto lleva a que la intervención busque encauzarlas en una correcta inserción social en la sociedad de instalación, eludiendo las experiencias particulares y, en muchos casos, omitiendo las desigualdades sociales del contexto de instalación que afectan sus vidas.Palabras clave: mujeres inmigrantes, inmigración, inclusión/exclusión social, gubernamentalidad Dinâmica de diferenciação e desigualdades. O caso de intervenções sociais para as mulheres imigrantes em EspanhaRESUMOOs dispositivos de intervenção social que atravessam as mulheres imigrantes produzem efeitos de dominação por meio de estratégias de diferenciação social. A partir do estudo das práticas e discursos presentes nos serviços de atenção para as mulheres imigrantes em Espanha, se observam alguns processos de subjetivação de profissionais e usuários a partir de mecanismos de diferenciação em termos de género, origem nacional e de classes. Estes processos, com base numa diferenciação hierárquica, têm como um dosseus efeitos a formação da categoria "Mulher do Terceiro Mundo" (Mohanty,2003), entendida como uma totalmente diferente a partir de um excessoculturalista. Isto conduz à que a intervenção procure levá-las numa corretaintegração social na sociedade de instalação, evitando as experiênciasparticulares e, em muitos casos, omitindo as desigualdades sociais docontexto de instalação que afetam suas vidas.Palavras-chave: mulheres imigrantes, imigração e exclusão / inclusão social,governamentalidade Dynamics of differentiation and inequality. The case ofsocial interventions to immigrant women in SpainABSTRACTThe mechanisms of social intervention experienced by immigrant womenproduce effects of domination by using strategies of social differentiation.From the study of practices and discourses present in services for immigrantwomen in Spain, some processes of subjectivity of professionals and usersare observed in mechanisms of differentiation in terms of gender, nationalorigin and class. One of the effects of these processes, based on a hierarchicaldifferentiation, is the formation of the category "Third World Woman"(Mohanty, 2003), understood as an "other" totally different from a culturalistexcess. This leads to interventions seeking the control of their proper socialintegration into this new society, bypassing the particular experiences and,in many cases, omitting the social inequalities of the context affecting theirlives.Keywords: immigrant women, immigration, social inclusion/socialexclusion, governmentality

International audience ; This article aims at proposing a concept that is technological – in other words, not anthropocentric – of digital traces. The point is that since computational processes require objects and actions to take the form of inscriptions as a condition of their existence, computational machines are fundamentally involved in the process of producing digital traces. What is at stake in the concept we propose is to put into circulation a narration which avoids the theme of "the end of the world" described by Danowski & Viveiros de Castro. These "end of the world" stories evoke the life of human beings who are reduced to living in an environment that is ontologically devitalized and purely artificial, as it seems to be the case when the technical and economic valorization of digital traces has the end result of "delegating our human relations to machines" (Merzeau) or yet again of leading to "algorithmic governmentality" (Rouvroy & Berns). When the theme of "the end of the world" raises its head, it means that an attempt is being made: an attempt to invent a mythology appropriate to our present situation, a narration which tries to say something about the end of a certain anthropological adventure. And it is in order to participate in this venture, but seeking to avoid contributing to the theme of "the end of the world", that we propose a technological approach to digital traces, enabling us to take into account computational agents as a part of the contemporary world. ; Cet article entend proposer un concept technologique – c'est-à-dire non-anthropocentré – de trace numérique. Il s'agit de rappeler que l'informatique exigeant des objets et des actes qu'ils passent par l'inscription pour exister, les machines computationnelles sont parties prenantes des processus de production des traces numériques. L'enjeu d'un tel concept est de mettre en circulation une narration qui ne soit pas de l'ordre de ces discours de fin de monde décrits par Danowski & Viveiros de Castro. Ces discours racontent la vie d'humains réduits à habiter un environnement ontologiquement dévitalisé et artificialisé, comme cela semble pouvoir être le cas lorsque la valorisation technique et économique des traces numériques débouche sur une « délégation machinique de nos relations » (Merzeau) ou encore sur une « gouvernementalité algorithmique » (Rouvroy & Berns). A partir du moment où il y a des discours de fin de monde, c'est qu'une tentative est à l'œuvre : celle qui consiste à inventer une mythologie adéquate à notre présent, celle qui essaie de dire quelque chose de la fin d'une certaine aventure anthropologique. Et c'est pour participer à cette tentative tout en cherchant à éviter de contribuer aux discours de fin de monde qu'une approche technologique des traces numériques, à même de faire compter les actants computationnels parmi nous, est ici proposée.

The "European Agenda on Migration, whose objective is the unification of the different measures that the European Union will adopt to develop a coherent and integrated approach to migrations and border policy, is paradigmatic of how the European Commission imagines de Mediterranean as a space of migratory flows. This agenda has three main characteristics: usefulness, planning and stratification, and points to a new European mobility governance. This paper explores the implications and consequences of this agenda, including the critical analysis of the so-called Hotspot approach and other measures such as the 4efugee relocation system,'. Confirming the trends in the last few years, the main tools in the European border management and control strategy are cooperation, policing, new control and identification technologies for the newcomers, and the

The Government of the Senses is a study of how the changes in aesthetic culture that occurred in the wake of empiricism operated as regulating social processes. Tracking the rise of a new concern with tastefulness as well as various approaches to aesthetic detachment, I describe how these critical discourses translated into different styles of subjectification. Each chapter identifies figural representations in literature and visual culture that reflect what it felt like to participate in the new aesthetic culture. Chapter One describes the new interest in ideas of taste and "gust" in John Milton's work and models of aesthetic detachment in John Dryden, showing how Lord Shaftesbury and Joseph Addison developed these models of aesthetic behavior into a comprehensive social program. Chapter Two argues for a continuity between the cultivation of pleasure in the Restoration libertine discourse of Lord Rochester and George Etherege and the eighteenth-century cultivation of aesthetic pleasures. I show the importance of the fop character type in the transition to socially acceptable enjoyments: at the center of ambivalence about cultural consumption, the fop is the first figure that condenses the experience of modern aesthetic subjectivity. Chapter Three follows the inner sense tradition, arguing that Daniel Defoe's Robinson Crusoe narrates an aesthetic self-fashioning by testing the limits of detachment from social life. This wildly popular novel shows how culturally relevant the new aesthetic culture had become beyond the stratified elites. Chapter Four studies the emergence of a socially intelligible figure of the person of taste between Jonathan Richardson's theory of connoisseurship and the major statements on the standard of taste in the 1750s. It shows that the methods, tensions, and models of authority associated with the new aesthetics were most fully exemplified in the literary career of Alexander Pope. Methodologically, this project studies the regulating effects of aesthetics using Michel Foucault's late theory of "governmentality" and it describe aesthetics as a self-sustaining social process using the theory of Niklas Luhmann. The chapters also include discussions of the Cartesian theory of pleasure, Hobbesian psychology, the theory of the je ne sais quoi of Dominique Bouhours, the models of conduct in Baltasar Gracián and the Chevalier de Méré, John Locke on secondary qualities and self-education, inner sense theory in Ralph Cudworth and Francis Hutcheson, Adam Smith on self-regulation, William Hogarth on utility, and the theories of taste in Edmund Burke, Alexander Gerard, and David Hume. I show that the first phase of modern British aesthetics fashioned a coherent model for the conduct of conduct using the intensities of the sensitive body.

The «European Agenda on Migration», whose objective is the unification of the different measures that the European Union will adopt to develop a coherent and integrated approach to migrations and border policy, is paradigmatic of how the European Commission imagines de Mediterranean as a space of migratory flows. This agenda has three main characteristics: usefulness, planning and stratification, and points to a new European mobility governance. This paper explores the implications and consequences of this agenda, including the critical analysis of the so-called «Hotspot approach» and other measures such as the «refugee relocation system». Confirming the trends in the last few years, the main tools in the European border management and control strategy are cooperation, policing, new control and identification technologies for the newcomers, and the «border extended bureaucracies». As a consequence, the most advanced border posts are pushed towards the South and militarized. This paper discusses the underlying racist utilitarianism contained in these European policies. Thus, Mediterranean's governmentality crystallizes in a series of mechanisms generating new forms of violence, symbolic and direct. In this context, the paper explores the parallel logics of the «will to mobility» of young migrants from the Global South who, in spite of the security web established in European policies wish and try to be part of a transnational cosmopolitan imaginary. ; La «Agenda Europea para la Migración», cuyo objetivo es unificar las diferentes medidas que va a adoptar la Unión Europea para desarrollar un enfoque coherente e integrado frente a la migración y la política de fronteras, es emblemática de cómo la Comisión imagina el Mediterráneo como un espacio de tránsito migratorio. Dicha agenda nace con tres características destacables: utilidad, planificación y estratificación, y apunta a un nuevo gobierno europeo de la movilidad. En este texto se analizan las implicaciones y consecuencias de esta agenda, incluyendo el estudio crítico de las llamadas «medidas rápidas» y las «medidas de reubicación» y «reasentamiento». En este contexto, confirmando la tendencia de los últimos años, la cooperación, la policía, las tecnologías avanzadas de control e identificación de los recién llegados y las «burocracias extendidas de la frontera» se convierten en los principales instrumentos de la estrategia europea de construcción y gestión de la frontera, una frontera cuyos puestos avanzados son progresivamente militarizados y extendidos hacia el sur. En el texto se argumenta el racismo utilitarista subyacente a estas políticas europeas. Así, la gobernabilidad del Mediterráneo se articula en un conjunto de aparatos que generan nuevas formas de violencia simbólica y directa. En este panorama se introducen las lógicas del «deseo de la movilidad» de los jóvenes del sur global, quienes a pesar del entramado securitario quieren e intentan formar parte de un imaginario cosmopolita transnacional.

The «European Agenda on Migration», whose objective is the unification of the different measures that the European Union will adopt to develop a coherent and integrated approach to migrations and border policy, is paradigmatic of how the European Commission imagines de Mediterranean as a space of migratory flows. This agenda has three main characteristics: usefulness, planning and stratification, and points to a new European mobility governance. This paper explores the implications and consequences of this agenda, including the critical analysis of the so-called «Hotspot approach» and other measures such as the «refugee relocation system». Confirming the trends in the last few years, the main tools in the European border management and control strategy are cooperation, policing, new control and identification technologies for the newcomers, and the «border extended bureaucracies». As a consequence, the most advanced border posts are pushed towards the South and militarized. This paper discusses the underlying racist utilitarianism contained in these European policies. Thus, Mediterranean's governmentality crystallizes in a series of mechanisms generating new forms of violence, symbolic and direct. In this context, the paper explores the parallel logics of the «will to mobility» of young migrants from the Global South who, in spite of the security web established in European policies wish and try to be part of a transnational cosmopolitan imaginary. ; La «Agenda Europea para la Migración», cuyo objetivo es unificar las diferentes medidas que va a adoptar la Unión Europea para desarrollar un enfoque coherente e integrado frente a la migración y la política de fronteras, es emblemática de cómo la Comisión imagina el Mediterráneo como un espacio de tránsito migratorio. Dicha agenda nace con tres características destacables: utilidad, planificación y estratificación, y apunta a un nuevo gobierno europeo de la movilidad. En este texto se analizan las implicaciones y consecuencias de esta agenda, incluyendo el estudio crítico de las llamadas «medidas rápidas» y las «medidas de reubicación» y «reasentamiento». En este contexto, confirmando la tendencia de los últimos años, la cooperación, la policía, las tecnologías avanzadas de control e identificación de los recién llegados y las «burocracias extendidas de la frontera» se convierten en los principales instrumentos de la estrategia europea de construcción y gestión de la frontera, una frontera cuyos puestos avanzados son progresivamente militarizados y extendidos hacia el sur. En el texto se argumenta el racismo utilitarista subyacente a estas políticas europeas. Así, la gobernabilidad del Mediterráneo se articula en un conjunto de aparatos que generan nuevas formas de violencia simbólica y directa. En este panorama se introducen las lógicas del «deseo de la movilidad» de los jóvenes del sur global, quienes a pesar del entramado securitario quieren e intentan formar parte de un imaginario cosmopolita transnacional.

В статье анализируется исследовательская программа Мишеля Фуко, заявленная им в курсах лекций в Коллеж де Франс в конце 1970-х годов и посвященная практикам воздействия на общество со стороны абсолютистского государства в рамках специфического управленческого дискурса (gouvernementalité). Во введении ставится рамочный вопрос о недостаточном интересе социологии к конкретно-историческим формам реализации государственной монополии на легитимное насилие и о связанном с этим парадоксом заброшенности в рамках социальной теории таких институтов, как армия и полиция. В первой части статьи рассматривается «имманентная» теория власти Фуко, исходящая из всепроникающего характера отношений господства и подчинения и делающая акцент на микрофизическом измерении властных отношений. Далее обсуждается осуществленный в лекциях «поворот к государству», маркирующий значительную эволюцию взглядов М. Фуко. В основной части реконструируются взгляды Фуко на такие нововременные политические и дискурсивные феномены, как полиция, полицейская наука и «полицейское государство» (Polizeistaat). В заключение делается вывод о значительном эвристическом потенциале понятий, разработанных Фуко на материале технологий господства раннего Нового времени как для общей теории модерна, так и для историко-социологической реконструкции русской имперской модернизации XVIII начала XX века, начиная с попыток Петра I и Екатерины II задействовать полицию как технологию управляемого догоняющего развития России. ; The article offers an extended analysis of a research program outlined by Michel Foucault in his lectures at the Collège de France during the close of the 1970s. This program was focused on the society that was influenced by the practices of the absolutist state within the framework of a specific "governmentality" discourse. The introduction puts forward the basic problem of insufficient interest displayed by sociology towards particular historical forms in which the state monopoly on violence was realized. The first part of the article considers the "immanent" theory of power introduced by Foucault. The core of this theory relies on his thesis that relations between domination and subjugation pervade the entire social fabric, and results in the microphysical dimension of power coming out on top in social and political analysis. The central part of the article proposes a reconstruction of Michel Foucault's views on such discursive phenomena of Modernity as the police, the science of policing and the police state (Polizeistaat). The article concludes with the declaration of the huge heuristic potential of concepts elaborated by Foucault in his analysis of power techniques in early Modern times for the general theory of Modernity and for the historical and sociological reconstruction of Russian imperial modernization in 18th to the 20th centuries as well, including the efforts taken by Peter I and Catherine the Great to use the police as a tool to govern Russia's lagging westernization.

This thesis focuses on the 2013 reality television program The Apprentice Asia, broadcast in Thailand, the Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Jakarta in Indonesia, and funded by the Singaporean Economic Development Board (EBD) and numerous multinational corporations. I examine the narratives built around the female Indonesian and Malaysian characters on the show and argue that they disseminate messages that are empowering for Malay and Indonesian women, but also in line with corporate and state imperatives that urge citizens to embody self-entrepreneurial subjectivities and form cosmopolitan identities through consumption. I first delineate the ways The Apprentice Asia is situated in 'neoliberal' economic and political transformations in Southeast Asia and locate its role in the relationship between Southeast Asian television, corporate interests, and national economic development. I then explore these relationships as they relate to the politics of gender, religion, race, and national identity on the show. This discussion segues into an analysis of the Islamic-Malay contestant Nik Mansor, and the Indonesian contestant Dian Mukti. I specifically focus on their narratives as they relate to the contested social role of women in the nations of Malaysia and Indonesia. I note the ways their narratives play with certain shifts and tensions in the gender politics of Malaysia and Indonesia, as both nations are further transformed by consumer culture and neoliberal capitalism. I will discuss how the narratives constructed by Dian and Nik's statements and performances on the show break with dominantly held cultural norms about femininity, motherhood, reproduction, self-expression, marriage, and spousal devotion. I illustrate that Nik and Dian instead emphasize self-entrepreneurial and cosmopolitan values and de-emphasize commitment to institutions like marriage, and motherhood. As these models of subjectivity are aimed at specific upscale Malaysian and Indonesian women, I argue that they are intended to be a form of governance that would affect the formation of gendered, classed, and racialized subjectivities in their nations. The values they promote also coalesce with the market-driven interests of the Malaysian and Indonesian states, the Southeast Asian supra-national political and economic union ASEAN, and the multi-national corporations that fund the show, as they each desire to make certain populations of bourgeois citizens more ready, willing, and able to enter global labor markets. While The Apprentice Asia prompts citizens to foster these subjectivities, which would perpetuate neoliberal capitalism in Southeast Asia, my study also examines the variegated ways fans reacted to these narratives. I argue that the way fans internalized some of these messages and ignored others illustrates the fundamental instability of 'neoliberal' governmentality as a form of power.

The aim of this thesis is to explain how the benefits of gender are understood in NATO's official gender policy agenda. During the past decade, gender issues have gained increasing attention with regards to conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction. The research material is gathered from NATO's website, where the special section dedicated to gender policy has existed for some years. The empirical material consists of multiple kinds of documents, thus the analysis method is content analysis. By applying feminist international relations theory and Michel Foucault's concepts of biopower and governmentality, it is shown that gender is perceived in NATO as a concept that is supposed to collaborate with organizational objectives. However, the accelerating "gender awareness" is not challenging the existing masculine power structures in NATO. At NATO, an inside enquiry has yielded the results that gender is not unequivocally defined. Regardless of the intricacy, gender is articulated to indicate the biolog cal female sex. Gender is also a biopolitical apparatus to govern the sexual difference between male and female. This thesis concludes that NATO's intentions of increasing female participation by mainstreaming gender perspectives is an attempt to react to the ongoing change in the security sector and to support peace and humanity, that by turn are the very concepts of modern era that should be re-evaluated. In Foucauldian sense, this is also a question of war and its definition. There is a relational force to the ways in which war intersects with power and life under modern conditions. It also has an individuating force. The main dilemma of gender is twofold: female NATO-personnel are presented as empathic communicators, thus independent, whilst the women in targeted countries become presented as a homogenous group, which needs to be secured. All together the discussion about the role of women in the military, as the discussion of "women as victims" is a part of the process of globalization. The conclusions of this thesis are twofold. Firstly, we shall analyse the role of women working for the military, and the gender roles within the military. Secondly, when attention is given to the local women, we receive another concept of "womanhood", which is created within Western feminist academic discourse by creating the "other" women. These "other" women are the ones to be secured. These two ways of perceiving womanhood does not lead to universal feminism, as it ends up promoting the division between the (developed) West and the (underdeveloped) rest. Another question is, if there should be a common feminist objective based on gender that is a very fluid concept even within feminist discourse.

This article presents developments in an ongoing investigation whose main theme is the training of physics teachers in Argentina. It conceives of teacher training as a part of a web of historically situated practices. Based on the contributions of Michel Foucault, especially his writings and lectures of the period 1978-1983, in this article we approach the characteristics of teaching regimes present in curricular documents of physics faculties and state documents on science teacher training. The main hypothesis at which we arrive is that didactic discourses have passed from problematizing a particular expertise of the teacher regarding the reality of the classroom to generating a series of internal investigation procedures on trainee teachers. This displacement responds to a concern about shaping a certain relationship of the future teacher with him- or herself, in a context in which shifts can be noticed in the position of the natural sciences in secondary school curricula. We can also identify shifts in the methods of state intervention regarding teacher training. We analyze new regulatory procedures that seek to intervene in the methods of teacher training. This involves an inquiry into aspects of governmentality practices which try to establish themselves on the basis of certain sources of experience (Foucault, 2009) centred on science teaching and teacher training. ; Este artículo presenta avances de una investigación en curso cuyo tema principal es la formación de profesores de Física en Argentina. Se concibe a la formación docente como parte de una trama de prácticas históricamente situadas. A partir de los aportes de Michel Foucault, sobre todo sus escritos y lecciones del período 1978-1983, en esta oportunidad nos aproximamos a rasgos de los regímenes didácticos presentes en documentos curriculares de profesorados de Física y en documentos estatales sobre formación docente en ciencias. La principal hipótesis a la que arribamos es que los discursos didácticos han pasado de problematizar un cierto saber hacer del profesor sobre la realidad del aula a generar una serie de procedimientos de indagación interna del estudiante de profesorado. Este desplazamiento respondería a una preocupación por moldear una cierta relación del futuro profesor consigo mismo, en un contexto en el que pueden advertirse deslizamientos en la posición de las ciencias naturales en los currículos de escolaridad secundaria. También podemos identificar desplazamientos en las modalidades estatales de intervención respecto de la formación de profesores. Nos aproximamos a analizar nuevos procedimientos de regulación que pretenden intervenir en los modos de enseñanza de las asignaturas de didáctica. Este recorrido supone una indagación sobre aspectos de las prácticas de gubernamentalidad que intentan asentarse a partir de ciertos focos de experiencia (Foucault, 2009) configurados alrededor de la enseñanza de las ciencias y la formación de profesores.

This dissertation looks at how the newly independent Malaysian state used propaganda as one of the tools in forging a new nationalism and specific values of citizenship in the face of enduring ethnic cleavages and contesting visions of nationhood. I look at the period from independence in 1957 to the race riots in 1969 that claimed nearly 200 lives and plunged the country into a state of Emergency for a year.As Malaya achieved independence, the contest between competing visions of the nation that began after World War II not only remained unresolved but also continued to intensify during the 1960s. One vision constructed a nation based on the primacy of the indigenous ethnic group, the Malays, while non-Malays advanced a vision that emphasized the equality of all ethnic groups in the nation. The former became the basis of the official nationalism of independent Malaya/Malaysia, but the ruling coalition tried to blunt opposition to it by co-opting elements of the latter without resolving fully the tensions between these diametrically opposed ideas. The post-colonial government found itself having to continually defend, justify and advance the official meaning of Malaysia through its developmental policies and propaganda campaigns in the 1960s.The state conducted its propaganda campaigns through both personalized and mass channels using two departments: the Information Department that placed men and women on the ground to conduct face-to-face propaganda across the nation but with an emphasis on rural and semi-rural communities, and Radio Malaysia, the state's primary medium for mass communication until television ownership and broadcasting overtook radio from the 1970s onwards. The dissertation looks at the history, operational procedures and goals of the two agencies from the standpoint of the practice of governmentality. It examines their colonial roots, during which they were key components in the anti-Communist war, to their post-colonial iterations, when they had to adapt to meet peacetime objectives.I suggest that the Department of Information and Radio Malaysia could not fully transcend their colonial legacies and the operational challenges inherent in bureaucracies to meet these new post-colonial challenges. More importantly, the two organizations could not resolve the tensions within the message they were preaching, i.e. a contradictory official nationalism that stated, in effect, that all are equal but one is special. Also, some of the entrenched operational structures of the agencies undermined keyplanks of the official nationalism. It is for these reasons that the two agencies, and by extension, the government, failed to win over decisively the hearts and minds of its new citizens to its vision of the nation; a failure that contributed to its electoral setback in 1969 and the race riots that occurred as a result.