Search results

1. Objectif : étudier la participation protéiforme Le changement de discours qui accompagne les transformations actuelles des prises de décision dans les démocraties européennes passe par la valorisation assez systématique de certains thèmes tels que la discussion, le débat, la concertation, la consultation, le partenariat, la participation ou la gouvernance. Au niveau européen, comme ailleurs, les institutions proposent une série de dispositifs participatifs, consultatifs ou dialogiques. Cette thèse prend comme objet l'un d'entre eux, l'Initiative Citoyenne Européenne, mise en place par la Commission européenne en 2012. Une initiative citoyenne européenne est une invitation qui peut être faite à la Commission de présenter une proposition législative dans un domaine dans lequel l'UE est habilitée à légiférer. Partant du constat que le terme « participation » est utilisé très largement pour décrire des réalités diverses et que dans la définition de la participation, la dimension expressive et symbolique des comportements a été revalorisée, j'ai formulé l'hypothèse que l'émergence de formes nouvelles de participation politique bouscule les frontières entre expression, engagement, participation et mobilisation. L'objectif était donc d'étudier, par les pratiques des acteurs des initiatives, en quoi la participation citoyenne renvoie à des dispositifs et à des expériences variées qui sollicitent la participation des individus et des associations à un exercice qui, de façon plus ou moins intégrée, semble partager information, communication, expression, délibération – et parfois décision. Par de l'observation participante, j'ai identifié différents types de pratiques que les acteurs des initiatives reconnaissent comme relevant de la participation citoyenne. En effet, pour les acteurs des initiatives, « participer » se décline en différentes formes d'engagement et d'action : prendre part à un dispositif participatif institutionnel (l'ICE), débattre en interne des associations ou comité d'initiatives, organiser ou contribuer à des débats en externe, contribuer à l'espace public par la diffusion d'idées, partager des ressources entre acteurs, se mobiliser autour d'actions militantes très diversifiées, communiquer des messages au grand public, convaincre des individus de signer la proposition d'initiative, ou encore plaider auprès des élus politiques. Cette recherche met donc en lumière les pratiques composites, élargies, protéiformes de la participation citoyenne au travers des initiatives et des pratiques de leurs acteurs (et non du point de vue institutionnel). J'ai fait le choix de penser structuralement les actions autour de l'ICE, c'est-à-dire de ne pas étudier tel type d'engagement ou d'action indépendamment des autres moyens et instruments d'action utilisés par les acteurs des initiatives. 2. Cadrage théorique : une approche interactionniste de l'action des acteurs d'initiatives L'ancrage communicationnel vis-à-vis de l'objet et des objectifs de la recherche se justifient notamment en raison de l'enjeu communicationnel de la participation citoyenne dont la portée et les effets sur l'espace public permettent de comprendre que des processus d'information-communication, institués par les pouvoirs publics, et, dans le cas des initiatives par les associations, jouent un rôle majeur dans l'évolution des représentations et des pratiques socio-politiques collectives. Ce processus de médiation publique entraîne avec lui une série de repositionnements des modes organisationnels et de régulation des activités. Porter un regard communicationnel sur ce dispositif permet d'analyser plusieurs éléments qui restent souvent dans l'angle mort des recherches sur la participation : le cadrage interprétatif d'une proposition politique (ici d'une initiative), les formats et modes d'expression des acteurs, l'importance des processus d'intercompréhension, les stratégies de communication instrumentales qui infiltrent la participation (de la part des insti ; The composite participation : Extensions and variations of citizen participation through the lens of the European Citizens' Initiative practices 1. Objective: Studying multifaceted participation The change in discourses that accompanies the current transformations of decision making in European democracies through the fairly systematic valuation of certain themes such as discussion, debate, dialogue, consultation, partnership, participation or governance. At European level, as elsewhere, the institutions offer a series of participatory, advisory or dialogical mechanisms. This thesis takes as its subject one of them, the European Citizens' Initiative, set up by the European Commission in 2012. European citizens' initiative is an invitation that can be made to the Commission to present a legislative proposal in area in which the EU can legislate. Noting that the term "participation" is used very broadly to describe different realities and that the definition of participation, expressive and symbolic behavior was upgraded, I hypothesized that the emergence of new forms of political participation pushes the boundaries of expression, engagement, participation and mobilization. The objective was to study the practices of initiatives actors, how citizen participation refers to devices and varied experiences that engage individuals and associations in an exercise that, more or less integrated, appears to share information, communication, expression, deliberation - and sometimes decision. By participant observation, I identified different types of practices that initiatives actors recognize as belonging to citizen participation. In fact, for the initiatives actors, "participate" comes in various forms of engagement and action: take part in a participatory institutional device (ECI), debating internally in associations or initiatives organizing committee or contribute to debates externally contribute to public space through the dissemination of ideas, sharing of resources among actors to mobilize around highly diversified militant actions, communicate messages to the general public, convince people to sign proposed initiative, or advocate to elected politicians. This research therefore highlights the composite practice expanded, multifaceted citizen participation through initiatives and practices of their players (and not from the institutional point of view). I made the choice to think structurally about the actions of ICE, that is to say not to study such kind of commitment or action independently of other means and policy instruments used by initiatives actors. 2. Theoretical framework: an interactionist approach to the action of the initiatives actors Anchoring communicative regarding the purpose and research objectives are justified in particular because of the communicative challenge of citizen participation, the scope and effects on the public space for understanding that process information-communication, established by the government, and, in the case of initiatives by associations, play a major role in the evolution of representations and collective socio-political practices. This public mediation process brings with it a series of repositioning the organizational modes and regulation of activities. Wear communicational look at this device can analyze several elements which often remain in the blind spot of research on participation: the interpretive framing of a policy proposal (here an initiative), formats and modes of expression of the actors, the importance of mutual understanding processes, instrumental communication strategies that infiltrate the participation (of the institutions but also of participants). This allows particularly communicative anchor to uncover how the communication comes to subsume the various practices. The communicative approach to participation allowed to specifically examine the interactions of different types of stakeholders in participatory practices, pay attention to trade, the process of mutua ; (Faculté de sciences économiques, sociales et politiques) -- FUSL, 2016

1. Objectif : étudier la participation protéiforme Le changement de discours qui accompagne les transformations actuelles des prises de décision dans les démocraties européennes passe par la valorisation assez systématique de certains thèmes tels que la discussion, le débat, la concertation, la consultation, le partenariat, la participation ou la gouvernance. Au niveau européen, comme ailleurs, les institutions proposent une série de dispositifs participatifs, consultatifs ou dialogiques. Cette thèse prend comme objet l'un d'entre eux, l'Initiative Citoyenne Européenne, mise en place par la Commission européenne en 2012. Une initiative citoyenne européenne est une invitation qui peut être faite à la Commission de présenter une proposition législative dans un domaine dans lequel l'UE est habilitée à légiférer. Partant du constat que le terme « participation » est utilisé très largement pour décrire des réalités diverses et que dans la définition de la participation, la dimension expressive et symbolique des comportements a été revalorisée, j'ai formulé l'hypothèse que l'émergence de formes nouvelles de participation politique bouscule les frontières entre expression, engagement, participation et mobilisation. L'objectif était donc d'étudier, par les pratiques des acteurs des initiatives, en quoi la participation citoyenne renvoie à des dispositifs et à des expériences variées qui sollicitent la participation des individus et des associations à un exercice qui, de façon plus ou moins intégrée, semble partager information, communication, expression, délibération – et parfois décision. Par de l'observation participante, j'ai identifié différents types de pratiques que les acteurs des initiatives reconnaissent comme relevant de la participation citoyenne. En effet, pour les acteurs des initiatives, « participer » se décline en différentes formes d'engagement et d'action : prendre part à un dispositif participatif institutionnel (l'ICE), débattre en interne des associations ou comité d'initiatives, organiser ou contribuer à des débats en externe, contribuer à l'espace public par la diffusion d'idées, partager des ressources entre acteurs, se mobiliser autour d'actions militantes très diversifiées, communiquer des messages au grand public, convaincre des individus de signer la proposition d'initiative, ou encore plaider auprès des élus politiques. Cette recherche met donc en lumière les pratiques composites, élargies, protéiformes de la participation citoyenne au travers des initiatives et des pratiques de leurs acteurs (et non du point de vue institutionnel). J'ai fait le choix de penser structuralement les actions autour de l'ICE, c'est-à-dire de ne pas étudier tel type d'engagement ou d'action indépendamment des autres moyens et instruments d'action utilisés par les acteurs des initiatives. 2. Cadrage théorique : une approche interactionniste de l'action des acteurs d'initiatives L'ancrage communicationnel vis-à-vis de l'objet et des objectifs de la recherche se justifient notamment en raison de l'enjeu communicationnel de la participation citoyenne dont la portée et les effets sur l'espace public permettent de comprendre que des processus d'information-communication, institués par les pouvoirs publics, et, dans le cas des initiatives par les associations, jouent un rôle majeur dans l'évolution des représentations et des pratiques socio-politiques collectives. Ce processus de médiation publique entraîne avec lui une série de repositionnements des modes organisationnels et de régulation des activités. Porter un regard communicationnel sur ce dispositif permet d'analyser plusieurs éléments qui restent souvent dans l'angle mort des recherches sur la participation : le cadrage interprétatif d'une proposition politique (ici d'une initiative), les formats et modes d'expression des acteurs, l'importance des processus d'intercompréhension, les stratégies de communication instrumentales qui infiltrent la participation (de la part des insti ; The composite participation : Extensions and variations of citizen participation through the lens of the European Citizens' Initiative practices 1. Objective: Studying multifaceted participation The change in discourses that accompanies the current transformations of decision making in European democracies through the fairly systematic valuation of certain themes such as discussion, debate, dialogue, consultation, partnership, participation or governance. At European level, as elsewhere, the institutions offer a series of participatory, advisory or dialogical mechanisms. This thesis takes as its subject one of them, the European Citizens' Initiative, set up by the European Commission in 2012. European citizens' initiative is an invitation that can be made to the Commission to present a legislative proposal in area in which the EU can legislate. Noting that the term "participation" is used very broadly to describe different realities and that the definition of participation, expressive and symbolic behavior was upgraded, I hypothesized that the emergence of new forms of political participation pushes the boundaries of expression, engagement, participation and mobilization. The objective was to study the practices of initiatives actors, how citizen participation refers to devices and varied experiences that engage individuals and associations in an exercise that, more or less integrated, appears to share information, communication, expression, deliberation - and sometimes decision. By participant observation, I identified different types of practices that initiatives actors recognize as belonging to citizen participation. In fact, for the initiatives actors, "participate" comes in various forms of engagement and action: take part in a participatory institutional device (ECI), debating internally in associations or initiatives organizing committee or contribute to debates externally contribute to public space through the dissemination of ideas, sharing of resources among actors to mobilize around highly diversified militant actions, communicate messages to the general public, convince people to sign proposed initiative, or advocate to elected politicians. This research therefore highlights the composite practice expanded, multifaceted citizen participation through initiatives and practices of their players (and not from the institutional point of view). I made the choice to think structurally about the actions of ICE, that is to say not to study such kind of commitment or action independently of other means and policy instruments used by initiatives actors. 2. Theoretical framework: an interactionist approach to the action of the initiatives actors Anchoring communicative regarding the purpose and research objectives are justified in particular because of the communicative challenge of citizen participation, the scope and effects on the public space for understanding that process information-communication, established by the government, and, in the case of initiatives by associations, play a major role in the evolution of representations and collective socio-political practices. This public mediation process brings with it a series of repositioning the organizational modes and regulation of activities. Wear communicational look at this device can analyze several elements which often remain in the blind spot of research on participation: the interpretive framing of a policy proposal (here an initiative), formats and modes of expression of the actors, the importance of mutual understanding processes, instrumental communication strategies that infiltrate the participation (of the institutions but also of participants). This allows particularly communicative anchor to uncover how the communication comes to subsume the various practices. The communicative approach to participation allowed to specifically examine the interactions of different types of stakeholders in participatory practices, pay attention to trade, the process of mutua ; (Faculté de sciences économiques, sociales et politiques) -- FUSL, 2016

1. Objectif : étudier la participation protéiforme Le changement de discours qui accompagne les transformations actuelles des prises de décision dans les démocraties européennes passe par la valorisation assez systématique de certains thèmes tels que la discussion, le débat, la concertation, la consultation, le partenariat, la participation ou la gouvernance. Au niveau européen, comme ailleurs, les institutions proposent une série de dispositifs participatifs, consultatifs ou dialogiques. Cette thèse prend comme objet l'un d'entre eux, l'Initiative Citoyenne Européenne, mise en place par la Commission européenne en 2012. Une initiative citoyenne européenne est une invitation qui peut être faite à la Commission de présenter une proposition législative dans un domaine dans lequel l'UE est habilitée à légiférer. Partant du constat que le terme « participation » est utilisé très largement pour décrire des réalités diverses et que dans la définition de la participation, la dimension expressive et symbolique des comportements a été revalorisée, j'ai formulé l'hypothèse que l'émergence de formes nouvelles de participation politique bouscule les frontières entre expression, engagement, participation et mobilisation. L'objectif était donc d'étudier, par les pratiques des acteurs des initiatives, en quoi la participation citoyenne renvoie à des dispositifs et à des expériences variées qui sollicitent la participation des individus et des associations à un exercice qui, de façon plus ou moins intégrée, semble partager information, communication, expression, délibération – et parfois décision. Par de l'observation participante, j'ai identifié différents types de pratiques que les acteurs des initiatives reconnaissent comme relevant de la participation citoyenne. En effet, pour les acteurs des initiatives, « participer » se décline en différentes formes d'engagement et d'action : prendre part à un dispositif participatif institutionnel (l'ICE), débattre en interne des associations ou comité d'initiatives, organiser ou contribuer à des débats en externe, contribuer à l'espace public par la diffusion d'idées, partager des ressources entre acteurs, se mobiliser autour d'actions militantes très diversifiées, communiquer des messages au grand public, convaincre des individus de signer la proposition d'initiative, ou encore plaider auprès des élus politiques. Cette recherche met donc en lumière les pratiques composites, élargies, protéiformes de la participation citoyenne au travers des initiatives et des pratiques de leurs acteurs (et non du point de vue institutionnel). J'ai fait le choix de penser structuralement les actions autour de l'ICE, c'est-à-dire de ne pas étudier tel type d'engagement ou d'action indépendamment des autres moyens et instruments d'action utilisés par les acteurs des initiatives. 2. Cadrage théorique : une approche interactionniste de l'action des acteurs d'initiatives L'ancrage communicationnel vis-à-vis de l'objet et des objectifs de la recherche se justifient notamment en raison de l'enjeu communicationnel de la participation citoyenne dont la portée et les effets sur l'espace public permettent de comprendre que des processus d'information-communication, institués par les pouvoirs publics, et, dans le cas des initiatives par les associations, jouent un rôle majeur dans l'évolution des représentations et des pratiques socio-politiques collectives. Ce processus de médiation publique entraîne avec lui une série de repositionnements des modes organisationnels et de régulation des activités. Porter un regard communicationnel sur ce dispositif permet d'analyser plusieurs éléments qui restent souvent dans l'angle mort des recherches sur la participation : le cadrage interprétatif d'une proposition politique (ici d'une initiative), les formats et modes d'expression des acteurs, l'importance des processus d'intercompréhension, les stratégies de communication instrumentales qui infiltrent la participation (de la part des insti ; The composite participation : Extensions and variations of citizen participation through the lens of the European Citizens' Initiative practices 1. Objective: Studying multifaceted participation The change in discourses that accompanies the current transformations of decision making in European democracies through the fairly systematic valuation of certain themes such as discussion, debate, dialogue, consultation, partnership, participation or governance. At European level, as elsewhere, the institutions offer a series of participatory, advisory or dialogical mechanisms. This thesis takes as its subject one of them, the European Citizens' Initiative, set up by the European Commission in 2012. European citizens' initiative is an invitation that can be made to the Commission to present a legislative proposal in area in which the EU can legislate. Noting that the term "participation" is used very broadly to describe different realities and that the definition of participation, expressive and symbolic behavior was upgraded, I hypothesized that the emergence of new forms of political participation pushes the boundaries of expression, engagement, participation and mobilization. The objective was to study the practices of initiatives actors, how citizen participation refers to devices and varied experiences that engage individuals and associations in an exercise that, more or less integrated, appears to share information, communication, expression, deliberation - and sometimes decision. By participant observation, I identified different types of practices that initiatives actors recognize as belonging to citizen participation. In fact, for the initiatives actors, "participate" comes in various forms of engagement and action: take part in a participatory institutional device (ECI), debating internally in associations or initiatives organizing committee or contribute to debates externally contribute to public space through the dissemination of ideas, sharing of resources among actors to mobilize around highly diversified militant actions, communicate messages to the general public, convince people to sign proposed initiative, or advocate to elected politicians. This research therefore highlights the composite practice expanded, multifaceted citizen participation through initiatives and practices of their players (and not from the institutional point of view). I made the choice to think structurally about the actions of ICE, that is to say not to study such kind of commitment or action independently of other means and policy instruments used by initiatives actors. 2. Theoretical framework: an interactionist approach to the action of the initiatives actors Anchoring communicative regarding the purpose and research objectives are justified in particular because of the communicative challenge of citizen participation, the scope and effects on the public space for understanding that process information-communication, established by the government, and, in the case of initiatives by associations, play a major role in the evolution of representations and collective socio-political practices. This public mediation process brings with it a series of repositioning the organizational modes and regulation of activities. Wear communicational look at this device can analyze several elements which often remain in the blind spot of research on participation: the interpretive framing of a policy proposal (here an initiative), formats and modes of expression of the actors, the importance of mutual understanding processes, instrumental communication strategies that infiltrate the participation (of the institutions but also of participants). This allows particularly communicative anchor to uncover how the communication comes to subsume the various practices. The communicative approach to participation allowed to specifically examine the interactions of different types of stakeholders in participatory practices, pay attention to trade, the process of mutua ; (Faculté de sciences économiques, sociales et politiques) -- FUSL, 2016

The lack of inclusion within the current global economic growth model adopted by most countries, evidenced by the growing gap that is being generated between rich and poor, the capitalist-liberal economic model that privileges the market over all things, encourages the struggle for greater competition and financial transactions to discourage speculation of higher yields produce goods or provide services that are essential for life, where capitalism has become a plutocracy, an oligarchy that is where they are concentrated large amounts of money also hold political power worldwide. According institutions and researchers from prestigious indicate a boundless ambition than 1% of the world's population does not hesitate to condemn the remaining 99% poverty, indicate that the 225 richest people in the world have a combined equity than annual income of the poorest 47% of the population, or have an income equivalent to the income of 2.500 million. Provide that the maximum concentration of money is given in the financial capital, specifically in the global banking system, which has 60 times more money than the owners of other businesses, factories, industrial goods and other services. However, we must also recognize that according to reliable information, poverty today is less than 13% of the world where 140 years ago only 85% is reached, which could for us to be indicating that the increase of the gaps mentioned is an exaggerated concern. Economic liberalization has allowed our country to grow at rates leading steadily in the last 10 years and also among the 80 early and middle of the first decade of this century, China has lifted over 500 million people of poverty and India, the second most populous country, reduce the poverty rate in half. Others indicate that the cause of this growing gap between rich and poor is the technological development which is winning the race against the human capital and organizational skills. This distancing between rich and poor is unsustainable over time, because they generate problems of governance. Considering that power is the ability to control resources, therefore the rich who account for global political power, which has caused and will continue producing protests and movements as the "outraged", "Arab spring" in the world, who want to reverse these great inequalities and inequities. Inequality in income and consequent growing gap between rich and poor is a concern and several research studies to identify the correct diagnosis and succeed in their solutions, since there are many non-monetary variables whose interrelationship of global effects is very difficult to analyze. That is why in this article we review some historical aspects considered relevant in the current global context, the importance of the U.S. Central Bank, the existence of fiat money, the current progressive deregulation and central bank in the country, the recipe of the teaching Washington Consensus economic, global imbalances, inflation and asset bubbles, which would explain the consequences and present situation of global financial and monetary system in which we are engaged all, considering some alternative solutions in their effects on the economy real and social welfare, such as the need for greater collective awareness of the economics of global common good, through the necessity of mutual coercion to achieve selfinterest properly socialize, avoiding decivilization. ; La falta de inclusión dentro del actual modelo de crecimiento económico global adoptado por la mayoría de países del mundo, se evidencia por la creciente brecha que se está generando entre ricos y pobres, este modelo económico capitalistaliberal, que privilegia al mercado sobre todas las cosas, alienta la lucha por una mayor competencia y la realización de transacciones financieras especulativas de mayores rendimientos desalentando producir bienes o brindar servicios que son esenciales para la vida, donde el capitalismo se ha convertido en una plutocracia, es decir, en una oligarquía donde se concentran grandes cantidades de dinero que además ostentan el poder político mundial. Según instituciones e investigadores de reconocido prestigio, indican que hay una desmedida ambición del 1% de la población mundial que no tiene reparos en condenar a la pobreza al 99% restante; indican que las 225 personas más ricas del mundo tienen un patrimonio que sumado superan el ingreso anual del 47% más pobre de la población, es decir cuentan con un ingreso equivalente a los ingresos de 2,500 millones de habitantes. Establecen que la máxima concentración de dinero se da en el capital financiero, específicamente en el sistema bancario global, el cual posee 60 veces más dinero que los propietarios del resto de negocios, fábricas, industrias de bienes y de otros tipos de servicios. Sin embargo hay que reconocer también que según información confiable, la pobreza actualmente no llega al 13% de la población mundial, cuando hace tan solo 140 años esta llegaba al 85%, lo cual podría estarnos indicando, que el aumento de las brechas mencionadas, es una preocupación exagerada. La liberalización económica ha permitido que nuestro país crezca a tasas líderes en forma sostenida en los últimos 10 años y que además, entre inicios de los 80 y mediados de la primera década de este siglo, China ha logrado sacar a más de 500 millones de personas de la pobreza y que India, el segundo país más poblado del mundo, reduzca su porcentaje de pobreza a la mitad. Otros indican que la causa de esta creciente brecha entre ricos y pobres es el desarrollo tecnológico el cual está ganando la carrera frente al capital humano y las habilidades organizacionales. Esta situación de distanciamiento entre ricos y pobres es insostenible en el tiempo, porque generan problemas de gobernabilidad. Si consideramos que el poder es la capacidad de controlar recursos, en consecuencia son los ricos quienes concentran el poder político mundial, lo que ha motivado y seguirán produciendo protestas y movimientos como de los "indignados" , "la primavera árabe" en el mundo, que quieren revertir estas grandes desigualdades e inequidades. La desigualdad en los ingresos y su consecuente creciente brecha entre ricos y pobres es motivo de preocupación y de diversos estudios de investigación para identificar un correcto diagnóstico y acertar en sus soluciones, dado que son muchas las variables monetarias y no monetarias cuya interrelación de efectos globales es muy difícil de analizar. Es por este motivo que en este artículo se revisan algunos aspectos históricos considerados relevantes en el actual contexto global, como la importancia del Banco Central Norteamericano, la existencia del dinero fiduciario, la China de hoy y su roll en la antigua confrontación ideológica entre el MERCADO y LA PLA NIFICACIÓN CENTRAL, la actual y progresiva desregulación bancaria del país central, la receta de la doctrina económica del Consenso de Washington, los desbalances globales, la inflación y las burbujas financieras, que explicarían las actuales consecuencias y situación del sistema monetario y financiero global en la que nos encontramos involucrados todos, planteándose algunas alternativas de solución, en sus efectos sobre la economía real y el bienestar social, como la necesidad de una mayor toma de conciencia colectiva global sobre la economía del bien común, a través de la necesidad de la coerción mutua a fin de lograr socializar adecuadamente los egoísmos, evitando una descivilización.

The firming of the economic recovery is putting the policy spotlight back on the longer term challenge of faster, more inclusive Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth. Modest investment rates despite attractive returns and low savings rates despite favorable demographics are important impediments. A virtuous cycle of faster capital accumulation, job creation (especially for the youth), and technological advancement needs to be stimulated. There are no quick fixes that can produce the desired stimulus. The quest for inclusive growth calls for a different, bolder approach. Integration of the advanced and less-developed economies and more effective integration with the global economy, using factory Southern Africa as a platform, hold considerable potential. South Africa's medium-term growth prospects point to a strengthening recovery. GDP growth is projected to be 3.5 percent in 2011, 4.1 percent in 2012 and 4.4 percent in 2013. The long term potential growth rate under the current policy environment is estimated at 3.5 percent. In light of South Africa's low national savings, the reemergence of high current account deficits, financed mostly through volatile portfolio flows, will reemerge as the biggest cause for macroeconomic concern over the medium term. With considerable strengthening of the economic recovery and GDP projected to reach its potential by 2014, the focus shifts back to the longer term challenge of raising GDP growth to 6-7 percent and making it much more inclusive to tackle the extremely high unemployment. This first issue is anchored in the national aspirations of faster and more inclusive growth, with special emphasis on the issues of savings and investment.

Tese de doutoramento em Direitos Humanos nas Sociedades Contemporâneas, apresentada ao Instituto de Investigação Interdisciplinar da Universidade de Coimbra ; The current democratization of Mozambique has to be described and analyzed in relation to a vast array of existing mechanisms of citizen consultation and participation at local level. This has entailed electoral citizen-centric processes, negotiations, and discourses on development plans, concomitant with budget allocations devised to ensure consensual decision-making. There is strong evidence in the literature to show that participatory governance mechanisms directly contribute to deepening local democracy in cities and municipalities that have adopted it around the world. Consequently, its adoption and implementation became increasingly in many countries and is being taken to sustain administrative and political reforms throughout developing countries. However, whereas there is extensive literature on the topic of local democracy, participatory budgeting concerning the rights to municipal and urban development remains one of the most under-explored aspects of democratic decentralization (Cabannes & Delgado 2015; Chigbu et al. 2017). Yet, it is crucial that if we are to understand how decentralization contributes to the promotion of urban development, two aspects of human rights pertinent to urban development are essential, they are the right to the city and inclusionary rights to urban planning. The main purpose of this doctoral dissertation is to examine the socioeconomic and political role played by citizens and a set of local actors (civil society organizations; local consultative councils; public participation professionals; NGOs; local government; and private sector) through participatory processes that promote urban development and social well-being in Mozambique. It demonstrates how the mechanism of decentralization has contributed to enhancing the protection of right to the city and the promotion of local democracy. The dissertation questions a variety of concepts and methods, from the social and economic perspective to the political relationships among the actors involved. Furthermore, it presents how the citizens' rights to participate in public affairs is granted and promoted through bottom-up democratic innovations, and its interactions with the top-down mechanisms. Its methodological approach is based on transnational models of citizen participation in urban affairs proposed by Sintomer et al., (2012; 2013) and Arnstein (1969)' ladder of citizen participation, to study the degrees of citizen involvement in municipal planning and participatory budgeting. The dissertation explored two case studies: the urban planning in Maxixe in the south and, the Quelimane participatory budgeting in central Mozambique. Due to the aims of this dissertation and its adopted methodology, the practical research is based on data collection from secondary sources; and participatory action research that explored the role played by all stakeholders who operate significant social changes in both Maxixe and Quelimane. The researcher spent eight months observing local dynamics, attending public consultation meetings and addressing questions and issues relevant to the study. To analyse the complex framework of this study, the researcher applied grounded theory and document analysis because it allows departure from the case study to the conception of a theory during data analysis. Based on the analyses made, this dissertation argues that, despite the great emancipatory capacity tied to participatory budgeting process in Mozambique and the actions taken to promote citizens' engagement in urban development, the rights to participate in the conception, management and enjoyment of the city is stratified upon territorial asymmetry and thus is not equally granted to all Mozambican citizens. Consequently, there are social resentment and a potential conflict of interests which may turn into a total distrust of the democratic institutions and its incumbents resulting from the degree of non-participation. Even though the idea of participatory budgeting in Mozambique is usually associated with a mechanism of social and economic development, in practice, the local participatory budgeting process is not necessarily linked to the promotion of urban development or to the citizens' rights to the city. It is oriented to operate inter-institutional innovations and modernization of the public administration procedures in line with the process of decentralization, deconcentration and local power sharing. Therefore, the citizen involvement in the urban affairs is restricted to a symbolic act of consultation (direct or by representation) to legitimating the urban planning and activities. Given this situation, citizens are powerless to influence and change the decisions already taken. In fact, Mozambique is yet to promote and secure full citizenship rights to the city and urban development. ; O atual processo de democratização em Moçambique deve ser visto na sua relação com os inúmeros mecanismos de consulta e participação pública nas deliberações locais, visíveis num processo eleitoral baseado no indivíduo, nas negociações e discussões dos planos de desenvolvimento e os respetivos orçamentos. Há evidências na literatura que comprovam que os mecanismos de governação participativa contribuem diretamente para o aperfeiçoamento da democracia local nas cidades e municípios que os implementam. Consequentemente, a sua adoção e implementação tem sido expressiva em vários países, particularmente naqueles em vias de desenvolvimento. Contrariamente ao que se passa com a democracia local, o orçamento participativo na sua dimensão do direito à cidade, é um aspeto ainda pouco explorado e estudado (Cabannes & Delgado 2015; Chigbu et al. 2017). O orçamento participativo é crucial para a forma como a descentralização contribui para a promoção de duas questões dos direitos humanos pertinentes nesta tese – direito à cidade e os respetivos direitos a planificação e desenvolvimento urbano. O objetivo desta tese de doutoramento é o de examinar, através dos orçamentos participativos, o papel social, económico e político dos cidadãos e dos diversos atores locais, na proteção e promoção do direito à cidade, à democracia local, ao desenvolvimento urbano e ao bem-estar social em Moçambique. As questões aqui discutidas levam-nos a questionar diversos conceitos e modelos, desde a perspetiva social e económica ao relacionamento político dos atores envolvidos. Nestes termos, pretende apurar-se de que modo o direito à participação nas questões locais é promovido e concedido a partir de inovações democráticas ascendentes (dos cidadãos em relação ao estado), e a sua interação com os mecanismos do estado (em relação aos cidadãos). Deste modo, recorre-se à uma abordagem baseada nos modelos transnacionais de participação cidadã concebido por Sintomer et al., (2012; 2013) e a escala de participação de Arnstein (1969), para descrever o grau de envolvimento dos cidadãos nos planos municipais e nos orçamentos participativos. Entretanto, foram conduzidos dois estudos de caso, a saber: a participação cidadã nos planos de desenvolvimento urbano no município da Maxixe no sul, e nos orçamentos participativos em Quelimane, no centro de Moçambique. Para os objetivos desta tese e a metodologia aqui proposta, a pesquisa consistiu em recolha de dados secundários e primários obtidos através da pesquisa-ação participativa, com o objetivo de apurar o papel dos atores locais de desenvolvimento e o grau do seu envolvimento nas questões locais em Maxixe e Quelimane. Para tal, observaram-se as dinâmicas locais através de participação em reuniões de consultas públicas. E, na sua analise, recorreu-se a teoria fundamentada nos dados do estudo de caso. Deste modo, o estudo conclui que, apesar do grande potencial emancipador dos orçamentos participativos em Moçambique e as ações objetivas de promoção do engajamento dos cidadãos no desenvolvimento urbano, o direito à participação na conceção, gestão e ''usufruto'' da vida na cidade não é universalmente garantido a todos os Moçambicanos. Isto ocorre sobretudo porque os mecanismos locais de participação tendem a ser estratificados com base em assimetrias territoriais. Desta forma, como resultado da não participação cidadã, é evidente a existência de descontentamento social e de um potencial conflito de interesses que pode resultar num total descrédito dos cidadãos em relação as instituições democráticas e aos seus incumbentes. Apesar da narrativa criada à volta do orçamento participativo em Moçambique estar ''sempre'' associada ao desenvolvimento económico, social, e político, na prática, apresenta evidências pouco significativas da sua ligação ao desenvolvimento urbano e ao direito à cidade. Por outro lado, constatam-se evidências da sua orientação para a modernização dos procedimentos internos da administração pública, aperfeiçoamento e reforço da partilha de poder pelos atores locais. Por conseguinte, o envolvimento dos cidadãos nas questões locais é restrito ao âmbito de uma consulta pública frágil, que legitima os planos e as atividades dos governos locais. Deste modo, a participação pública em Moçambique está longe de garantir plenos direitos aos cidadãos. ; Tokyo Foundation; The Nippon Foundation; Sylff Scholarship; Governo do Distrito da Massinga (Moçambique); Cáritas de Coimbra

Sustainable economic growth and strong institutions are interlinked, and the present report summarizes recent economic and fiscal developments in West Bank and Gaza (WB&G) as well as providing a broad overview of institutional accomplishments to date. The present report begins by discussing the apparent slowdown in economic growth in WB&G and the current fiscal crisis facing the Palestinian Authority (PA)-resulting partly from lower-than-expected external support this year. A further drop in donor funding would likely reduce growth, which would in turn further aggravate the fiscal situation in the coming year. A protracted fiscal crisis, in turn, risks jeopardizing the gains made in institution-building and thereby losing what has been painstakingly achieved over the past years. In addition, the report highlights that in order for the PA to sustain the reform momentum and its achievements in institution-building, remaining Israeli restrictions must be lifted and any reductions in international aid flows must be carefully calibrated and managed. Economic growth in WB&G has slowed down in 2011, and together with the shortfall in external financing, this has led to a fiscal crisis for the PA. Economic growth in WB&G remains robust but appears to be slowing due to economic and political uncertainty, so that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has revised the projected real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth rate for 2011 from 9 down to 7 percent. Despite some improvement, unemployment remains stubbornly high and labor force participation low in WB&G.

Sciences Po Economics Discussion Papers, n°2021-01 During the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, conflicting incentives caused most shareholders to adverse corporate social responsibility (CSR) –measured by firms' charitable donations– since it would further burden firms' already strained finances. Those shareholders that favored donations, large individual investors, did so to bolster their own images as they are typically synonymous with the donating firms. Image gains do not pass through to institutional shareholders, who instead preferred to donate themselves rather than having the firms they invested in donate. Taken together, our results cast doubts on large corporations' willingness to demand costly CSR measures across firms in their portfolios.

Since the industrial revolution, the economic development of Western Europe and North America was characterized by continuous urbanization accompanied by a gradual phasing-in of urban land property rights over time. Today, however, the evidence in many fast urbanizing low-income countries points towards a different trend of "urbanization without formalization", with potentially adverse effects on long-term economic growth. This paper aims to understand the causes and the consequences of this phenomenon, and whether informal city growth could be a transitory or a persistent feature of developing economies. A dynamic stochastic equilibrium model of a representative city is developed, which explicitly accounts for the joint dynamics of land property rights and urbanization. The calibrated baseline model describes a city that first grows informally, with the growth of individual incomes leading to a phased-in purchase of property rights in subsequent periods. The model demonstrates that land tenure informality does not necessarily vanish in the long term, and the social optimum does not necessarily imply a fully formal city, neither in the transition, nor in the long run. The welfare effects of policies, such as reducing the cost of land tenure formalization, or protecting informal dwellers against evictions are subsequently investigated, throughout the short-term transition and in the long-term stationary state.

Monitoring and evaluation (M&E) is an extremely complex, multidisciplinary and skill intensive endeavor. Government-wide M&E is even more so because it requires detailed knowledge across and within sectors, as well as of interactions among planning, budgeting, and implementation functions in the public sector. The situation is complicated even further when the machinery of government is decentralized, with powers and functions distributed across three spheres of government. This paper outlines the process of implementing a government-wide monitoring and evaluation (GWM&E) system in South Africa. The first section sketches the context that created the impetus for establishing such a system. This context is clearly shaping the evolution of the system and influencing its longer-term sustainability. The second section outlines the various stages of conceptualizing and implementing the GWM&E system, which is currently very much a 'work in progress.' The third section reviews international experiences for lessons learned, which may also be germane to the South African context, noting similarities and differences in approach. Some of the critical implementation factors relate to the role of political leadership and championing of M&E, incentives for promoting usage of M&E findings, dealing with information and data constraints, capacity building, "ownership" of the M&E system by line ministries and other agencies, and managing the challenges of change. The fourth section examines a range of challenges and difficulties encountered in South Africa. The final section reflects on lessons distilled from the South African experience to date.

The three countries covered in this first report, Mali, Chad and Niger, share a number of common characteristics and face a similar set of challenges, which provides the foundation for this joint-review approach. All three are low-income landlocked economies. Each relies heavily on the agricultural sector as its primary source of income and livelihoods, and each has a large livestock subsector that is based in part on traditional nomadic pastoralism. All countries have important natural resource industries, gold for Mali, uranium and oil for Niger, and oil for Chad, which represent the bulk of export earnings and public revenue. This dependence on the primary sector renders these economies highly vulnerable to weather-related shocks and volatile commodity prices. Each is struggling to overcome a legacy of instability and violence, which is complicated both by the fragility of domestic socio-political conditions and the severity of regional security challenges. Finally, all three countries are members of a monetary union that uses a regional currency pegged to the euro and exercises significant influence over the macroeconomic policies of its member states. At the center of the trade-off between stabilization and development lies public investment management, at macroeconomic and financial management levels. Faced with repeated negative shocks, countries tend to cut ongoing and planned public investment projects which are often designed to reduce drivers of fragility and strengthen the resilience of economies, thus perpetuating risks of falling into fragility traps. Hence, Section three discusses the impact of public investment volatility on its quality in Chad, Mali and Niger, and explores possible options in terms of macroeconomic and public financial management to smooth public investment budget execution.

The article examines the effect of the phenomenon of the right of force in state-organized societies and societies that did not yet know the state forms. The phenomenon of the law of force was investigated by domestic lawyers for the most part in the context of the criminal activity of individuals. The most significant results in the study of this phenomenon were achieved by the representatives of the humanities of the West. In this regard, the task of studying the current conditions for the emergence and implementation of the right of force in both Ukraine and in other states looks urgent. There is postulated the hypothesis of the study, which consists in the assertion that the right of force - is the presence of any benefits to individuals over others, the exercise of the right of force will be understood as the implementation of the domination of one subject over the other (a group of subjects, their community), obtrusion of others' will to them. From this angle, socio-economic formations (tribal, tribal, slaveholding, feudalism, capitalism) are analyzed for the purpose of finding the grounds for the emergence and mechanisms for the exercise of their right to force. It is argued that during the conscious history of mankind, the factor of the power of rights played a significant role in the organization of society. This is that individuals who had certain advantages over others (initially physical, later – intellectual, economic, organizational), were able to gain a privileged position in all spheres of human activity. With the change of feudalism by capitalism, the legal right of force was replaced by the right of formal equality, which did not remove the actual inequality of individuals, which ultimately helped them again occupy the dominant positions in the socio-political, business hierarchy. This is confirmed by the data of anthropological and synergetic theories of legal thinking. On this basis, the conclusion was made that the power of law existed and exists, and this is not the atavism of the legal system, it is reproduced by the selfish nature of individual representatives of mankind, unfortunately the most active and mobile in comparison with others in achieving their goals. Examples of the force of law in modern practice of the functioning of state institutions of Ukraine, Italy and America are given. The forms and mechanisms for implementing the right of force are considered. Among the latter is the manipulation of consciousness, which is typical for developed civil societies with democracy as their political form. The above conclusions are illustrated by examples of mass media activities. In this context, attention is also drawn to the exercise of the right to force through the trade and economic mechanisms of individual international organizations and institutions. At the end of the study, the results are summarized, which are reduced to the next. Summarizing all of the above, we can draw the following conclusions. First, the right to force is a right arising from the existence of any advantage of one subject over another (physical, intellectual, economic, organizational, etc.), which, under certain conditions, the weakness of the other party (lack of appropriate qualities) can be implemented in the relationship between them. Secondly, the power of law has not disappeared from modern history, it continues to exist as in the relationships of individual individuals, individuals and states, and in the relations of individual states. Third, the existence of democracy as a political regime does not exclude the existence and exercise of the right to force. Fourthly, manipulation of consciousness as a kind of power of law is one of the main means of governance in the conditions of the existence of civil societies and democracies as a political form, which necessitates dictating the demand for improvement of the latter in order to prevent distortion of opinion of citizens in such societies. For example, by expanding the forms of people's participation in the exercise of power through the institutes of direct democracy, which is known to be widely used in one of the wealthiest and happiest countries in the world - Switzerland ; Феномен права силы исследовался отечественными правоведами преимущественно в контексте преступной деятельности отдельных индивидов. Наиболее существенные результаты в изучении этого явления достигли представители гуманитарных наук Запада. В связи с этим актуальным выглядит задача исследования современных условий возникновения и осуществления права силы как в Украине, так и в других государствах. Постулируется гипотеза исследования, которая заключается в утверждении, что право силы - это наличие каких-либо преимуществ у отдельных индивидов над другими, под осуществлением права силы будет пониматься осуществление господства одного субъекта над другим (группой субъектов, их сообществ), навязывание им своей воли. Под этим углом зрения анализируются общественно-экономические формации (родо-племенная, рабовладельческая, феодализм, капитализм) на предмет поиска оснований возникновения и механизмов осуществления у них права силы. Утверждается, что в течение сознательной истории человечества фактор права силы играл существенную роль в организации социума. Это заключается в том, что отдельные индивиды, которые имели определенные преимущества перед другими (сначала физические, позже - интеллектуальные, экономические, организационные), смогли завоевать себе привилегированное положение в любых сферах человеческой активности. Со сменой феодализма капитализмом юридическое право силы было заменено на право формального равенства, что не устранило фактического неравенства индивидов, в конечном счете помогло более состятельным из них снова занять доминирующие места в общественно-политической, бизнесовой иерархии. Это подтверждается данными антропологической и синергетической теориями правопонимания. Исходя из этого, сделан вывод - право силы было и существует, и это не атавизм правовой системы, оно воспроизводится эгоистичной природой отдельных представителей человечества, к сожалению наиболее активных и мобильных по сравнению с другими в достижении своих целей. Приводятся примеры действия права силы в современной практике функционирования государственных институтов Украины, Италии и Америки. Рассматриваются формы и механизмы осуществления права силы. Среди последних - манипуляция сознанием, которая характерна именно для развитых гражданских обществ с демократией как их политической формой. Указанные выводы иллюстрируются примерами деятельности масс-медиа. В этом контексте обращается также внимание на осуществление права силы через торговые и экономические механизмы отдельных международных организаций и учреждений. В конце исследования подводятся итоги, которые сводятся к следующему. Во-первых, право силы - право, которое следует из наличия какого-либо преимущества одного субъекта над другим (физической, интеллектуальной, экономической, организационной и т.д.), которое при определенных условиях - слабости другой стороны (отсутствие соответствующих качеств) - может быть реализована в отношениях между ними. Во-вторых, право силы не исчезло из современной истории, оно продолжает существовать как во взаимоотношениях отдельных индивидов, индивидов и государств, так и во взаимоотношениях отдельных государств. В-третьих, наличие демократии как политического режима не исключает существования и осуществления права силы. В-четвертых, манипуляция сознанием как разновидность права силы является одним из главных средств управления в условиях существования гражданских обществ и демократий как их политической формы, что с необходимостью диктует требование совершенствования последней для предотвращения искажения мнения граждан в таких обществах. Например, путем расширения форм участия народа в осуществлении власти через институты непосредственной демократии, что, как известно, широко используется в одной из самых богатых и счастливых стран мира - Швейцарии ; Феномен права сили досліджувався вітчизняними правознавцями здебільшого в контексті злочинної діяльності окремих індивідів. Найбільш суттєві результати у вивченні цього явища досягли представники гуманітарних наук Заходу. В зв'язку з цим актуальним виглядає завдання дослідження сучасних умов виникнення та здійснення права сили як на теренах України, так і в інших державах. Постулюють гіпотеза дослідження, яка полягає у твердженні, що право сили – це наявність будь-яких переваг у окремих індивідів над іншими, під здійсненням права сили буде розумітися здійснення панування одного суб'єкта над іншим (групою суб'єктів, їх спільнотою), нав'язування їм своєї волі. Під цим кутом зору аналізуються суспільно-економічні формації (родо-племінна, рабовласницька, феодалізм, капіталізм) на предмет пошуку підстав виникнення та механізмів здійснення в них права сили. Стверджується, що на протязі свідомої історії людства чинник права сили грав суттєву роль в організації соціуму. Це полягає в тому, що окремі індивіди, які мали певні переваги над іншими (спочатку фізичні, пізніше – інтелектуальні, економічні, організаційні), змогли завоювати собі привілейоване становище в будь-яких сферах людської активності. Зі зміною феодалізму капіталізмом юридичне право сили було замінено на право формальної рівності, що не усунуло фактичної нерівності індивідів, що в кінцевому рахунку допомогло більш спроможним з них знову зайняти домінуючі місця в суспільно-політичній, бізнесовій ієрархії. Це підтверджується даними антропологічної та синергетичної теоріями праворозуміння. Виходячи з цього, зроблений висновок право сили існувало та існує, і це не атавізм правової системи, воно відтворюється егоїстичною природою окремих представників людства, на жаль найбільш активних та мобільних у порівнянні з іншими у досягненні своїх цілей. Наводяться приклади дії права сили у сучасній практиці функціонування державних інститутів України, Італії та Америки. Розглядаються форми та механізмі здійснення права сили. Серед останніх – маніпуляція свідомістю, яка характерна саме для розвинутих громадянських суспільств з демократією як їх політичної формою. Зазначені висновки ілюструються прикладами діяльності мас-медіа. В цьому контексті звертається також увага на здійснення права сили через торгові та економічні механізми окремих міжнародних організацій та установ. В кінці дослідження підводяться підсумки, які зводяться до наступного. По-перше, право сили – право, що випливає з наявності будь-якої переваги одного суб'єкта над іншим (фізичної, інтелектуальної, економічної, організаційної тощо), яка при певних умовах – слабкості іншої сторони (відсутність відповідних якостей) – може бути реалізована у стосунках між ними. По-друге, право сили не зникло з сучасної історії, воно продовжує існувати як у взаємовідносинах окремих індивідів, індивідів та держав, так і у взаємовідносинах окремих держав. По-третє, наявність демократії як політичного режиму не виключає існування та здійснення права сили. По-четверте, маніпуляція свідомістю як різновид права сили є одним з головних засобів управління в умовах існування громадянських суспільств та демократій як політичної форми, що з необхідністю диктує вимогу вдосконалення останньої для запобігання спотворення думки громадян в таких суспільствах. Наприклад, шляхом розширення форм участі народу у здійсненні влади через інститути безпосередньої демократії, що як відомо, широко використовується в одній із найбільш заможних та щасливих країн світу – Швейцарії