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Автор статьи рассматривает И. Берлина как философа, который актуализировал проблему совместимости либерализма и плюрализма ценностей и форм существования культур. В статье доказывается, что именно в работах Берлина идея ценностного плюрализма вписывается в контекст современного англо-американского либерализма. В концепции агонального либерализма Берлина, либерализм начинает пониматься не как благо (как он воспринимался в классической политической философии), но как процедурный принцип, основная функция которого оценка рисков и достижение компромисса в конфликтах ценностей, целей и интересов. Автор выявляет интеллектуальные влияния агонального либерализма Берлина на современные теории демократии делиберативную и агрегативную и демонстрирует, что берлиновская идея ценностного плюрализма, с одной стороны, стала основным допущением всех известных на сегодняшний день либеральных теорий, с другой стороны основным затруднением, которое они пытаются преодолеть разными способами. ; The author considers I. Berlin as a philosopher who has updated the problem of compatibility of liberalism and value pluralism and forms of existence of different cultures. The author argues that the idea of value pluralism has been embedded into the context of contemporary Anglo-American liberalism in Berlins works. In his concept of agonistic liberalism the later began to be understood not as a good (as it was perceived in classical political philosophy), but as a procedural principle the primary function of which is risk assessment and achieving compromise in conflicts of values, goals and interests. The article identifies the intellectual influences of Berlins agonistic liberalism on modern models of democracy deliberative and aggregative. The author concludes that Berlins idea of value pluralism, on the one hand, has become a basic assumption of all currently known liberal theories, on the other hand, it has become the main difficulty that they are trying to overcome in different ways.

International audience ; "An ideological shift accompanies the current transformations of decision-making in contemporary democracies. It is through constant and systematic development of certain themes : discussion, debate, dialogue, consultation, participation, governance", says Loïc Blondiaux (Blondiaux, 2002, p. 81), describing what he calls "the emergence of a standard deliberative". But these themes, which have emerged as new standards of political discourse, have also appeared in the field of organizational communication. We have chosen to concern ourselves here with the communication and language standards which are involved in the dialogue forms between two categories of social actors : economic and associative. From the perspective of Habermas "discourse ethics" (Habermas, 1999), we will examine the patterns of language interaction between actors, and specifically their ability to dialogue. What is the basis of the exchange ? How to resolve the tensions between convergence and divergence ? What are the terms of dialogue between the protagonists ? Can we really speak of a dialogical praxis, i.e. the conditions for an authentic "discussion", assuming the construction of a common interest, are they satisfied, or are we in a simple "negociation", which merely obtains a compromise, a compatibility between particular and divergent interests, and can not defuse power relationships between actors, according to Habermas categories ? Also, can we identify a normative framework, some procedures which define the parameters of the exchanges ? Do these standards have an axiological dimension ? About this question of standards, we note that the contribution of the work on the analysis of models of participatory democracy is also very useful : we draw inspiration from research in sociology of innovation - like the work of Michel Callon, Pierre Lascoumes and Yannick Barthe - ; in sociology of controversies, as practiced by Francis Chateauraynaud ; in information and communication sciences, including Laurence ...

International audience ; "An ideological shift accompanies the current transformations of decision-making in contemporary democracies. It is through constant and systematic development of certain themes : discussion, debate, dialogue, consultation, participation, governance", says Loïc Blondiaux (Blondiaux, 2002, p. 81), describing what he calls "the emergence of a standard deliberative". But these themes, which have emerged as new standards of political discourse, have also appeared in the field of organizational communication. We have chosen to concern ourselves here with the communication and language standards which are involved in the dialogue forms between two categories of social actors : economic and associative. From the perspective of Habermas "discourse ethics" (Habermas, 1999), we will examine the patterns of language interaction between actors, and specifically their ability to dialogue. What is the basis of the exchange ? How to resolve the tensions between convergence and divergence ? What are the terms of dialogue between the protagonists ? Can we really speak of a dialogical praxis, i.e. the conditions for an authentic "discussion", assuming the construction of a common interest, are they satisfied, or are we in a simple "negociation", which merely obtains a compromise, a compatibility between particular and divergent interests, and can not defuse power relationships between actors, according to Habermas categories ? Also, can we identify a normative framework, some procedures which define the parameters of the exchanges ? Do these standards have an axiological dimension ? About this question of standards, we note that the contribution of the work on the analysis of models of participatory democracy is also very useful : we draw inspiration from research in sociology of innovation - like the work of Michel Callon, Pierre Lascoumes and Yannick Barthe - ; in sociology of controversies, as practiced by Francis Chateauraynaud ; in information and communication sciences, including Laurence ...

International audience ; "An ideological shift accompanies the current transformations of decision-making in contemporary democracies. It is through constant and systematic development of certain themes : discussion, debate, dialogue, consultation, participation, governance", says Loïc Blondiaux (Blondiaux, 2002, p. 81), describing what he calls "the emergence of a standard deliberative". But these themes, which have emerged as new standards of political discourse, have also appeared in the field of organizational communication. We have chosen to concern ourselves here with the communication and language standards which are involved in the dialogue forms between two categories of social actors : economic and associative. From the perspective of Habermas "discourse ethics" (Habermas, 1999), we will examine the patterns of language interaction between actors, and specifically their ability to dialogue. What is the basis of the exchange ? How to resolve the tensions between convergence and divergence ? What are the terms of dialogue between the protagonists ? Can we really speak of a dialogical praxis, i.e. the conditions for an authentic "discussion", assuming the construction of a common interest, are they satisfied, or are we in a simple "negociation", which merely obtains a compromise, a compatibility between particular and divergent interests, and can not defuse power relationships between actors, according to Habermas categories ? Also, can we identify a normative framework, some procedures which define the parameters of the exchanges ? Do these standards have an axiological dimension ? About this question of standards, we note that the contribution of the work on the analysis of models of participatory democracy is also very useful : we draw inspiration from research in sociology of innovation - like the work of Michel Callon, Pierre Lascoumes and Yannick Barthe - ; in sociology of controversies, as practiced by Francis Chateauraynaud ; in information and communication sciences, including Laurence ...

International audience ; "An ideological shift accompanies the current transformations of decision-making in contemporary democracies. It is through constant and systematic development of certain themes : discussion, debate, dialogue, consultation, participation, governance", says Loïc Blondiaux (Blondiaux, 2002, p. 81), describing what he calls "the emergence of a standard deliberative". But these themes, which have emerged as new standards of political discourse, have also appeared in the field of organizational communication. We have chosen to concern ourselves here with the communication and language standards which are involved in the dialogue forms between two categories of social actors : economic and associative. From the perspective of Habermas "discourse ethics" (Habermas, 1999), we will examine the patterns of language interaction between actors, and specifically their ability to dialogue. What is the basis of the exchange ? How to resolve the tensions between convergence and divergence ? What are the terms of dialogue between the protagonists ? Can we really speak of a dialogical praxis, i.e. the conditions for an authentic "discussion", assuming the construction of a common interest, are they satisfied, or are we in a simple "negociation", which merely obtains a compromise, a compatibility between particular and divergent interests, and can not defuse power relationships between actors, according to Habermas categories ? Also, can we identify a normative framework, some procedures which define the parameters of the exchanges ? Do these standards have an axiological dimension ? About this question of standards, we note that the contribution of the work on the analysis of models of participatory democracy is also very useful : we draw inspiration from research in sociology of innovation - like the work of Michel Callon, Pierre Lascoumes and Yannick Barthe - ; in sociology of controversies, as practiced by Francis Chateauraynaud ; in information and communication sciences, including Laurence ...

The issue of multiculturalism questions two essential elements that have conformed occidental society in the last two centuries: the nation-state and the citizenship. The former one, because multiculturalism questions the homogeneity in which is based, the later because the principle of individual equality is challenged by claims for the recognition of identities based on groups. We think that this issue is especially relevant at urban level. At the beginning of the XXI century, cities are where diversity is mainly concentrated, and were most conflicts based on multiculturalism arise, creating a rich diversity of social, cultural, religious traditions. Cities as Rotterdam or Brussels are examples of places were the diversity is already common, but other cities as Barcelona are only recently facing this phenomenon. Nation is what defines citizenship but there are other dimensions equally important in order to understand it and take changes into account. The local level is one of these dimensions, where the conflict between community and citizenship, universality and difference are more evident. In this paper we will analyse these issues. In first place we will analyse how theories of multiculturalism are applied to the local level, how the issue is identified from the urban sociology and the solutions proposed. As will be shown, we need to address to the concept of liberal citizenship. Later on we analyse models of citizen's participation that try to reflect the diversity of multiculturalism, concretely the model of deliberative and aggregate democracy. Multiculturalism refers to different phenomena, but this paper focus in the migration issue, because it is a paradigmatic example of the problems that multiculturalism arises. Moreover, is in cities were most of the immigration in European countries concentrates, which is the dimension we want to study.

RESUMEN: La versión seniana del enfoque de las capacidades define a la libertad individual en términos de la posesión de una preferencia decisiva. A través del análisis de la discusión con la definición provista por el republicanismo, se mostrará que la primera desconoce el papel que las instituciones deben jugar a la hora de proteger esas libertades y que, por lo tanto, es inadecuada. En este artículo se argumenta que, cuando esta definición es considerada dentro del marco más general del pensamiento seniano, es posible hallar una solución a tales problemas, y que ella consiste en vincular las libertades con una concepción deliberativa de la democracia. Sin embargo, se mostrará que esta solución tiene costos teóricos y que parte de esa definición de la libertad o bien debe abandonarse o bien relativizarse. ; ABSTRACT: Senian Version of the Capability Approach defines individual freedom in terms of having a decisive preference. Through the analysis of the discussion with the definition provided by republican conceptions, it will be shown that Senian definition ignores the role that institutions should play at protecting those freedoms and that this is a reason to consider it inadequate. This article argues that, when this definition is considered in the more general framework of Senian thinking, a solution can be founded. This solution consists in the construction of a solid link between freedom as decisive preference and a deliberative conception of democracy. However, it will be argued that this solution has some theoretical costs and that part of that definition should be given up or at least relativized. ; Fil: Garcia Valverde, Facundo. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina

Introduction -- 1: Risk Evaluation Through the Lens of Administrative Constitutionalism -- I THE SCIENCE -- DEMOCRACY DICHOTOMY IN REGULATING TECHNOLOGICAL RISK -- A Technological Risks -- B The Science -- Democracy Dichotomy -- C The Role of Law -- D Problems with the Science -- Democracy Dichotomy -- II TECHNOLOGICAL RISK, PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, AND ADMINISTRATIVE CONSTITUTIONALISM -- A The Necessary Role of Public Administration -- B The Contentious Role of Public Administration, Law and Administrative Constitutionalism -- III TWO PARADIGMS OF ADMINISTRATIVE CONSTITUTIONALISM IN THE RISK REGULATION CONTEXT -- A The Rational-Instrumental Paradigm -- B The Deliberative Constitutive Paradigm -- C The Paradigms Compared -- IV ADMINISTRATIVE CONSTITUTIONALISM AS A FORM OF LEGAL CULTURE -- V AN EXAMPLE: THE PRECAUTIONARY PRINCIPLE AND ADMINISTRATIVE CONSTITUTIONALISM -- A The Precautionary Principle -- B The Precautionary Principle and the DC and RI Paradigms -- C The Precautionary Principle and the Burden of Proof -- VI CONCLUSION -- Part One: Administrative Constitutionalism in National Legal Cultures -- Introduction to Administrative Constitutionalism in National Legal Cultures -- I NATURE OF ADMINISTRATIVE CONSTITUTIONALISM -- II THE ROLE OF LAW -- III THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LEGAL CONCEPTS AND THE REGULATORY REGIMES FOR TECHNOLOGICAL RISK REGULATION -- IV CONCLUSION -- 2: BSE, Expertise and Administrative Constitutionalism: Examining the Role of the Southwood Working Party -- I THINKING OF BSE IN TERMS OF ADMINISTRATIVE CONSTITUTIONALISM -- II TECHNOLOGICAL RISK REGULATION AND ADMINISTRATIVE CONSTITUTIONALISM IN THE UK: A BRIEF HISTORY -- III THE ADMINISTRATIVE CONSTITUTIONALISM CONTEXT OF THE BSE CRISIS -- IV THE SOUTHWOODWORKING PARTY -- V AFTER SOUTHWOOD -- VI CONCLUSIONS -- 3: Hard Looks and Substantial Evidence: Scope of Review of US Risk Regulation Rulemaking in the 1970s -- I SCOPE OF REVIEW AND ADMINISTRATIVE CONSTITUTIONALISM IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE -- II ADMINISTRATIVE CONSTITUTIONALISM AND RISK REGULATION REGIMES IN THE EARLY 1970S -- III HARD LOOK REVIEW -- IV SUBSTANTIAL EVIDENCE AND THE OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY AND HEALTH ACT -- V SCOPE OF REVIEW UNDER THE RI PARADIGM -- VI REFLECTIONS -- VII CONCLUSION -- 4: The Precautionary Principle and Merits Review in Australia -- I AUSTRALIAN ENVIRONMENTAL LAW AND THE DC PARADIGM OF ADMINISTRATIVE CONSTITUTIONALISM -- II THE PRECAUTIONARY PRINCIPLE IN AUSTRALIAN ENVIRONMENTAL LAW -- III GENERALIST TRIBUNALS, ENVIRONMENTAL COURTS, AND MERITS REVIEW -- IV DC INTERPRETATIONS OF THE PRECAUTIONARY PRINCIPLE -- V RI INTERPRETATIONS OF THE PRECAUTIONARY PRINCIPLE -- VI THE SEARCH FOR A UNIFORM INTERPRETATION -- VII CONCLUSIONS -- Part Two: Administrative Constitutionalism and Risk Regulation Beyond the State -- Introduction to Administrative Constitutionalism and Risk Regulation Beyond the State -- I THE WTO AND EU: AN OVERVIEW -- II THE ROLE OF LAW -- III GOVERNANCE AND ADMINISTRATIVE CONSTITUTIONALISM -- IV CONCLUSION -- 5: Risk Assessment, The World Trade Organisation Sanitary and Phytosanitary Agreement and Administrative Constitutionalism -- I THE WTO SPS AGREEMENT -- II THE SPS AGREEMENT THROUGH THE LENS OF ADMINISTRATIVE CONSTITUTIONALISM -- III EC-HORMONES AND THE DEFINITION OF RISK ASSESSMENT -- IV DEFINING RISK ASSESSMENT IN DISPUTES SINCE EC-HORMONES: THE INADVERTENT PURSUIT OF THE RI PARADIGM -- V THE PROBLEM WITH THE WTO SPS JURISPRUDENCE ON ARTICLE 5.1 -- VI FUTURE LINES OF INQUIRY -- VII CONCLUSION -- 6. The Precautionary Principle and Administrative Constitutionalism in the European Union: Asking Some Difficult Questions -- I CONTEXTUALISING THE PRECAUTIONARY PRINCIPLE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION -- II OVERLAPS, INTERRELATIONSHIPS AND ADMINISTRATIVE INTEGRATION -- III THE CASE LAW BEFORE THE COMMISSION'S COMMUNICATION -- IV THE COMMISSION'S COMMUNICATION ON THE PRECAUTIONARY PRINCIPLE -- V CASE LAW AFTER THE COMMISSION'S COMMUNICATION -- VI REFLECTIONS -- VII CONCLUSION -- Conclusions -- Chapter Seven: Beyond the Science -- Democracy Dichotomy -- I A SUMMARY OF ANALYSIS -- II SOME PRELIMINARY FINDINGS -- III NEXT STEPS -- IV CONCLUSION -- Bibliography -- Index

This doctoral work is an action-research in the form of an ethnographic survey (Cefaï 2003) and was carried out within the framework of a CIFRE thesis in a French local authority, Clermont Auvergne Métropole. The mission of this work was to study the communicational practices that run through the various attempts to co-construct the metropolitan public action of social and solidarity economy (SSE) and social innovations.The thesis defended here is that communication must be apprehended not from an inter-comprehension perspective but, on the contrary, from an incommunication approach (Dacheux 2015, Robert 2005, Wolton 2009,). Indeed, these dynamics that bring together a diversity of actors with singular lived worlds appear to be particularly prone to incommunication phenomena, which correspond to the shared observation that we do not manage to understand each other completely. This thesis thus exposes the existence of incommunication phenomena in the processes of co-construction and reveals their content. From then on, communication is apprehended as a relationship of construction of meaning which frequently leads to the shared observation of an imperfect understanding of otherness. Incommunication and communication would thus be two sides of the same coin. These works put then the stake of a communicational engineering restoring a fruitful character to the incommunication. It thus exposes the communicationnal practices -deliberative, praxeological and relational- likely to favor the construction of shared meaning, embraced by a mediation-translation approach (Liquète 2019, Oustinoff 2012, Six 1990) both as a posture -the mediator-translator- and as a reflection on the symbolic dimension of communication (Mucchielli & Paillé 2012, Quéré 1982).This communicational engineering could be qualified as "instituting political communication", that is to say a democratic political communication that brings about instituting collective actions and thus social change. Such a proposal is rooted in the Copernican revolution of an incommunication approach and proposes a communicational engineering that brings incommunication and democratic co-construction into dialogue. ; Inscrit en sciences de l'Information et de la Communication (SIC), ce travail de doctorat est une recherche-action déployée sous la forme d'une enquête ethnographique (Cefaï 2003) et menée dans le cadre d'une thèse CIFRE au sein d'une collectivité territoriale française, Clermont Auvergne Métropole. Ce travail se donne alors pour mission d'étudier les pratiques communicationnelles qui traversent les différentes tentatives de co-construction de l'action publique métropolitaine d'économie sociale et solidaire (ESS) et d'innovations sociales. La thèse défendue ici est que la communication doit être appréhendée non pas dans une perspective intercompréhensive mais au contraire dans une approche par l'incommunication (Dacheux 2015, Robert 2005, Wolton 2009,). En effet, ces dynamiques réunissant une diversité d'acteurs aux mondes vécus singuliers apparaissent particulièrement sujettes aux phénomènes d'incommunication qui correspondent au constat partagé que nous n'arrivons pas à nous comprendre totalement. Cette thèse expose ainsi l'existence de phénomènes d'incommunication dans les processus de co-construction et en révèle la teneur. Dès lors, la communication est appréhendée comme une relation de construction de sens qui débouche fréquemment sur le constat partagé d'une compréhension imparfaite de l'altérité. Incommunication et communication seraient donc les faces d'une même pièce. Ces travaux mettent alors l'enjeu d'une ingénierie communicationnelle redonnant un caractère fécond à l'incommunication. Elle expose ainsi les pratiques communicationnelles -délibératives, praxéologiques et relationnelles- susceptibles de favoriser la construction de sens partagé, embrassées par une approche de médiation traduction (Liquète 2019, Oustinoff 2012, Six 1990) à la fois comme posture -le médiateur traducteur- et comme réflexion sur la dimension symbolique de la communication (Mucchielli & Paillé 2012, Quéré 1982). Cette ingénierie communicationnelle pourrait être qualifiée de « communication politique instituante », c'est-à-dire une communication politique démocratique vectrice d'actions collectives instituantes et donc de changement social. Une telle proposition s'enracine dans la révolution copernicienne d'une approche par l'incommunication et propose une ingénierie communicationnelle faisant dialoguer incommunication et co-construction démocratique.

Various forms of state power are associated with various forms of resistance. This article argues that there is not only a Western or non-Western form of state power, but also the corresponding Western and non-Western forms of political resistance. Methodologically, the article is based on a semantic-pragmatic approach to the formation of concepts. This article clarifi es the concept of "non-Western political resistance." First, the semantics of this concept is determined through a review of relevant scientifi c literature, namely the works of M. Foucault, M. Mann, I. Neumann and J. Habermas, and then using it studies Zomia as a case of a non-Western form of resistance. As a result of the conceptual study, the following conclusions can be made. Western forms of state power are based on governmentality or infrastructural power. Such governance methods give rise to their corresponding Western strategies of political resistance, based on the deliberative form of democracy as the closest to democracy based on communicative rationality. Non-Western forms of state power are understood as governance practices based on disciplinary or despotic power. They give rise to forms of non-Western resistance corresponding to them, which include either the desire to physically move away from state control in geographically inaccessible areas (the case of Zomia), or protest resistance up to civil wars and terrorism. ; Различные формы государственной власти связаны с различными формами сопротивления. В данной статье утверждается, что существует не только западная или незападная формы государственной власти, но и соответствующие им западная и незападная формы политического сопротивления. Методологически статья основывается на семантико-прагматическом подходе к формированию концепций. В данной статье уточняется концепция «незападного политического сопротивления». Сначала семантика этого понятия определяется через обзор релевантной научной литературы, а именно работ М. Фуко, М. Манна, И. Нойманна и Ю. Хабермаса, а затем с помощью кейс-стади Зомии как незападной формы сопротивления. В результате проведенного концептуального исследования можно следить следующие выводы. Западные формы государственной власти основаны на правительственности или инфраструктурной власти. Такие методы управления порождают соответствующие им западные стратегии политического сопротивления, основанные на делибиративной форме демократии как наиболее близкой к демократии, основанной на коммуникативной рациональности. Под незападными формами государственной власти понимаются практики управления, основанные на дисциплинарной или деспотической власти. Они порождают соответствующие им формы незападного сопротивления, включающие в себя либо стремление физически удалиться от государственного контроля в географически труднодоступные районы (Зомия), либо протестное сопротивление вплоть до по- встанческих войн и терроризма.

International audience ; Since Gaxie's seminal work (1978), representative democracy is usually said to be bound to a "cens caché" which leads a majority of citizens to refrain any political participation although nothing, in law, prevent them from actingdoing it. Following the participatory designs' rise, a set of actors have demonstrate that this "cens caché" applies also to deliberative or participatory democracy. The stake of this paper is to question the efficiency of those self censorhip when not studying citizens' participation in the frame of institutionalized procedures anymore but in the frame of research process, at a time when institutions ask more and more often the researchers to open their teams to civil society. We will show that this participation, in practice, comes up against a double participatory "cens caché": there is simultaneously the selection between the citizens and the organizations of civil society called for participation, and between various modalities of this participation and its effects on the research projects performance. This study will use a survey of 9.297 FP7 projects and fifteen case studies of participative research projects on environmental issues, coming from the European project CONSIDER. ; Depuis les travaux de Daniel Gaxie (1978), on considère que la démocratie représentative se heurte à un « cens caché » qui conduit une majorité de citoyens à s'abstenir de toute participation politique effective alors même que rien, en droit, ne les empêche de participer. Suite au développement de procédures participatives, plusieurs auteurs ont montré que ce « cens caché » valait aussi en matière de démocratie participative ou délibérative. L'enjeu de cet article est de s'interroger sur l'effectivité de ces mécanismes d'autocensure lorsque l'on étudie la participation des citoyens non plus dans le cadre de procédures politiques institutionnalisées, mais dans le cadre de processus de recherche, à un moment où les institutions demandent de plus en plus souvent aux chercheurs d'ouvrir leurs équipes à des représentants de la société civile. Il s'agit dès lors, en s'appuyant d'une part sur une étude quantitative menée sur les 9 297 projets de recherche du PCRD7 et, d'autre part, sur une étude qualitative de quinze projets collaboratifs en matière d'environnement, de montrer que la participation, en l'espèce, se heurte à un double cens caché participatif : du fait de la sélection parmi les citoyens et les organisations de la société civile qui participent, mais aussi en raison des modalités de cette participation et de ses effets sur le fonctionnement des projets de recherche eux-mêmes

'Konstitutionalisierung' ist zum Schlüsselbegriff der Debatten um die Legitimität des Regierens in der Europäischen Union und im internationalen System geworden. Dieser Essay plädiert für eine Rückbesinnung auf eine in diesen Diskussionen weithin vernachlässigte Disziplin. Es geht ihm dabei aber keineswegs um dominierende Konzeptionen des kontinentaleuropäischen Internationalen Privatrechts oder des anglo-amerikanischen Kollisionsrechts. Das Kollisionsrecht neuen Typs, für das er eintritt, befasst sich nämlich nicht mit der Entscheidung zwischen den verschiedenen Rechtsordnungen, zu denen eine Fallkonstellation Verbindungen aufweist. Es geht in diesem neuen 'Kollisionenrecht' vielmehr um den Umgang mit externen Effekten, den binnenstaatlich legitimierten Gesetzen und Entscheidungen in anderen Rechtssystemen, deren betroffene Bürger sich nicht, wie es insbesondere in deliberativen Demokratietheorien gefordert wird, als deren Autoren verstehen können. Es ist der Beruf des Europarechts, das hierfür eine Vielfalt von Möglichkeiten bietet, diese Demokratiedefizite der Mitgliedstaaten der EU zu kompensieren und auf dieses Potential dessen konstitutionelle Dignität (seine supranationalen Geltungsansprüche) zu gründen. Ein solches Kollisionsrechts neuen Typs lässt sich, wenngleich mit weniger weitreichenden Ansprüchen auch für das internationale System entwickeln. Diese Perspektiven werden an Beispielen aus dem WTO-Recht entwickelt. Der kollisionsrechtliche Ansatz wird in drei Dimensionen weiter ausdifferenziert. Mit dieser Binnendifferenzierung reagiert der Ansatz auf Transformationen des Rechts, die sich auf allen Ebenen des Regierens vollzogen haben, zunächst in der Entfaltung regulativer Politiken, sodann in der Wende zum Regieren. In seiner 'zweiten Dimension' geht es dem kollisionsrechtlichen Ansatz um eine Konstitutionalisierung transnationaler Kooperationsformen, in denen administrative Akteure dominieren, in seiner 'dritten Dimension' um die Anerkennung bzw. Supervision von kooperativen Arrangements nicht-gouvernementaler Akteure und deren para-legaler Regime. ; 'Constitutionalisation' is the key concept in the search for legitimate governance in the European Union and in the international system. This paper suggests revitalising of a discipline which is widely neglected in European law and international law scholarship. It does not, however, recommend a return to the conflict of laws (private international law) in the traditional sense. The new type of conflicts law which it advocates is not concerned with selecting the proper legal system in cases with connections to various jurisdictions. This conflicts law is conceptualised as a response to the increasing inter-dependence of formerly more autonomous legal orders and to the democracy failure of constitutional states which result from the external effects of their laws and legal decisions on foreign systems and on their citizens who cannot understand themselves as their authors. European law has a vocation and many means both to compensate for the democracy failures of member states and to build upon this potential in its constitutionalisation. The conflicts law approach also provides new, albeit more restrained, perspectives at international level. WTO law is used to explored and document its constitutional perspectives. The conflicts law approach is differentiated into three dimensions. With this differentiated fabric, the approach responds to transformation processes which have affected contemporary law at all levels of governance after the rise of regulatory politics and the turn to governance. In its second dimension, conflicts law seeks to constitutionalise co-operative problem-solving under the lead of administrative bodies, while its third dimensions is concerned with both the recognition and the supervision of transnational governance arrangements and para-legal regimes.

[spa] El objeto de análisis de la presente tesis doctoral son las propuestas ecologistas a favor de la democratización de las empresas. Una democratización que generalmente ha sido considerada como deseable pero que no ha sido desarrollada en detalle por parte de aquellos autores adscritos a lo que aquí se caracteriza como ecologismo emancipador; lo que ha resultado generalmente en un abordaje incompleto de la cuestión. Nuestra investigación analiza la argumentación ecologista mediante la comparación de sus propuestas autogestionarias con aquellas procedentes de otras familias ideológicas. También se confronta esta argumentación con la literatura académica que evalúa el funcionamiento tanto de las empresas democráticas existentes –generalmente cooperativas de producción– como de los modelos de participación instrumental que se aplican en las empresas de gestión no democrática. La estrategia de investigación diferencia las dimensiones normativa e instrumental de estas propuestas y presenta tres niveles de análisis interrelacionados: la persona trabajadora en su puesto de trabajo, la unidad de producción y, por último, el sistema económico en el que estas empresas operan. De este análisis se derivan algunas cuestiones. En primer lugar, se constatan las similitudes de las propuestas ecologistas con aquellas procedentes de otras ideologías, a la vez que emergen diferencias relevantes. Diferencias que están relacionadas con la adscripción del ecologismo a las tesis de la democracia participativa, deliberativa y discursiva y con la existencia de elementos normativos, ontológicos y epistemológicos que distancian al ecologismo del resto de ideologías. También se constata la necesidad de abordar expresamente la dimensión normativa, en muchas ocasiones obviada, al destacarse como un aspecto que ha de permitir evaluar si las diferentes medidas propuestas contribuyen a la consecución del modelo de sociedad deseado. En este sentido, se realiza una aportación específica para la construcción y evaluación de esta dimensión normativa en torno a la articulación de los valores de sostenibilidad y autonomía en el ámbito de la unidad de producción. Paralelamente, se llama la atención sobre el resultado del análisis de la argumentación instrumental y se demuestra que la democratización de las unidades de producción por si misma no puede garantizar muchos de los impactos que se le suponen sin la concurrencia de otras reformas paralelas, principalmente de las instituciones estructurantes del sistema económico, en línea con las tesis de la Democracia Económica. Por último, y de acuerdo con los resultados del conjunto de la investigación, se señalan aquellos elementos que se considera que contribuyen a mejorar la fundamentación de las propuestas de democratización de las unidades de producción, en el marco tanto de la teoría política verde como del propio activismo ecologista. ; [eng] The object of analysis of the present doctoral thesis focused on the environmentalist proposals in favour of the democratization of companies. Workplace Democracy has generally been considered desirable by many authors attached to what here is included under the analytical category of Emancipatory Environmentalism. Nevertheless, these approaches have not been developed in detail, resulting in an incomplete approach to the issue. Our research analyses environmentalist proposals on self-management by means of their comparison with these ones developed by other ideological families. Thus, we confront these proposals with both the academic literature that evaluates the operation of existing democratic companies -generally production cooperatives- and the models of instrumental participation that are actually applied in non- democratic companies. The research strategy distinguishes between normative and instrumental dimensions of these proposals and shows three levels of interrelated analysis: the worker in his job, the production unit and, finally, the economic system in which these companies operate. From this analysis some relevant issues are derived. In first place, similarities between the classical proposals on workplace democracy and the environmentalist ones are verified, while some differences emerge as well. Differences that are related, on the one hand, to the ascription of environmentalism to the participatory, deliberative and discursive democracy perspectives and, on the other, to the existence of normative, ontological and epistemological elements that distance Environmentalism from the ideologies of Modernity. The analysis shows also the need to expressly address the normative dimension, which is often overlooked, as a relevant aspect to evaluate the different proposals according to their contribution to the desirable model of society. In this sense, a specific contribution is made for the construction of this normative dimension through the articulation of the values of sustainability and autonomy within the production unit. At the same time, attention is called to the results of our analysis of the instrumental argumentation and it is shown that democratization of the production units by itself cannot guarantee many of the impacts that are assumed without the concurrence of other parallel reforms. Consequently, a transformation of the main institutions of the economic system would be necessary, in line with the proposals of Economic Democracy. Finally, and according to the results of our research as a whole, we identify those elements that are considered to improve the rationale of the environmentalist proposals for the democratization of production units, within the framework of both Green Political Theory and environmental activism itself. ; [cat] L'objecte d'anàlisi de la present tesi doctoral són les propostes ecologistes a favor de la democratització de les empreses. Una democratització que generalment ha estat considerada com a desitjable però que no ha estat desenvolupada en detall per part dels autors adscrits al que aquí es caracteritza com a ecologisme emancipador; el que generalment ha comportat un tractament incomplert d'aquesta qüestió. La nostra recerca analitza l'argumentació ecologista mitjançant la comparació de les seves propostes autogestionàries amb aquelles provinents d'altres famílies ideològiques. També es confronta aquesta argumentació amb la literatura acadèmica que avalua el funcionament tant de les empreses democràtiques existents –generalment, cooperatives de producció– com dels models de participació instrumental que s'apliquen a les empreses de gestió no democràtica. L'estratègia de recerca diferencia les dimensions normativa i instrumental i presenta tres nivells d'anàlisi interrelacionats: la persona treballadora en el seu lloc de treball, la unitat de producció i, per últim, el sistema econòmic en el que aquestes empreses operen. D'aquesta anàlisi se'n deriven algunes qüestions. En primer lloc, es constaten les similituds de les propostes ecologistes amb aquelles provinents d'altre famílies ideològiques, a la vegada que emergeixen diferències rellevants. Diferències que es relacionen amb l'adscripció de l'ecologisme a les tesis de la democràcia participativa, deliberativa i discursiva i amb l'existència d'elements normatius, ontològics i epistemològics que distancien l'ecologisme de la resta d'ideologies. També es constata la necessitat d'abordar expressament la dimensió normativa, en moltes ocasions obviada, en considerar-se que és un element que ajuda a avaluar si les mesures proposades contribueixen a la consecució del model de societat desitjat. En aquest sentit, es realitza una aportació específica per a la construcció i avaluació d'aquesta dimensió normativa entorn a l'articulació dels valors de sostenibilitat i autonomia en l'àmbit de la unitat de producció. Paral·lelament, es crida l'atenció sobre el resultat de l'anàlisi de l'argumentació instrumental i es demostra que la democratització de les unitats de producció en si mateixa no pot garantir molts dels impactes que se li suposen sense la concurrència d'altres reformes paral·leles, principalment de les institucions estructurants del sistema econòmic, en línia amb les tesis de la Democràcia Econòmica. Per últim, i d'acord amb els resultats del conjunt de la recerca, s'identifiquen aquells elements que es considera que contribueixen a millorar la fonamentació de les propostes de democratització de les unitats de producció, en el marc tant de la Teoria política verda com del propi activisme ecologista.

Se aborda la política curricular de Estado para la formación docente en Venezuela, desde el paradigma constructivista y la metodología de análisis deliberativo de política pública, con el propósito de develar los elementos significativos para construir una nueva política curricular de formación docente en Venezuela, en el marco de los desafíos que plantea la Agenda Educativa 2030 de la UNESCO. Se combinan las técnicas de análisis cualitativo de contenido con análisis hermenéutico, de documentos y la opinión de una muestra intencional de formadores venezolanos de docentes. Emergen como elementos significativos las categorías de problematicidad, direccionalidad y democraticidad, desde el análisis de las inconsistencias de la política curricular de formación docente vigente en Venezuela, con respecto a los desafíos que plantea la Agenda 2030 y el momento histórico, como objetos para la deliberación constructiva en el proceso de formulación de una nueva política curricular de formación docente.Palabras clave: currículum y formación docente, política pública de educación, política curricular para formación docente. ABSTRACTThe State curricular policy for teacher training in Venezuela is addressed, from the constructivist paradigm and the methodology of deliberative analysis of public policy, with the purpose of revealing the significant elements to build a new curricular policy for teacher training in Venezuela, within the framework of the challenges posed by UNESCO's 2030 Education Agenda. Qualitative content analysis techniques are combined with hermeneutical analysis, documents and the opinion of an intentional sample of Venezuelan teacher educators. The categories of problematics, directionality, and democracy, emerge as significant elements, from the analysis of the inconsistencies of the current curricular policy of teacher training in Venezuela, with respect to the challenges posed by the 2030 Agenda and the historical moment, such as objects for constructive deliberation in the process of formulating a new ...

This HDR research paper aims at reconsidering the notion of "rural" in the light of the recent contributions of the spatial justice theory. One shall consider how such a category can make social inequalities embed into space, or even reproduce injustice against some of the inhabitants of the countryside.According to a systemic model, the analysis scrutinizes the meanings of "rural" after several of its dimensions: into academic, statistical and teaching discourses; into norms that rule local finances and the ongoing process of territorial reform; and into the practices of territorial planning, farming, leisure and nature conservation. Those three intersected levels - discourses, norms and practices - make appear a very efficient rural "dispositive", in the sense of Foucault, which is able to produce different faces of oppression and a political heteronomy against rural populations and stakeholders.However, spatial justice is also a moral project seeking the reduction of the above stated injustices. Against the Weberian model, which isolates science from politics – but keeping a the same time the formal requirements in the construction of the scientific discourse – this research opens up to an applicative field and suggests some interventions on the spatial levers of injustice. By doing so, we try to validate a deliberative approach of the scientific work where the scientific fact cannot be distinguished from its moral value anymore, as soon as it helps extending the scope of democracy in a more equitable way. ; La notion de ruralité, longtemps centrale dans les démarches d'analyse de la géographie, a été largement remise en question par les sciences sociales depuis plus d'un demi-siècle : il est devenu difficile, sinon suspect, d'assigner un contenu propre à cette catégorie d'espace et à ses populations. Les dangers du spatialisme, mais aussi la naturalisation fréquente des faits sociaux relatifs aux espaces ruraux ont déjà été largement démontrés. Poursuivant une telle approche critique, le présent travail ...