Suchergebnisse

(Part 1). - 28.06.1995. - 31 S. - E/CN.4/1996/7.; (Part 2). - 29.01.1996. - 39 S. - E/CN.4/1996/68

Selected official statements and documents from US, UN, and other sources on deployment of US forces to Rwanda, Haitian refugees in third countries and possible US intervention, and possible lifting of the international arms embargo against Bosnia.

ABSTRACT. Recent scholarship has begun to nuance the idea of Ottoman decline, but few works have attempted to see nationalism outside of the dominant decline paradigm. By addressing the emergence of Kurdish nationalism in the late Ottoman period, this paper questions the idea that imperial disintegration and nationalism were inherently intertwined; and challenges not only the mutually causal relationship that has been emphasised in literature to date, but also the shape that the 'nationalist movement' took. Using archival sources, the Kurdish‐Ottoman press, travel literature and secondary sources in various languages, the present paper will illustrate how the so‐called Kurdish nationalist movement' was actually several different movements, each with a differing vision of the political entity its participants hoped to create or protect through their activities. The idea of Kurdish nationalism, or Kurdism, may have been present in the minds of these activists, but the notion of what it meant was by no means uniform. Different groups imbued the concept with their own meanings and agendas. This study demonstrates that most 'nationalists' among the Kurds continued to envision themselves as members of the multi‐national Ottoman state, the temptingly powerful rise of nationalism in their day notwithstanding. The suggestion has important implications for students and scholars of nationalist movements among other non‐dominant groups, not only in the Ottoman Empire but in contemporaneous empires such as the Habsburg, and in later states like Iraq, Rwanda and Sudan. The present study further questions the received wisdom that multi‐ethnic entities are a recipe for disaster. It proposes that a joint effort to rethink what we know about minority nationalism may involve not only a reconceptualisation of the very terms we use, but perhaps an accompanying shift in approach too.

Evidence from around the world has shown the power of narratives in shaping collective identities and memories, as well as in legitimising present status-quos and future actions − including violence and peace. As effective vehicles for anchoring dominant narratives and discourses in society, education systems have typically functioned as key ideological instruments which have time and again been exploited to mould the identity, views and values of the nation's new generation. Drawing on three cases from Central Africa, namely Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, this thesis aims to complement existing studies on the politics of history, identity and education in contested societies. For each case-study, this research examines the evolution of official discourses from the colonial time until today, and the extent to which these have been institutionalised in curricula and textbooks and in educational policies and practices in an effort to legitimise and consolidate given socio-political systems. Upon demonstrating the strong political grip on narrative construction and propagation, and the relentless ideological mobilisation of history, identity and formal education, the thesis assesses the promises and challenges of re-writing and of teaching and learning the controversial and sensitive history of the nation in the context of delicate political transitions from war, dictatorship and mass violence to sustainable peace and democracy. Guided by a desire to give a voice to young people in the region, the study enriches its inquiry with an analysis of narratives that were collected in the field between 2008 and 2011 among 2,500 secondary school students. Based on an extensive qualitative survey, the study explores young people's representations of the nation and of its history and destiny, as well as their views on the state of history education in their country. Ultimately, the research points to an urgency to reform education, and in particular history teaching, with an eye to better responding ...

Mehrere Kurzbeiträge verschiedener Autoren zu aktuellen Konflikten: Es geht um die Kriege in Liberia, Rwanda, Tschad und Somalia sowie um die wachsenden Spannungen zwischen den USA und ihrem afrikanischen Alliierten Kenia. (DÜI-Kör)

As Rwanda is expected to return to its rapid growth trajectory following the COVID-19 pandemic, agriculture will continue to play a central role in the structural transformation of the entire economy. To this end, the Government of Rwanda continues to invest in the agricultural sector by building on Strategic Plans for the Transformation of Agriculture (PSTAs) that began in the early 2000s. The challenging question is how to prioritize public expenditures across a broad portfolio of policies and programs. Ambitious plans, whether in the short or long term, require difficult decisions. The prioritization of public investment becomes even more complex as Rwanda's structural transformation advances and as new investments—beyond the farm—become critically important for the agricultural sector. The structural transformation process itself means that as agriculture becomes more integrated with the rest of the economy, public resource allocations need to address a wider range of issues across the entire food system; these include nutrition-sensitive food production systems, inclusive value chain development, nonfarm rural enterprise development, and climate-resilient sustainable intensification of both crops and livestock. This study provides evidence that is designed to assist the Government of Rwanda in its selection of agricultural policy, investment, and expenditure portfolios that reflect the country's broad focus on its food system and structural transformation. This process of prioritization will need to incorporate multiple public investments targeting multiple development outcomes and will need to be grounded in the costeffective use of public resources in a largely market-led transformation process. This data-driven and evidence-based approach must critically underpin an informed investment prioritization process that helps achieve ambitious targets in an environment constrained by limited public resources. The study uses the Rural Investment and Policy Analysis (RIAPA) economywide model developed by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), with contributions from colleagues at the Ministry of Agriculture and Animal Resources (MINAGRI), the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning (MINECOFIN) and the National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda (NISR). The study draws on data from multiple sources as well as expert insights to inform the application of RIAPA's Agricultural Investment for Data Analyzer (AIDA) module as a tool to measure the impacts of alternative public expenditure options on multiple development outcomes. Using this integrated modeling framework, the study links agricultural and rural development spending to four specific outcomes: economic growth, job creation, poverty reduction, and diet quality improvement; at the same time, it considers the synergies and tradeoffs associated with the different investment options in the transformation process. The paper first assesses the contribution of public expenditures to agricultural and rural development under the fourth Strategic Plan for Agriculture Transformation (PSTA 4) that extends between 2018 and 2024. These findings are important, given the fact that since the beginning of PSTA 4, the budget allocated to MINAGRI (measured in constant prices) has stagnated. Our results suggest that increased spending on agriculture is well justified and that such spending is essential if the Government of Rwanda is to achieve its long-term development goals. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; Rwanda SSP; CRP2; 5 Strengthening Institutions and Governance; Capacity Strengthening; RIAPA ; DSGD; PIM ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)

The discourse in this issue is diverse in terms of the geographical regions of the African continent it explores. The arguments in the issue are, however, comparable in that they relate to the issue of nation building, good governance and the credibility of institutions on the African continent The Republic of Rwanda is one of the few countries in Africa that have been hailed for rapid economic growth and nation building following the dark days of the genocide. Against this backdrop, Gebresilassie assesses and analyses the key governance challenges confronting Rwanda after the genocide era by focusing on the underlying issues of good governance that Rwanda and other nations should ideally strive for. The author concludes that the substantial economic growth that has been recorded in Rwanda cannot be a guarantee for the long-lasting stability and solidarity of the society, unless the pressing challenges of good governance are addressed comprehensively, and an open society and democratic government are formed in Rwanda. Obedia Dodo poses the question as to whether elections are a good measure of democracy. Dodo uses Jean Jacques Rousseau's democratic theory as a basis for the discussion. In essence, the argument in this article is that there are countries where the leaders have manipulated the systems so much that democracy ceases to influence political systems. The analysis points to the fact that most of the challenges experienced in the region when it comes to credible elections can be traced to the systems and structures of the region, which are characterised by ethnic tensions, poverty, greed and autocracy. The pursuit of good governance on the African continent appears to be a moving target with numerous strategies tested and attempted by various countries. Good governance is difficult to achieve under normal conditions but it is even more difficult to achieve with the rise of cross-border terrorism and insurgency. A number of countries in central, east and west Africa have had their share of insurgencies. ...