Suchergebnisse

Med udgangspunkt i forskning om child well-being undersøger artiklen, hvilke implikationer det har for fænomenet børnefattigdom, når man anvender forskellige målingsinstrumenter til at afgrænse den del af børnepopulationen, som har en opvækst med utilstrækkelige materielle ressourcer. Analysen fokuserer på tre dimensioner: 1) Andelen af fattige (større) børn, 2) betydninger ved at være et fattigt barn og 3) årsager til, at børn lever i fattigdom. Med register- og survey-data fra Forløbsundersøgelsen af børn født i 1995, der var 15 år i 2011, viser analysen, at andelen af fattige børn er 3-7 pct., og at andelen af fattige børn er øget gennem denne kohortes opvækst. Om sammenhænge mellem fattigdom og centrale områder af hverdagslivet indikerer analysen, at fattige 15-årige hyppigere er udsatte og ledes ud på et spor, der kan føre til marginalisering ikke kun aktuelt, men også på lang sigt. Artiklen peger på, at de anvendte instrumenter til at måle fattigdom gør en forskel, idet en survey-baseret metode, der direkte spørger til familiernes økonomiske råderum, forekommer at være mest sensitiv i forhold til at indfange forskelle i børns levevilkår i hverdagen.


ENGELSK ABSTRACT:

Mai Heide Ottosen and Peter Rohde Skov: Poverty among Children Born in 1995

This article examines the implications of different measures of poverty for defining and understanding child poverty. It is based on recent research on child wellbeing. The analysis focuses on three dimensions of child poverty: the proportion of poor children, implications of being a poor child, and the explanations why children are living in poverty. Using register and survey data from the Danish Longitudinal study of the 1995-cohort (aged 15 in 2011) the analysis estimates the proportion of poor children to be 3-7 per cent; however the proportion of poor children has increased during the childhood of this cohort. With regard to the links between poverty and key areas of everyday life, the analysis suggests that poor children tend to be more socially vulnerable than their non-poor peers. Some of them may be at risk of social marginalization not only at present, but also in the future. The article suggests that different measures of poverty may lead to different insights. Thus, survey-based methods that directly ask families about their financial scope and deprivation appear to be the most sensitive to capture differences in children's everyday lives.

Key words: Child poverty, Danish Longitudinal Study, everyday life.

Bibliography: leaves 181-188. ; This dissertation examines a sample of Western Cape' clothing employers' perceptions with regard to different levels of collective bargaining The examination takes place at two points in time: in 1991, when bargaining ;took place at the regional level, and in 1995, when bargaining was taking place at the national level. The change in the level at which bargaining took place between these years allows for a retrospective examination of the reasons why employers agreed to engage in national bargaining. The objective of the research was to determine, from the perspective of employers' preferences, why collective bargaining comes to be situated at a particular level. The study relies primarily on a qualitative research method, namely in-depth interviews with employers. The focus is therefore on the subjective expression of interests and preferences with regard to alternative levels of bargaining, and the way in which employers make decisions about this issue. This approach differs from most other attempts to explain the determination of bargaining levels. Rather than attributing preferences to employers through an examination of the relationship between existing bargaining structures and factors such as industrial structure, trade union density, and the statutory framework for collective bargaining, the methodology used for this dissertation focusses on the role of employers as social actors that mediate between such environmental factors in developing their preferences for a particular level of bargaining. Particular emphasis is placed on the politics of collective decision-making by employers as an explanatory variable in the determination of the level of bargaining.

Cover -- Halftitle Page -- Title Page -- Dedication Page -- Contents -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- Introduction: A Balkan Laboratory of Citizenship -- A century of dis/integrations -- Citizenship and citizenship regime -- In Yugoslavia, and after: Citizenship as research field, citizenship as battlefield -- Citizenship as a political history of Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav states -- Part 1: From National Integration to the First Disintegration -- 1. Brothers United: The Making of Yugoslavs -- Brothers as aliens: From Yugoslavism to Yugoslavia -- Brothers as citizens: The belated birth of Yugoslav citizenship -- Precarious birth, fragile existence and the brutal death of the first Yugoslavia -- 2. Revolutionary Brothers: The Communist Formula for Yugoslavia -- Yugoslav communists: Solving the national question -- Wartime: Enemies or brothers? -- From brothers in arms to federated citizens -- Part 2: From Socialist Re-Integration to the Second Disintegration -- 3. Brothers Re-United! Federal Citizenship in Socialist Yugoslavia -- Centralist federalism, 1945-1967 -- Bifurcated citizenship -- Self-management, decentralization and citizenship -- 4. Brothers as Partners: Centrifugal Federalism, Confederal Citizenship and Complicated Partnership -- Centrifugal federalism, 1967-1974 -- From federal to confederal citizenship -- Broken partnership: From confederal citizenship towards crisis -- 5. The Bridges Over the Miljacka: The Long Farewell to Yugoslav Citizenship -- Yugoslavism: Fading of an idea -- Yugoslavia: Only a matter of interests? -- Code red: Turning citizens into enemies -- Part 3: From Nationalist Disintegration to War -- 6. Partners into Competitors: Divisive Democracy and Conflicting Conceptions of Citizenship -- Democracy and nationalism -- Citizens as voters: Democratize and divide.

The power of music to bring people across newly established national borders even during the ethnic conflict and dissolution of socialist Yugoslavia has been particularly appealing to scholars. Reflecting on the complex relationship between the affective, the aural, and the political, this issue points out the limits of existing interpretative discourses of music and memory in post-Yugoslav spaces, which underplay the lived intensity of the sensory experiences, emotional investment, and the affective technologies of remembering the past. The authors here argue that the emphasis on the social and political production of affect embedded in the experience of music might be beneficial for shedding new light on memory politics in a post-Yugoslav context. Examining why and how music matters for post-Yugoslav memory practices, the articles in this issue strive to fashion new readings that go beyond the dichotomies commonly drawn between political/nostalgic, commercial/engaged, and escapist/emancipatory. The issue thus argues that the sensorial politics of music can serve as a conceptual framework that provides an important base for new theorizations of Yugoslav cultural memories, which is done by focusing on the politics of sentimentalism and the politics of joy. Accordingly, the goal of this issue is to raise productive questions that resonate with a multiplicity of interpretational and theoretical dilemmas and gaps by mobilizing the tools of affect theory primarily to open a space and spur further criticism and theory.

Die wirtschaftliche Situation des Gebiets Swerdlowsk ist durch Industrierückgang, Arbeitslosigkeit, Umweltbelastung und eine fortgeschrittene Privatisierung gekennzeichnet. Ein Kompetenzabgrenzungsvertrag mit der Russischen Föderation wurde am 12. Januar 1996 unterzeichnet. Vor der Dumawahl am 17. Dezember 1995 unterblieb die vorgeschriebene finanzielle Unterstützung der Direktkandidaten durch die Zentrale Wahlkommission völlig. Im Wahlkampf zeigten sich einige Mängel des Wahlgesetzes, das sich jedoch vor allem durch erweiterte Kontrollmöglichkeiten von den Vorgängerregelungen unterscheidet. (BIOst-Mrk)

This work deals with the previously under-researched topic of the Yugoslav communist student émigrés in Prague in the interwar period who would go on to become the political and intellectual elite of socialist Yugoslavia in the post-World War II era. Drawing primarily on sources from the National Archive in Prague and the Archive of Yugoslavia in Belgrade, as well as memoirs of the movement's participants, this paper attempts to retrace their political activities and intellectual development through a period in which Comintern policy changed frequently, forcing the young communists to adapt to a constantly changing political climate. The first part of the article examines their attempts to take over the legal organizations of Yugoslav students in Prague, as well as their cooperation with the non-communist left which occurred in spite of Comintern's ultra-left policies in the period between 1928 and 1935. This twofold strategy helped them to ultimately gain the upper hand in their frequent confrontations with the representatives of the Yugoslav Legation in Prague.

У статті розглянуто концептуальні основи політики Японії щодо пострадянських країн та проаналізовано еволюцію її зовнішньої політики в регіоні з моменту розпаду Радянського Союзу до часів уряду прем'єр-міністра С. Абе, тобто з 1991 р. до 2016 р. Основну увагу приділено зовнішньополітичним ініціативам Японії "Євразійська дипломатія", "Центральна Азія плюс Японія" та "Арка свободи та процвітання", а також фінансовій допомозі країнам регіону. Визначені проблемні сфери та перспективи подальшого розвитку відносин Японії з пострадянськими країнами. ; В статье рассмотрены концептуальные основы политики Японии в отношении постсоветских стран и проанализирована эволюция ее внешней политики в регионе с момента распада Советского Союза до времен правительства премьер-министра С. Абэ, т. е. с1991 г. по2016 г. Основное внимание уделено внешнеполитическим инициативам Японии, таким как "Евразийская дипломатия", "Центральная Азия плюс Япония" и "Арка свободы и процветания", а также финансовой помощи странам региона. Выявлены проблемные сферы и перспективы дальнейшего развития отношений Японии с постсоветскими странами. ; This article gives an outline of conceptual foundations of Japan's political course towards the post-Soviet states and analyzes evolution of its foreign policy in the region since the collapse of the Soviet Union until Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's administration in the period from 1991 to 2016.As a result of conducted research the author concludes that Japan's policy in the post-Soviet region has expanded gradually from East to West and that its original strategy is still utilized by Japan's government.After the collapse of the Soviet Union, besides financial and nuclear security assistance to the region, the government of Japan focused on two main tasks, one being search of ways to resolve the dispute of the Kuril Islands - one of the most important issues of Japan's modern foreign policy, and the other one - establishing relations with Central Asian republics. The development of relationship between Japan and Central Asia was achieved by introducing the concept of "Eurasian diplomacy" and "Central Asia plus Japan" dialogue which led to further expansion of the scope of Japan's foreign policy towards the West. In 2006 the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Japan Taro Aso introduced the concept of "Arch of Freedom and Prosperity"in which Ukraine was mentioned for the first time. It is proved that the value-oriented diplomacy of Japan has deep roots and forms the basis of the policies of Japan's current administration. As for the financial assistance allocated to the region, the author emphasizes Japan's Official Development Assistance which was provided starting from1994. Inthis regard it is noted that the biggest recipient in the period from 1994 to 2014 was Uzbekistan.Further development of relations between Japan and post-Soviet states has good perspectives. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's policy in the region is based on the previously introduced concepts and, at the same time, is more proactive compared to Japan's past governments. Therefore, one can expect positive trends and continued success of Japan's "soft power" diplomacy in Central Asia against its non-interference in the internal affairs of its Central Asian partners. On the other hand, an issue for Japan could be Shinzo Abe's promise to resolve the dispute of the Kuril Islands and to improve relations with Russia. It is believed that Japan will continue to support Ukraine in the issue of Russia's occupation of the Crimean Peninsula which took place in 2014 and its military aggression in Eastern Ukraine, and will be forced to balance its interests in both countries.

У статті розглянуто концептуальні основи політики Японії щодо пострадянських країн та проаналізовано еволюцію її зовнішньої політики в регіоні з моменту розпаду Радянського Союзу до часів уряду прем'єр-міністра С. Абе, тобто з 1991 р. до 2016 р. Основну увагу приділено зовнішньополітичним ініціативам Японії "Євразійська дипломатія", "Центральна Азія плюс Японія" та "Арка свободи та процвітання", а також фінансовій допомозі країнам регіону. Визначені проблемні сфери та перспективи подальшого розвитку відносин Японії з пострадянськими країнами. ; В статье рассмотрены концептуальные основы политики Японии в отношении постсоветских стран и проанализирована эволюция ее внешней политики в регионе с момента распада Советского Союза до времен правительства премьер-министра С. Абэ, т. е. с1991 г. по2016 г. Основное внимание уделено внешнеполитическим инициативам Японии, таким как "Евразийская дипломатия", "Центральная Азия плюс Япония" и "Арка свободы и процветания", а также финансовой помощи странам региона. Выявлены проблемные сферы и перспективы дальнейшего развития отношений Японии с постсоветскими странами. ; This article gives an outline of conceptual foundations of Japan's political course towards the post-Soviet states and analyzes evolution of its foreign policy in the region since the collapse of the Soviet Union until Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's administration in the period from 1991 to 2016.As a result of conducted research the author concludes that Japan's policy in the post-Soviet region has expanded gradually from East to West and that its original strategy is still utilized by Japan's government.After the collapse of the Soviet Union, besides financial and nuclear security assistance to the region, the government of Japan focused on two main tasks, one being search of ways to resolve the dispute of the Kuril Islands - one of the most important issues of Japan's modern foreign policy, and the other one - establishing relations with Central Asian republics. The development of relationship between Japan and Central Asia was achieved by introducing the concept of "Eurasian diplomacy" and "Central Asia plus Japan" dialogue which led to further expansion of the scope of Japan's foreign policy towards the West. In 2006 the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Japan Taro Aso introduced the concept of "Arch of Freedom and Prosperity"in which Ukraine was mentioned for the first time. It is proved that the value-oriented diplomacy of Japan has deep roots and forms the basis of the policies of Japan's current administration. As for the financial assistance allocated to the region, the author emphasizes Japan's Official Development Assistance which was provided starting from1994. Inthis regard it is noted that the biggest recipient in the period from 1994 to 2014 was Uzbekistan.Further development of relations between Japan and post-Soviet states has good perspectives. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's policy in the region is based on the previously introduced concepts and, at the same time, is more proactive compared to Japan's past governments. Therefore, one can expect positive trends and continued success of Japan's "soft power" diplomacy in Central Asia against its non-interference in the internal affairs of its Central Asian partners. On the other hand, an issue for Japan could be Shinzo Abe's promise to resolve the dispute of the Kuril Islands and to improve relations with Russia. It is believed that Japan will continue to support Ukraine in the issue of Russia's occupation of the Crimean Peninsula which took place in 2014 and its military aggression in Eastern Ukraine, and will be forced to balance its interests in both countries.

Targeted sanctions are increasingly used by the United Nations (UN) Security Council to address major challenges to international peace and security. Unlike other sanctions, those imposed by the UN are universally binding and relied upon as a basis for legitimating both unilateral and regional sanctions measures. Encompassing a wide range of individual, diplomatic, financial, and sectoral measures, targeted sanctions allow senders to target a specific individual, corporate entity, region, or sector, helping to minimize the negative effects of sanctions on wider populations. This article introduces the Targeted Sanctions Consortium (TSC) quantitative and qualitative datasets, which encompass all UN targeted sanctions imposed between 1991 and 2013, or 23 different country regimes broken into 63 case episodes for comparative analysis. Adding to existing datasets on sanctions (HSE, TIES), these new, closely interrelated datasets enable scholars using both quantitative and qualitative methods to: (1) differentiate among different purposes, types of sanctions, and target populations, (2) assess the scope of different combinations of targeted measures, (3) access extensive details about UN sanctions applied since the end of the Cold War, and (4) analyze changing dynamics within sanctions regimes over time in ways other datasets do not. The two TSC datasets assess UN targeted sanctions as effective 22% of the time and describe major aspects of UN targeted sanctions regimes, including the types of sanctions, their purposes and targets, impacts, relationships with other institutions, sanctions regimes, and policy instruments, mechanisms of coping and evasion, and unintended consequences.