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The 2005 French and Dutch referendum campaigns were characterized by an alleged disconnect between pro-European political elites and Eurosceptic masses. Past evidence regarding elite-mass linkages in the context of European integration has been conflicting. Whereas some scholars argue that political elites respond to the changing preferences of their electorates, others suggest that party elites cue the mass public through a process of information and persuasion. We contend that these conflicting results stem from the reciprocal nature of elite-mass linkages and estimate a series of dynamic simultaneous equations models to account for this reverse causation. Using Euro-barometer and expert survey data from 1984-2002, we find evidence of a dual-process model, whereby party elites both respond to and shape the views of their supporters. We also find that the strength of these results is contingent on several factors, including the type of electoral system, intra-party dissent and voter characteristics. Copyright © 2007 Sage Publications.

Im Mittelpunkt dieses Artikels stehen die bildungspolitischen Aktivitäten der OECD, ihre Instrumente und ihr Erfolg. Aufbauend auf dem neo-institutionalistischen Ansatz der "Weltkultur" werden der Einfluss der OECD theoretisch konzeptionalisiert und mögliche Steuerungsinstrumente internationaler Organisationen genannt. Es wird in der Darstellung deutlich, dass die OECD kaum über direkte Steuerungsmechanismen wie die Möglichkeit der Regulierung verfügt, aber vor allem mit diskursiven Instrumenten wie Überzeugung arbeitet. Dies wird am Beispiel "Lebenslanges Lernen" exemplifiziert: Die Aktivitäten der Organisation werden beschrieben, im Hinblick auf die verwendeten Instrumente analysiert und Effekte gemessen. Es zeigt sich dabei, dass die neo-institutionalistische Annahme eines großen Einflusses internationaler Organisationen auf nationale Politik gerechtfertigt ist. (DIPF/Orig.) ; The article deals with OECD activites in education policy. Based on a new institutionalist account of a "world society", the organisations influence is theoretically conceptualised and governance instruments of international organisations are presented. As comes out, the OECD does not rely on governance by instruments as regulation, but mainly on discursive instruments as persuasion. This is illustrated by the example of " lifelong learning": OECD activities are described and analysed with regard to the different governance instruments applied and their effects are assessed. The result indicates that new institutionalism correctly assumes a strong impact of international organisations an national policy-making. (DIPF/Orig.)

• Summary: Motivational interviewing was proposed as an alternative model to direct persuasion for facilitating behavior change. Social work behavior change interventions have traditionally focused on increasing skills and reducing barriers. More recent recommendations tend to encourage practitioners to explore a broad range of issues, including but not limited to skills and barriers. The article defines and explains motivational interviewing by presenting its essential spirit and techniques, and provides a brief case example within a domestic violence context.• Findings: This article proposes motivational interviewing as an intervention appropriate for social work practice concerned with behavior change by arguing that motivational interviewing is an exciting intervention model for numerous social work settings due to its consistency with core social work values, ethics, resources, and evidence-based practice.• Applications: Social workers may strive to practice and test motivational interviewing in addictions settings, as well as within other critical social work arenas including but not limited to health, domestic violence, batterer treatment, gambling, HIV/AIDS prevention, dual disorders, eating disorders, and child welfare.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 421-474). ; Lovelines was a didactic textual series that appeared in Fairlady, a South African women's magazine, instructing mothers on how sex should be talked about with young people to inoculate them against the risk of HIV/Aids. My reading of this media discourse, and mothers' appropriation of it, sought to examine how the primary target audience of middle classed mothers were persuaded to adopt particular communicative positions. Foucault's normative apparatus of family-sexuality-risk concerns the distribution of expertise - epidemiological science of risk in populations, developmental psychology-inscribed micro-practices of childrearing in families - and self-responsibilization of disciplinary power. This finds mothers governmentally positioned as relay points between 'public' (health, economy) and 'private' (family, childrearing, sex) apparatuses, tasked with appropriately socializing a new generation of sexually responsible citizens. This governmental rationality of neo-liberalism is read against South African conditions of mass media persuasion, HIV/Aids risk and talking about sex in families.

AbstractDalforce, or the Singapore Overseas Chinese Volunteer Army as it was more popularly known among the Chinese community, was a hastily formed volunteer army created just before the fall of Singapore in February 1942. It was made up of 1,000–3,000 Chinese volunteers from all walks of life and political persuasions. Dalforce companies, armed with limited weapons and ammunition, were sent to defend the different fronts of Singapore Island after only a short stint of training. The soldiers of Dalforce, alongside the Australian, Indian and British armies, fought the Japanese invasion during the Battle for Singapore. The Overseas Chinese community in Singapore saw Dalforce as a medium through which they could join in the struggle, together with their comrades in China, against an aggressive and belligerent Japan. This small army became a symbol of something their comrades in China failed to truly achieve — the ability to unite in one force against a common enemy. The exploits of this little army became an Overseas Chinese legend.

This article presents the results from a statewide partisan voter mobilization experiment in Michigan during the 2002 gubernatorial election. The tactics studied are volunteer phone calls & door hangers. With regard to turnout, the conclusion reached is that volunteer phone calls boost turnout by 3.2 percentage points & door hangers boost turnout by 1.2 percentage points. This effect size implies that both mobilization technologies are cost-competitive with door knocking & that partisan & nonpartisan campaigns are equally effective at increasing turnout. A postelection survey was used to determine whether the partisan blandishments to vote changed candidate preference. No evidence of persuasion from campaign contact was detected by the survey. However, the survey did indicate that the campaign failed in targeting likely Democratic voters & excluding likely Republican voters, emphasizing the need for detailed party databases. 6 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 7 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2005 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

Examines the Soviet Union's untypical non-use of force to combat the fall of communist governments in Warsaw Pact countries in 1989. Although the Soviet Union's material decline made some striking foreign policy change likely, it could have taken a much different form. A review of materialist accounts of Soviet concession in Europe during 1989-1990 is followed by a look at standard ideational explanations that either highlight processes of socialization, persuasion, & identity change or the effects of transnational actors united by shared expert knowledge. The focus is on how beliefs were accepted & implemented. The opposing views of German unification held by Mikhail Gorbachev & Soviet hardliners are explored to argue that Gorbachev's ideas prevailed primarily because of the authority of his position. It is concluded that both ideas & government structure were crucial in determining policy directions taken by the Soviets in 1989; however, internal learning is more powerful than socialization in making decisions about the use of force. The theoretical implications are discussed. Adapted from the source document.

Voluntary policy coordination & the exchange of "good practice" through the "Open Method of Coordination" have recently led to a widespread debate in political science. Does the OMC have the potential to lead to domestic policy adjustments? & if yes, what are the necessary conditions? This article addresses these questions from a theoretical perspective by comparing & combining a rationalist & a constructivist perspective. Preference convergence, shadow of hierarchy & differential empowerment are identified as the key explanatory factors for paradigmatic policy learning that are offered by a rationalist approach. The constructivist perspective stresses the importance of intense communicative & coordinative discourse for persuasion & diminished knowledge uncertainty. In this article I argue, first, that a complementary usage of these two antithetical, but not incompatible, approaches allows for an improved assessment of the OMC's problem solving capacity &, second, that, based on the identified conditions for effective policy coordination, the problem solving capacity of the OMC is likely to be limited. 1 Table, 45 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this chapter, Oakeshott's view of Aristotle is constructed through analysis of his critiques of rationalism, human happiness & the purpose of civil association. Oakeshott viewed rationalism as an abstract conception severed from the activities in which it is meaningful. Human happiness & civil association were subjected to a separation (rational) process separation by Aristotle's separation of the (rationalist) managerial aspects of the state from true political discourse as more than persuasion. Oakeshott argued that the true nature of political discourse is concerned with eudaimonia, or human happiness. The limitations of Aristotlean version of eudaimonia as a formal condition conflict with Oakeshott's definition of human happiness as an ongoing activity. Aristotle's version of human excellence is recognized as merely deliberative self enactment, & the fourfold characterization of the polis is found to be inadequate. Oakeshott's view of civil association is thus limited to a managerial aspect of political community, exclusive from the household & the eudaimonia, or pursuit of the best way of life. 30 References. J. Harwell

This article argues that Russia, no longer regarded as a threat by most countries, is unable to get what it wants through persuasion & cooperation, & that President Vladimir Putin's solution to this problem has been to exploit situations where Russia, despite its diminished circumstances, can take actions that affect the balance between opposing sides, thus giving one or even both an incentive to court Moscow. The article addresses the questions of how successful Putin's strategy has been, & what, if anything, Moscow has gained from its attempts to exploit rivalries between other states. These questions are explored through a series of brief case studies that compare what Putin hoped to gain with what he actually achieved or appears likely to achieve in each situation. First, though, is a general discussion of the costs & benefits of pursuing a foreign policy that exploits rivalries between other states, which develops some criteria for assessing Putin's success at this type of diplomacy. T. K. Brown

This article investigates the consequences of ideological realignment for the motivations and policy preferences of active partisans—Democratic and Republican identifiers who engage in electoral activities that go beyond the act of voting. We hypothesize that, consistent with the logic of persuasion and selective recruitment/derecruitment, the influence of ideology as a motivation for campaign participation varies over time and between parties depending on the salience of the ideological cues provided by a party's candidates and office-holders. Evidence from the 1972 to 2000 American National Election Studies supports this hypothesis. As a result of an ideological realignment led by conservative Republican leaders such as Ronald Reagan and Newt Gingrich, by the mid-1990s, ideology had become a much more important motivation for participation among Republicans than among Democrats, and active Republicans were farther to the right of the electorate than active Democrats were to the left of the electorate on a wide range of policy issues.

Examines the impact of religion on Australia's 2004 federal election & the nature of the religious debate in light of the increase in insecurity since 11 September 2001. Although political appeals to "Christian tribalism" have recently been successful in Australian politics, it is contended that they have the potential to strain inter-religious harmony, aggravate tensions between Islam & the West, & promote secularist demands for a strict separation of church & state. The issue of state funding for denominational schools is discussed, along with public reactions to Treasurer Peter Costello's emphasis on the importance of "faith" in people's lives; the role of evangelical Christians in the federal election campaign; recent challenges to the traditional opinion that churches shouldn't get involved in partisan politics; the post 9/11 focus on religious issues by cultic religious groups; & the erosion of respect for mainstream churches. The biggest problem facing democratic pluralism is said to be fundamentalism of any religious persuasion, not just Islamic fundamentalism, & suggestions are made for ways to limit its political impact. J. Lindroth

In this article, the authors present the case for field experimentationin social psychology primarily by describing a program of research concerned with psychological aspects of health communication and persuasion. In particular, the authors are most interested in when and for whom are messages emphasizing the benefits of a health behavior (these are called gain-framed messages) more persuasive and motivating than messages emphasizing the costs of not engagingin a behavior(these are called loss-framed messages), andvice-versa. This line of research is as theoretically driven as most laboratory investigations in social psychology, and it involves experimental approaches with random assignment, control groups, and the like. However, most of this work recruits participants in ecologically interesting contexts such as community clinics and housing developments. These especially vulnerable individuals are followed for sufficient periods of time to allow for the assessment of the influence of these health messages on relevant health behaviors such as obtaining a mammogram or acquiring condoms.