Suchergebnisse

Ending of all forms of inequality both within and across nations is a central objective in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) adopted by world leaders in 2005. The aim of SDG 5 is achieved gender equality and empower all women and girls by 2030. Whereas SDG 10.2 has the aim to empower and promote the social, economic and political inclusion of all, irrespective sex or other demographic characteristics. After a century of impressive progress in women's political and economic empowerment at the global level, overall economic opportunities for women still lag behind men. Empirical evidence indicates that women are more disadvantaged than men in labour markets across the world in terms of unemployment rates, labour force participation, employment vulnerability as well as segregation in jobs and economic sectors. The objective of this study was to investigate whether the COVID-19 pandemic significantly impacted men and women in the labour market different using Hungary as a case study. Based on a gender analysis of monthly labour market data before and during the first year of the pandemic (2015-2020), the study finds that females were more adversely affected in terms of labour market outcomes such as employment rates and unemployment rates. For instance, in all age brackets males had higher employment rates than males. Also, the employment rates for females during the first year of the pandemic was lower than the previous year.

Research into solar geoengineering, far from being societally neutral, is already highly intertwined with its emerging politics. This review outlines ways in which research conditions or constructs solar geoengineering in diverse ways, including the forms of possible material technologies of solar geoengineering; the criteria and targets for their assessment; the scenarios in which they might be deployed; the publics which may support or oppose them; their political implications for other climate responses, and the international relations, governance mechanisms and configurations of power that are presumed in order to regulate them. The review also examines proposals for governance of research, including suggested frameworks, principles, procedures and institutions. It critically assesses these proposals, revealing their limitations given the context of the conditioning effects of current research, and particularly highlights problems of the reproduction of Northern norms, instrumental approaches to public engagement, a weak embrace of precaution, and a persistent but questionable separation of research from deployment. It details complexities inherent in effective research governance which contribute to making the pursuit of solar geoengineering risky, controversial and ethically contentious. In conclusion it suggests a case for an explicit, reflexive research governance regime developed with international participation. It suggests that such a regime should encompass modelling and social science as well as field experimentation and must address not only technical and environmental but also the emergent social and political implications of research.

Abstract
Since 2018, climate mobilizations have been shaping political life in Europe. Young people are at the heart of this mobilization, both because of their massive nationwide presence in intergenerational demonstrations, but also because of their own modes of action, such as the climate strikes that have been emerging since January 2019. Within these mobilizations, forms of radicalism are expressed through an important support for civil disobedience, such as blocking actions, as well as support – for a significant part of protestors – for material damage. This paper analyzes the new forms of youth radicalism in their link to the social determinations of the awareness of the climate catastrophe. Based on a demonstration survey concerning three French cities for the strike of March 15, 2019, and in Paris for the strike of September 20th, which collected more than 1,800 questionnaires, this paper sets out to show the sociological profiles of radical individuals, which distinguish themselves by significant cultural capital and left-wing familial political socialization. The exploitation of the data collected shows that these new forms of radicalism are conditioned by an awareness of the climate emergency, deeply linked to family legacies and specific academic curricula. The radicalization of inherited dispositions leads these individuals to go beyond the legality/illegality framework, and to favor a debate on the effectiveness of the means of action, in which the link with conventional democratic participation is constantly questioned.

In contrast to discourses of "successful aging" which pathologize and individualize change in later life, this case study of a retired Mexican couple highlights the pleasurable, political, and collective aspects of aging. Here, I analyze the narratives of a couple who found aging "well" fulfilling in part because it served as an intervention into societal-level problems. I argue that their activist form of aging was enabled by local cultural understandings of the Mexican populace as a biologically and socially interrelated whole. They hoped that the Mexican social body would follow a particular life course – of maturing toward modernity – and they sought to model and promote such maturation in their own later lives. This included promoting a health "culture of prevention," living out self-consciously modern forms of gender and family, and active community participation. I assert that their happiness in older age, including their ability to cope with local crises of violence and corruption, stemmed partly from their belief that the attributes and activities which enhanced their own lives simultaneously served as activist interventions into the broader populace's ills. This discussion of the context-specific ways one Mexican couple saw their efforts to live good later lives as contributing meaningfully to societal change over time highlights the need to understand aging and later life as political arenas with collective rather than merely individual import.

The Libyan economy under the influence of current political risks that is resulted in a sudden halt in petroleum products following the revolution followed by a halt in major economic activities. The banking sector was not immune to these current economic risks therefore, the banking sector faced non-financial and financial risks. Our study focuses on human resources with a high level of talent and skills and their role to overcome the banking risks faced by the Libyan banking sector. This is of great importance as the first study addressing the empowerment of human resources in effective risk management in the banking sector, especially in Libya. To a chive the objective of the study the questionnaire method was used to collect data, the survey was distributed to 320 employees and six banks operating in the eastern part of Libya were selected as targets to investigate the risks faced by the banking system as a result of the current political crisis. The result of the research demonstrated there is a positive and statistically significant relationship between the dimensions of employees' empowerment and effective risk management. It was seen that issues such as training, incentives, and participation, sharing of authority, teamwork for employees are important in risk management. In addition, the risk management and strengthening of human resources among the banks in Benghazi and Al Bayda have been found to differ in their dimensions. The findings in this study seem to be consistent with many findings in the literature.

In contrast to discourses of "successful aging" which pathologize and individualize change in later life, this case study of a retired Mexican couple highlights the pleasurable, political, and collective aspects of aging. Here, I analyze the narratives of a couple who found aging "well" fulfilling in part because it served as an intervention into societal-level problems. I argue that their activist form of aging was enabled by local cultural understandings of the Mexican populace as a biologically and socially interrelated whole. They hoped that the Mexican social body would follow a particular life course – of maturing toward modernity – and they sought to model and promote such maturation in their own later lives. This included promoting a health "culture of prevention," living out self-consciously modern forms of gender and family, and active community participation. I assert that their happiness in older age, including their ability to cope with local crises of violence and corruption, stemmed partly from their belief that the attributes and activities which enhanced their own lives simultaneously served as activist interventions into the broader populace's ills. This discussion of the context-specific ways one Mexican couple saw their efforts to live good later lives as contributing meaningfully to societal change over time highlights the need to understand aging and later life as political arenas with collective rather than merely individual import.

In this paper I argue that citizen involvement helped to promote a more equitable distribution of public health services in Brazil. This achievement involved a balance of contributions from social actors and health system managers in forging policy innovations and institutional arrangements that linked bottom up innovation with national policy leveraging and decentralized implementation. The paper briefly describes this cycle and its relation with the implementation of a national network of forums for citizen involvement in health policy, inquiring in more detail the conditions that favor the association between these forums and the policy making process. Our results do not corroborate the idea that deliberative arenas should be insulated from political passions; rather, they suggest that participation of mobilized social actors contributes to the effectiveness of these forums. This contribution happens both due to the knowledge that these actors bring about problems in the area and to their insertion in networks that connect forums to a wide set of social organizations and political, governmental, and health institutions, which in turn facilitate the dissemination and negotiation of the proposals and demands formulated by the forums. However, our results also suggest that the inclusion of these actors increases confrontation to the detriment of deliberation, which brings us to the discussion of the role that could be played by mediators who are well-equipped to construct deliberative processes.

This study examines the migration intentions of young people in Egypt before and after the 2011 revolution, driven by three sets of factors: (1) individual demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, (2) household characteristics, and (3) community characteristics and political and civic participation. Logistic regression models are applied to study the determinants of intentions to live, study, or work abroad among young Egyptians (defined as individuals aged 18 to 29), using data from the Survey of Young People in Egypt (SYPE) conducted in 2009 (N = 8488) and in 2014 (N = 5885). The surveys are nationally representative, covering all governorates in Egypt. The analysis indicates that respondents' age, gender, marital status, and employment status play a significant role in shaping migration intentions. After the 2011 revolution, the effects are dependent upon economic and institutional conditions. The employment status affects the migration intention of young people in 2009; but the effects become insignificant in 2014. Moreover, respondents who have participated in political and voluntary activities are more likely to express migration intentions. Pollution levels in the community are also positively correlated with the intention to migrate. The results indicate that those who expressed migration intentions are a selective group in terms of demographic and socioeconomic characteristics. Our findings have policy relevance because knowledge and understanding of migration intentions and their determinants can be used to assess and develop scenarios about future migration.

Analizaremos el impacto de la globalización económica y financiera sobre las instituciones políticas. Nos encontramos en un momento de crisis de legitimidad de las instituciones democráticas y de desafección de la ciudadanía hacia sus representantes, debido a la sensación generalizada de pérdida de soberanía de los Estados en favor de los poderes económicos. Analizaremos si a día de hoy es posible seguir hablando de Estados soberanos en un contexto en el que la internacionalización de la economía requiere de soluciones globales a las que las naciones por sí solas no pueden llegar, y donde los mercados cada vez ganan más protagonismo en detrimento del poder político, limitando de esta manera la participación de la ciudadanía en la toma efectiva de decisiones. ; We will analyze the impact of economic and financial globalization on political institutions. We are in a moment of crisis of legitimacy of the democratic institutions and disaffection of the people towards their representatives. This is due a sense of loss of sovereignty of the states in favor of the economic powers. We will analyze if is possible to continue talking about sovereign states in a context in which the internationalization of the economy requires global solutions that nations alone cannot reach. Where markets are increasingly gaining prominence in detriment of the political power, thus limiting the participation of the citizens in the effective taking of decisions. ; 92-98 ; asis_pardo@hotmail.com ; Anual

The Libyan economy under the influence of current political risks that is resulted in a sudden halt in petroleum products following the revolution followed by a halt in major economic activities. The banking sector was not immune to these current economic risks therefore, the banking sector faced non-financial and financial risks. Our study focuses on human resources with a high level of talent and skills and their role to overcome the banking risks faced by the Libyan banking sector. This is of great importance as the first study addressing the empowerment of human resources in effective risk management in the banking sector, especially in Libya. To a chive the objective of the study the questionnaire method was used to collect data, the survey was distributed to 320 employees and six banks operating in the eastern part of Libya were selected as targets to investigate the risks faced by the banking system as a result of the current political crisis. The result of the research demonstrated there is a positive and statistically significant relationship between the dimensions of employees' empowerment and effective risk management. It was seen that issues such as training, incentives, and participation, sharing of authority, teamwork for employees are important in risk management. In addition, the risk management and strengthening of human resources among the banks in Benghazi and Al Bayda have been found to differ in their dimensions. The findings in this study seem to be consistent with many findings in the literature.

This study examines the migration intentions of young people in Egypt before and after the 2011 revolution, driven by three sets of factors: (1) individual demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, (2) household characteristics, and (3) community characteristics and political and civic participation. Logistic regression models are applied to study the determinants of intentions to live, study, or work abroad among young Egyptians (defined as individuals aged 18 to 29), using data from the Survey of Young People in Egypt (SYPE) conducted in 2009 (N = 8488) and in 2014 (N = 5885). The surveys are nationally representative, covering all governorates in Egypt. The analysis indicates that respondents' age, gender, marital status, and employment status play a significant role in shaping migration intentions. After the 2011 revolution, the effects are dependent upon economic and institutional conditions. The employment status affects the migration intention of young people in 2009; but the effects become insignificant in 2014. Moreover, respondents who have participated in political and voluntary activities are more likely to express migration intentions. Pollution levels in the community are also positively correlated with the intention to migrate. The results indicate that those who expressed migration intentions are a selective group in terms of demographic and socioeconomic characteristics. Our findings have policy relevance because knowledge and understanding of migration intentions and their determinants can be used to assess and develop scenarios about future migration.

This study examines the migration intentions of young people in Egypt before and after the 2011 revolution, driven by three sets of factors: (1) individual demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, (2) household characteristics, and (3) community characteristics and political and civic participation. Logistic regression models are applied to study the determinants of intentions to live, study, or work abroad among young Egyptians (defined as individuals aged 18 to 29), using data from the Survey of Young People in Egypt (SYPE) conducted in 2009 (N = 8488) and in 2014 (N = 5885). The surveys are nationally representative, covering all governorates in Egypt. The analysis indicates that respondents' age, gender, marital status, and employment status play a significant role in shaping migration intentions. After the 2011 revolution, the effects are dependent upon economic and institutional conditions. The employment status affects the migration intention of young people in 2009; but the effects become insignificant in 2014. Moreover, respondents who have participated in political and voluntary activities are more likely to express migration intentions. Pollution levels in the community are also positively correlated with the intention to migrate. The results indicate that those who expressed migration intentions are a selective group in terms of demographic and socioeconomic characteristics. Our findings have policy relevance because knowledge and understanding of migration intentions and their determinants can be used to assess and develop scenarios about future migration.

After undergoing a series of mass demonstrations during the past three decades, including the 2016–2017 candlelight protests that led to the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye, many commentators in South Korea are confident that their country has become a land for what Karl Marx called "free men." Korean citizens are portrayed as being ready to participate in voluntary political associations and collective actions and to pursue their interests in the public sphere. However, the data are showing the opposite to be true: citizen participation in public-sphere activities has substantially decreased since the mid-2000s, while the government has managed to improve or at least maintain its political responsiveness during the same period. Explaining the unnoticed background to this imbalance, this essay sheds light on the myth of the benefactor state in Korean democracy, arguing that this has emerged because neoliberalism has not only placed an increasing number of people in precarious positions but also neutralized them politically. The Korean government has capitalized on this situation to mythicize itself as a benefactor state that possesses an incomparable administrative capacity to take care of precarious people. By investigating the period of Park's presidency (2013–2017) and the current rule of President Moon Jae-in (2017–), this essay shows how the myth of the benefactor state has emerged and created a unique cycle of Korean democracy.

This paper examines evolving models and experiences of domestic resource mobilization in Zimbabwe since independence in 1980. Grounded in UNRISD's Politics of Domestic Resource Mobilization and Social Development project, the study explores key questions around the nature and dynamics of resource bargaining over revenue mobilization and allocation; the changes in relationships among key actors; and the forms and outcomes of institutional development surrounding resource bargaining processes. It adopts a historicalcomparative approach to explore the evolving balance of forces among actors and emerging institutional constraints that are seen as catalyzing the formulation of successive resource mobilization strategies and associated development outcomes. Three case studies of divergent resource mobilization innovations underscore the complexity of challenges faced by governments whose actions are shaped by uneven state capacity and policy autonomy; a weak formal sector in which established business actors wield significant power and influence; and growing contestation over legitimacy and participation by political and social actors. The Zimbabwean case underscores the critical importance of political undercurrents and contesting interests in resource bargaining and the shaping of development policy. It also highlights the uneven nature of social actors' access to and influence in bargaining processes; and of the state itself, in the wake of neoliberal austerity, state capture and intra-elite competition. At the same, the study finds, evidence from Zimbabwe points to the benefits of more transparent, inclusive and capacitated forms of revenue mobilization involving a wider array of social actors.

This paper analyzes the process of reorganization of the Uruguayan university student movement in the early years of the eighties and specifically during the period between 1980 and 1983. The work seeks to trace the genesis of the reconstitution of this social and political actor to through a careful analysis of the student magazines that emerged during this period, proposing an alternative look at democratic transitions beyond the political partisan spheres. The work concludes that the student magazines constituted alternative channels of expression, but also privileged spaces to forge and catalyze a generational and student identity and sensitivity during a period in which traditional channels of participation and activism were unavailable. ; El presente trabajo analiza el proceso de reorganización del movimiento estudiantil universitario uruguayo en los primeros años de la década de los ochenta y especialmente en el periodo comprendido entre 1980 y 1983. El trabajo busca rastrear la génesis de la reconstitución de este actor social y político a través de una mirada atenta a las revistas estudiantiles que surgieron durante este periodo, proponiendo una mirada alternativa a la transición democrática más allá de lo político partidario. El trabajo concluye que las revistas estudiantiles constituyeron canales alternativos de expresión, pero también espacios privilegiados para forjar y catalizar una determinada identidad y sensibilidad generacional y estudiantil durante un período en que no se encontraban disponibles canales tradicionales de participación y militancia.