Suchergebnisse

Abstrak Merebaknya pandemi COVID-19 di seluruh dunia khususnya Indonesia memberikan dampak besar terhadap berbagai aktivitas manusia, tak terkecuali aktivitas pendidikan dan kegiatan pembelajaran di sekolah. Pembelajaran secara tatap muka di sekolahdihentikan sementara sejak bulan Maret 2020 hingga waktu yang belum dapat ditentukan. Kejadian pandemi terbesar yang dialamiumat manusia pada perempat awal abad-21 ini, tentu akan menjadi catatan sejarah baru. Penyelenggaraan sekolah yang biasanya tatapmuka diganti menjadi pembelajaran jarak jauh melalui jaringan internet. Untuk itu para guru dituntut untuk mengkreasikan pembelajaran jarak jauh agar lebih menarik dan peserta didik tetap semangat walau belajar dari rumah. Era new normal artinyanormal baru atau kehidupan baru yang harus mematuhi protokol kesehatan yang telah ditetapkan oleh pemerintah. Adapunpermasalahan yang diangkat dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana kreativitas pembelajaran sejarah dalam era new normal di SMANegeri 1 Bengkulu Selatan yang dimulai dari perencanaan, pelaksanaan serta tahap evaluasi. Metodologi penelitian yang digunakandalam penelitian ini adalah Kualitatif. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan cara observasi, wawancara dan dokumentasi sertamenggunakan pendekatan analisis dengan tahapan reduksi data, penyajian data dan penyimpulan. Temuan-temuan dalam penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa: 1) Perencanaan dalam kreativitas pembelajaran sejarah cukup direncanakan dengan matang yakni denganadanya pelatihan pembuatan vidio pembelajaran oleh para guru, pembuatan aplikasi online serta membuat modul pembelajaran. 2)Proses kreativitas pembelajaran sejarah era new normal di SMA Negeri 1 Bengkulu Selatan berjalan dengan lancar dan sesuai dengan target yakni pembelajaran secara daring atau online. Para guru membuat vidio pembelajaran yang menarik serta dapat dipahami oleh peserta didik, dan adapula yang menggunakan power point. 3) Evaluasi kreativitas pembelajaran sejarah dalam era new normal di SMA Negeri 1 Bengkulu Selatan menggunakan beberapa aplikasi dari Google, salah satunya adalah Google Form. Abstract The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic throughout the world, especially Indonesia, has had a major impact on various human activities, including educational activities and learning activities in schools. Face-to-face learning in schools has been temporarily suspended since March 2020 until an undetermined time. The biggest pandemic event experienced by mankind in the first quarter of the 21st century, will certainly be a new historicalrecord. The implementation of schools which are usually face-to-face has been replaced by distance learning via the internet. For this reason, teachers are required to create distance learning to make it more interesting and students remain enthusiastic even though they are learning from home. Thenew normal era means a new normal or a new life that must comply with the health protocols set by the government. The problem raised in this study ishow the creativity of history learning in the new normal era at SMA Negeri 1 Bengkulu Selatan starts from the planning, implementation andevaluation stages. The research methodology used in this study is qualitative. Data collection techniques were carried out by means of observation, interviews and documentation as well as using an analytical approach with the stages of data reduction, data presentation and conclusions. The findings in this study indicate that: 1) Planning in the creativity of history learning is quite well planned, namely by training in makinglearning videos by teachers, making online applications and making learning modules. 2) The creative process of learning history in the new normal era at SMA Negeri 1 Bengkulu Selatan runs smoothly and according to the target, namely online learning. The teachers make interesting learningvideos that can be understood by students, and some use power point. 3) Evaluation of the creativity of learning history in the new normal era at SMANegeri 1 Bengkulu Selatan using several applications from Google, one of which is Google Form.

A lo largo de este documento, se realizará un diagnóstico territorial de Baquero y Muequetá desde dos componentes: morfológico y ocupación del territorio y, sociodemográfico. De esta forma, se planea identificar problemas, fuerzas, debilidades, expectativas de sus habitantes y retos que se presentan en los espacios. Asimismo, se intenta ofrecer explicaciones sobre la evolución pasada, una apreciación de la presente y expectativas para la futura. Desde el componente morfológico y de la ocupación del territorio, se pretende resaltar las características físicas, de accesibilidad, la estructura de los barrios, su composición, qué usos posee, datos y estadísticas de lo construido. El objetivo será acercar al lector al territorio desde la lectura del diagnóstico. De igual forma, analizaremos las dinámicas sociodemográficas que se presentan en el territorio a partir de elementos como la historia, la experiencia de sus habitantes y cifras de entidades gubernamentales. También, se definirá la población de este territorio a partir de datos de la localidad. Por consiguiente, se pretende resaltar cómo se ha ido construyendo sociedad a través de la historia, la transformación del territorio, la renovación en el tiempo de sus habitantes y lo que esto implica para el futuro del territorio. Finalmente, se crea un proyeto urbanístico como alternativa para el rescate de la memoria y la cultura en los barrios. El cual tien los siguientes objetivos. Objetivo general: Construir herramientas comunicativas entorno a la memoria colectiva, el patrimonio y el territorio a través de la participación comunitaria. Objetivos específicos: 1. Relatar la historia, memoria del territorio y la comunidad a partir de carteles acrílicos personalizados que cuenten la historia del sector. 2. Promover una vez al año espacios de encuentros cinematográficos, donde se reflexione a cerca de la identidad y la apropiación del territorio. 3. Rescatar la memoria y la cultura a través de la participación comunitaria intergeneracional. ; Throughout this document, a territorial diagnosis of Baquero and Muequetá will be made from two components: morphological and occupation of the territory, and sociodemographic. In this way, it is planned to identify problems, strengths, weaknesses, expectations of its inhabitants and challenges that arise in the spaces. Likewise, an attempt is made to offer explanations about past developments, an appreciation of the present, and expectations for the future. From the morphological component and the occupation of the territory, it is intended to highlight the physical characteristics, accessibility, the structure of the neighborhoods, their composition, what uses it has, data and statistics of what has been built. The objective will be to bring the reader closer to the territory from the reading of the diagnosis. Similarly, we will analyze the sociodemographic dynamics that occur in the territory based on elements such as history, the experience of its inhabitants and figures from government entities. Also, the population of this territory will be defined from local data. Therefore, it is intended to highlight how society has been built through history, the transformation of the territory, the renewal of its inhabitants over time and what this implies for the future of the territory. Finally, an urban planning project is created as an alternative for the rescue of memory and culture in the neighborhoods. Which has the following objectives. Course objective: Build communication tools around collective memory, heritage and territory through community participation. Specific objectives: 1. To relate the history, memory of the territory and the community from personalized acrylic posters that tell the history of the sector. 2. Promote once a year spaces for cinematographic encounters, where the identity and appropriation of the territory are reflected upon. 3. Rescue memory and culture through intergenerational community participation.

Rustamzade A. H., Hasanov E. E. Historical aspects of the formation and development of parliamentarism. - Article. The main purpose of the research study is to analyze the historical stages of the formation of the legislative branch in Azerbaijan. The author substantiates the need to use the historical approach in the study of the national parliamentary institution, emphasizes the exceptional role of the Milli Majlis, the legislative body of our independent state in the successful solution of the task of building a democratic state governed by the rule of law in Azerbaijan. Representative norm-setting distinguishes the stages of development of legislative institutions. Methods. The systematic analysis, historical approach to the generalization of normative scientific and practical materials and other methods has been used while writing the research. With the help of general and specific scientific methods the author coherently analyzed the data. Scientific novelty of the article. Parliamentarism of Azerbaijan is not limited to one constitutional norm. The history of parliamentarism in Azerbaijan is broader than parliamentarism, which determines constitutional norms. In 1918-1920, the history of parliamentarism in the modern sense begins in Azerbaijan, which is associated with the formation and activities of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic. On November 20, 1918, the National Council adopted the Law "On the Parliament of the Republic of Azerbaijan", according to which representatives of political parties and all national minorities living in Azerbaijan were to be represented in a unicameral parliament of 120 deputies. The researcher defines in the conclusions that study of the history of the development of the Milli Mejlis ensures the effective use of the historical approach in the research of this institution; allows the national parliament to examine the historical necessity that justifies the emergence and emergence of our traditions; leads to the formation of a clear understanding of the subsequent history of the development of the national parliament; creates a theoretical basis for a clear understanding of the place and role of this parliamentary institution in modern society and for the advancement of scientific ideas about the prospects for its further development. ; Рустамзаде А. Х., Гасанов Э. Э. Исторические ас¬пекты становления и развития парламентаризма. -Статья.Основная цель исследования состоит в анализе исторических этапов становления законодательной власти в Азербайджане. Авторы обосновывают необ¬ходимость использования исторического подхода при исследовании института национального парла¬мента, подчеркивают исключительную роль Мил¬ли Меджлиса - законодательного органа нашего независимого государства в успешном решении задачи построения в Азербайджане демократического госу¬дарства, основанного на верховенстве закона. Они раз¬личают этапы развития представительского законода¬тельства, законодательных институтов.Методы. При написании исследования исполь¬зовались системный анализ, исторический подход к обобщению нормативных научно-практических ма¬териалов и другие методы. С помощью общенаучных и частнонаучных методов авторы последовательно проанализировали данные.Научная новизна статьи. Парламентаризм Азер¬байджана не ограничивается одной конституционной нормой. История парламентаризма в Азербайджане шире, чем парламентаризм, который определяет кон-ституционные нормы. В 1918-1920 годах в Азербайджа¬не началась история парламентаризма в современном понимании, связанная с образованием и деятельно¬стью Азербайджанской Демократической Республи¬ки. 20 ноября 1918 года Национальный совет принял Закон «О Парламенте Азербайджанской Республики», согласно которому представители политических пар¬тий и всех проживающих в Азербайджане националь¬ных меньшинств должны были быть представлены в однопалатном парламенте из 120 депутатов.В заключении исследователи определили, что изу¬чение истории развития Милли Меджлиса обеспечива¬ет эффективное использование исторического подхода в исследовании этого учреждения; позволяет националь-ному парламенту изучить историческую необходимость, оправдывает появление наших традиций; приводит к формированию четкого представления о дальнейшей истории развития национального парламента; созда¬ет теоретическую основу для четкого понимания места и роли этого парламентского института в современном обществе и для продвижения научных представлений о перспективах его дальнейшего развития.

La presente ricerca affronta l'analisi del mito di fondazione della nazione spagnola, la battaglia di Covadonga, e del culto della Vergine delle Battaglie ad essa vincolato nei secoli dell'Età Moderna e Contemporanea. In primo luogo, occupandosi delle rielaborazioni nazionaliste del mito delle origini della Spagna, lo studio ha l'ambizione di inserirsi nelle analisi costruttiviste sul nazionalismo culturale; in secondo luogo, attraverso lo studio del culto di Nostra Signora di Covadonga, l'indagine si pone l'obiettivo di costituire un contributo alla conoscenza generale del cattolicesimo europeo fra l'età liberale e l'era dei totalitarismi. In linea generale, infine, come contributo alla storia religiosa, la ricerca si propone di mettere in discussione il paradigma della secolarizzazione, dimostrando la vitalità e la centralità del cattolicesimo sociale e politico nella modernità europea. La prima parte della ricerca si occupa della disamina del mito delle origini della nazione spagnola nella storiografia e nella letteratura prodotte fra la metà del Cinquecento e gli anni Cinquanta del Novecento. Attraverso l'analisi del racconto della fondazione e della discendenza lo studio evidenzia le successive risignificazioni e i variegati usi pubblici della mitologia delle origini ai fini di legittimare ordinamenti politici e progetti di nazione anche antitetici. Nella seconda parte, lo studio ripercorre l'imposizione dell'egemonia sacra della devozione di Nostra Signora di Covadonga nelle Asturie e la costruzione simbolica del culto, associato a caratteristiche antiliberali e conservatrici, nel secondo Ottocento. L'uso politico della devozione mariana asturiana in funzione controrivoluzionaria nel quadro generale della seconda fase delle guerre culturali europee costituisce l'argomento dell'ultima sezione della disamina. Lo studio ha cercato di fare della comparazione e della multidisciplinarità i suoi punti di forza, confrontando il caso di studio con altre esperienze europee contemporanee e ponendosi all'incrocio fra storia culturale, antropologia religiosa, sociologia della religione, storia dell'arte e della letteratura e storia locale. ; This research faces the analysis of the myth of the foundation of the Spanish nation, the battle of Covadonga, and the cult of the Virgin of the Battle linked to it in the Modern and Contemporary Ages. First, dealing with the nationalist re-workings of the myth of the origins, the study is part of the constructivist analyses on cultural nationalism; second, through the study of the cult of Our Lady of Covadonga, the investigation contributes to the general knowledge of European Catholicism between the liberal age and the era of totalitarianisms. Finally, as a contribution of religious history, the research questions the paradigm of secularization, demonstrating the vitality of Catholicism in European modernity. The first part of the research is dedicated to the examination of the myth of the origins of the Spanish community in the historiography and literature produced between sixteenth century and twentieth century. In this section, the study highlights the re-significations and the public uses of the mythology of the ancestry in order to legitimize political systems even antithetical. In the second part, the study retraces the imposition of the sacred hegemony of the devotion of the Virgin of Covadonga in Asturias in the second half of the nineteenth century and investigates the symbolic construction of the cult, associated with anti-liberal and counter-revolutionary characteristics. The political uses of Mount Auseva Marian cult in the context of the mobilization of the Spanish Catholicism against the secularizing policies of the republican government is the topic of the last section of the examination. The research has tried to make of comparison and multidisciplinary approach its core points, comparing the case study with other experiences from Latin Europe and placing itself at the intersection of cultural history, religious anthropology, sociology of religion, history of art and literature, and local history.

The article researches the phenomenon of so-called philosophia togata examining such issues as the emergence of Roman philosophy during one of the most exciting periods in Roman history. It considers the themes being a subject for study for a long time: the processes of social-psychological and cultural changes in Rome in Hellenistic age, the significance and extent of Greek influence, the new Roman life-styles and the reception of the philosophical doctrines of Greek thinkers such as Stoics, Epicureans and other philosophical schools. To my opinion, it is a subject on which there are still important and interesting questions to be asked and many worthwhile things to be said. An attempt is made to combine history of philosophy with history of culture and to place Roman philosophy and philosophers in a cultural context of Hellenization of Latin west and Roman response to this challenge. Focusing on topics such as Roman attitudes towards Greek culture, images of Greeks in Italy, crises of traditional values of mores maiorum, Roman intelligentsia, the article considers practices of philosophy in Rome as phenomenon of restricted identification or participation as a result of negative assessment of philosophy as otium in Roman society. An emphasis is made on the paradoxical status of philosophy in the Roman way of life and in the contradictions of playing the role of a Roman philosopher.The traditional roman mentality was scandalized by advent of Greek philosophers to Italy and strongly opposed to the first attempts of transplantation of philosophy into social organism of civitas. Roman authorities viewed Greek visitors and their intellectual shows, foreign ideas in general as a serious danger for mores maiorum and a kind of so-called nova flagitia. The expulsion of philosophers followed several times during the 2nd century B.C. It took hundreds of years to overcome the general prejudice and to legalize philosophy in Rome not only as tolerated otium cum dignitate but needful and commonly respected medicina animae. As we can see, wars against philosophy took place from time to time not only in republican period, but also during Early Empire, under the principate regime.So, the process of appropriation of philosophy by Roman cultural elite was slow, often frustrated and essentially limited being localized in private life and non-formal contacts in social microgroups (amical circles). Its territory was Roman otium (leisure as a part of traditional Roman way of life) and it met negative public and official assessment that cannot be ignored by aristocratic elite in this so-called shame culture. The representatives and enthusiasts of philosophy (for example Cicero) had to justify their philosophical conversion. Therefore the Roman soul was divided in its own reactions towards alien philosophy and felt uneasiness in practicing it. The conduct of its Roman adepts is often very different and depends on various social contexts and situations.We consider the antagonism between Roman philhellenism and traditionalism in general not as a struggle of two cultural (or even political) parties but as an inner conflict of two elements of divided Roman psyche which determines the phenomenon of restricted participation in philosophical pursuit during the period of Roman cultural history viewed here. Manuscript received 10.09.2020 ; Статтю присвячено рецепції грецької філософії в Римі і типу римського філософування періоду кінця республіки. У центрі уваги перший в історії європейської культури досвід утворення власної філософської традиції шляхом так званої імплантації (або трансферу) – отримання готового культурного продукту від «батьківщини філософії». Цей досвід розглянуто як невідокремну складову процесу культурної еллінізації латинського Заходу, що став наслідком входження Риму до системи елліністичної цивілізації. Автор намагається побачити місце, яке зайняла філософія як «чужорідне тіло» в організмі римського соціуму, і торкається питань про сполучення адаптації, наслідування і креативності в цьому досвіді та специфіки феномену philosophia togata.Матеріал надійшов 10.09.2020

Після встановлення нацистського окупаційного режиму в містах України було створено десятки єврейських гетто. Більшість із них досі залишаються «білими плямами» на тлі історії міського простору. У статті розглянуто історію гетто у Херсоні. Встановлено, що від самого початку нацистська адміністрація не планувала довгострокового існування гетто, а його мешканців мали знищити у найкоротші строки. Актуальність запропонованої теми зумовлено необхідністю вивчення маловідомих сторінок місцевої історії, які мають допомогти осмислити сучасний міський простір із його минулим та сприяти формуванню сучасної політики пам'яті. Історія херсонського гетто десятиліттями залишалася маловідомою широкому загалу і досі не була темою спеціального історичного дослідження. Це можна пояснити низкою об'єктивних факторів. Більшість головних свідків організації та ліквідації гетто знищили нацисти. Гетто існувало дуже короткий час (близько одного місяця) в умовах ізоляції та комендантської години; спілкування його мешканців із іншим населенням міста максимально обмежили. У післявоєнні роки російська влада з політичних міркувань не розглядала трагедію єврейського народу як окрему проблему. Зібрано та опрацьовано комплекс джерел, які дають змогу охарактеризувати обставини створення гетто, повсякденне життя у ньому та процес його ліквідації. Визначено, що створювали та ліквідовували гетто члени зондеркоманди 11а айнзацгрупи Д поліції безпеки СД. За наказами нацистів у місті сформували єврейську раду («юденрат»), діяльність якої передбачала облік єврейського населення міста та переведення його до гетто. Прослідковано поведінку та адаптацію мешканців міста до життя в умовах окупації, зокрема зміну їхніх соціальних ролей. Наведено приклади, які свідчать про стратегії виживання і свідомий колабораціонізм. ; After the establishment of the Nazi occupation regime, dozens of Jewish ghettos were established in the cities of Ukraine. Most of them still remain "white spots" against the background of the history of urban space. The article examines the history of the ghetto in Kherson. It was established that from the very beginning the Nazi administration did not plan the long-term existence of the ghetto, and its inhabitants were to be destroyed as soon as possible. The relevance of the proposed topic is due to the need to study the little-known pages of local history, which should help to comprehend the modern urban space with its past and contribute to the formation of modern memory policy. The history of the Kherson ghetto has remained little known to the general public for decades and has not yet been the subject of a special historical study. This can be explained by a number of objective factors. Most of the main witnesses to the organization and liquidation of the ghetto were killed by the Nazis. The short-lived existence of the ghetto (only about one month) in conditions of isolation and curfew, limited the communication of its inhabitants with the rest of the city. In the postwar years, the tragedy of the Jewish people was not seen by the Soviet authorities as a separate issue for political reasons. A set of sources has been collected and processed, which allow characterizing the circumstances of the ghetto creation, everyday life and the process of its liquidation. It was determined that the members of Sonderkommando 11a, Einsatzgruppe D of the SD Security Police were involved in the organization of the creation and liquidation of the ghetto. On the orders of the Nazis, a Jewish council ("Judenrat") was established in the city, through the activities of which the Jewish population of the city was to be registered and transferred to the ghetto. The behaviour and adaptation of the city residents to live in the conditions of occupation, in particular the change of their social roles, is traced. Examples are given that can be interpreted as a survival strategy and conscious collaborationism.

National identity plays an essential part in the development of the idea of every nation's self-determination and national history. National identity is a complex concept, which is not easy to define, especially within the context of modern, multinational states of the central European area, such as Czechoslovakia or the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, which afterwards became Yugoslavia. The new state of Yugoslavia was one of the most diverse and heterogeneous countries of Europe, which united these three nations. Besides Croats and Serbs the Slovenians also developed their national identity before Yugoslavia. The present study examines the duality of the national identity of the Slovene people within the context of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, during the interwar period of 20th century. The Slovenes willingly accepted the Yugoslav unification, which earned them protection from threatening neighbouring states. However, the unitarian concept of Yugoslavism started to clash with the multinational, multi-ethnic, multilingual and multireligious features of the new state. The Slovenes were suddenly in a situation in which they identified themselves as people who talk with the same language and share unique culture, but at the same time identified themselves as part of the united Yugoslav nation. The aim of this study is to present the view of Slovene people on the Yugoslav identity and its influence on their self-determination. The study focuses primarily on the approach of the Slovenes towards their national identification. The first part of the study deals with the Slovene identity from the political discourse and the perspective of the Slovenes people's party. The second part deals with the reflection of the Slovene shift towards nationalism in school policies and history textbooks. ; National identity plays an essential part in the development of the idea of every nation's self-determination and national history. National identity is a complex concept, which is not easy to define, especially within the context of modern, multinational states of the central European area, such as Czechoslovakia or the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, which afterwards became Yugoslavia. The new state of Yugoslavia was one of the most diverse and heterogeneous countries of Europe, which united these three nations. Besides Croats and Serbs the Slovenians also developed their national identity before Yugoslavia. The present study examines the duality of the national identity of the Slovene people within the context of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, during the interwar period of 20th century. The Slovenes willingly accepted the Yugoslav unification, which earned them protection from threatening neighbouring states. However, the unitarian concept of Yugoslavism started to clash with the multinational, multi-ethnic, multilingual and multireligious features of the new state. The Slovenes were suddenly in a situation in which they identified themselves as people who talk with the same language and share unique culture, but at the same time identified themselves as part of the united Yugoslav nation. The aim of this study is to present the view of Slovene people on the Yugoslav identity and its influence on their self-determination. The study focuses primarily on the approach of the Slovenes towards their national identification. The first part of the study deals with the Slovene identity from the political discourse and the perspective of the Slovenes people's party. The second part deals with the reflection of the Slovene shift towards nationalism in school policies and history textbooks.

Purpose
The signal detection theory has evolutionary foundations such that our ancestors who were able to detect signals of aggression survived, while those who could not were extinguished. The paper examines the detection of conflict escalation signals in a domestic argument in a married couple as a consequence of history with prior victimization and perpetration of violence. The purpose of this paper is threefold: escalation detection differences between a trained special victim's detective and untrained individuals; escalation detection for individuals with domestic violence victimization; and physiological arousal during escalation detection.


Design/methodology/approach
Subjects with various histories of victimization and perpetration using the Straus conflict tactics scale watched a video of an argument that escalated in conflict while their heart rate and electrodermal activity (EDA) was measured. Participants were asked to pause the tape and write any verbal and non-verbal signal of escalating conflict. The signal coding used deductive, a prioi coding based on Gottman's (1994, 2011) corrosive behaviors indicative of conflict. A repeated measures general linear model in sex and conflict initiation using two measures of physiological arousal revealed significant effects on EDA while watching escalating conflict as a function of victimization history.


Findings
A series of hypotheses and research questions tested untrained people's signal detection abilities with a trained, special victim's unit police investigator as a consequence of male and female-initiated conflict. Untrained viewers reported fewer aggression signals than the police investigator. A repeated measures general linear model using two measures of physiological arousal revealed significant effects on EDA while watching escalating conflict as a function of victimization history. Results are discussed in terms of the signal detection and excitation-transfer theories toward explaining responses to escalating conflict.


Research limitations/implications
A limitation of this study was asking participants to document all abuse while not differentiating between different forms (i.e. emotional, verbal, physical). A future study could investigate how well participants can detect different forms of abuse. This area of research could be beneficial especially in the form of past history. For example, if an individual has been a recipient of emotional abuse, do they detect significantly more signals of emotional abuse than they would for physical abuse?


Practical implications
The findings of our study have could practical publications for advising people who cope with conflict as they vary in their use of negotiation and physical force. The fact that physiological arousal was heightened after exposure to the conflict escalation video as a function of victimization due to physical force has ramifications for watching media with violent content. Therapists could ask survivors if they feel based on their experience, that they could help others to recognize aggressive signals or if they are immune to these signals, given the debate over victim desensitization vs heightened sensitivity.


Social implications
The authors feel it is imperative to note that our current study was designed to gain a deeper understanding of domestic violence in order to ultimately benefit victims in the recovery process and to (ideally) prevent recurrence of domestic violence in the future. This research is not intended to implicate victims in anyway as being responsible for the consequences of domestic violence due to an inability to detect signals of aggression. Indeed, future research should examine how to skillfully advise domestic violence victims while protecting their already vulnerable self-images.


Originality/value
Every day, people are exposed to violence through social media, news, movies and television. Hence, we may become either sensitized to violence or desensitized. These are competing hypotheses that we tested in conjunction with physiological arousal. It is important to analyze reactions to viewing violence due to the sheer amount that is readily disseminated.

La vasta bibliografía que ha sido dedicada al concepto de "partido político" suele dejar de lado la historia no-occidental de este concepto (con excepción de Rusia), y los trabajos que la abordan suelen limitarla a un marco nacional. Las páginas que siguen proponen remediar en parte esta carencia. Con el objeto de mostrar la complejidad de los procesos de transmisión y producción de conceptos políticos en los albores del siglo XX, este artículo aborda un breve episodio en la historia global del partido: es la historia del concepto de dang – un término de época imperial que a partir de fines del siglo XIX fue asociado a la noción de "partido" del discurso político euro-americano – y de las peripecias transcontinentales de este concepto entre el Este asiático y las Américas. La historia en cuestión tiene por objeto un dang reformador de fines del siglo XIX. Este dang nació en el imperio Qing en 1895 como reacción a la Guerra Sino-Japonesa y en 1898 logró consolidarse como una facción de la corte del emperador Guangxu. Expulsado por un golpe de palacio, el dang reformador fue reorganizado en 1899 bajo la forma de una asociación en el exilio, y mientras sus dirigentes lo extendían a diferentes partes del mundo –de Asia a las Américas, de Japón a Malasia, de Australia al Perú–, el dang comenzó paulatinamente a asociarse al concepto de "partido político" en el mundo occidental. La reconstrucción de esta historia nos permitirá elucidar no sólo el modo en que el concepto de partido político en China estuvo asociado a las discusiones y decisiones que el establecimiento de esta organización transcontinental requirió de sus dirigentes y miembros, sino, más en general, el modo en que se articulan producción de conceptos y experiencia social. ; Most of the research on the concept of "political party" often neglects the non-Western history of this concept (with the exception of Russia), and the scholars who deal with it usually remain within the limits of a national framework. We intend to compensate at least in part for this lack. With the aim of disclosing the complexity of the production and transmission of concepts at the beginning of the 20th century, we will deal with a brief episode in the global history of the political party. We will study the history of dang—an imperial term increasingly associated with the Euro-American concept of "party" in the late 19th and early 20th centuries—and the transcontinental hazards of this concept between East Asia and the Americas. We will more particularly focus on the dang of late 19th century Chinese reformers. This dang emerged in in the Qing empire in 1895 after the Sino-Japanese war and in 1898 it managed to become a faction at the court of the emperor Guangxu. After a palace coup expelled it from China, the dang of the reformers was reorganized as an association in exile, and while its leaders extended it to different parts of the world—from Asian to the Americas, from Japan to Malasia, from Australia to Peru—, the dang was increasingly associated with the concept of "political party" in the Western world. This history will help us elucidate the way in which the concept of political party in China was related not only to the discussions and decisions of the leaders of this transcontinental association, but also, and more generally, to the way in which the production of concepts is related to social experience.

historian, the researcher of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in the period of the 1920s – 1950s and Ukrainian national movement of the 1940s – 1950s. The article also focuses on Yuriy Kyrychuk's researches and political interests.In 1974 Yuriy Kyrychuk entered Lviv University. Having graduated from the University with honors he started his postgraduate studies in 1980. Yuriy Kyrychuk was doing his research under the supervision of Stepan Marchuk at the Department of the History of the USSR. On December 27, 1983 at the age of 27 he presented his thesis and received the PhD degree. Yuriy Kyrychuk dedicated twenty years of his creative life to Ivan Franko National University of Lviv. He started his career as a lecturer then he was promoted to the Docent of the Department of the Contemporary History of Ukraine.Yuriy Kyrychuk published four monographs and more than a hundred of scientific and popular scientific articles on the history of Ukrainian liberation movement in the 20th century. He was one of the first in Ukraine to research the history of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army and dissidents and human rights movement. His monograph "Ukrainian National Movement of the 1940s – 1950s: Ideology and Practice" was prepared to be presented as a Doctoral thesis. The presentation was scheduled on the beginning of 2003. The aforementioned monograph shows the holistic picture of Ukrainians' national struggle during WWII and postwar period on Ukrainian ethnic territories when Ukrainian national parties and movements were very active. Yuriy Kyrychuk also researched reasons why Ukrainian politicians were at first oriented to Germany at the beginning of WWII as well as their motives to break their collaboration with the Hitlerites. He described the process of shaping the Ukrainian Insurgent Army and focused on the struggle against Nazi occupants, Polish armed forces as well as Soviet regime. In his research Yuriy Kyrychuk highlighted forms and methods of communist punitive and repressive practices against Banderites' resistance movement in the Western region of Ukraine. In 2003 the collected materials were published as a separate book by Yuriy Kyrychuk's wife Lessia, who has a degree in History.Yuriy Kyrychuk was always interested in politics. In 1994 and 1998 he participated in the election as a candidate for the People's Deputy.Unfortunately on October 1, 2002 at the age of 46 Yuriy Kyrychuk tragically died. On his way to the conference dedicated to the activity of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Western Ukraine during WWII he got hit by a car. Yuriy Kyrychuk was buried at Lychakiv Cemetery in Lviv. ; У статті зосереджено увагу на постаті відомого історика, дослідника українського національно- визвольного руху 40–50-х рр. ХХ ст. Юрія Киричука. Зроблено спробу охарактеризувати внесок Ю. Киричука у розвиток історичної науки в Україні та Львівському ніверситеті. Особливу увагу приділено роботі Ю. Киричука в Університеті, аналізу його наукового доробку упродовж цього періоду. Зокрема, у розвідці йдеться про життєвий шлях історика, його наукові дослідження і політичні зацікавлення. Відначено особливу роль Ю. Киричука у відтворенні цілісної картини націнальної боротьби українців у період Другої світової війни і післявоєнний період на етнічних українських землях, роль різних політичних сил і військових формацій у протистоянні радянському і нацистському тоталітарним режимам. У статті розкрито багатогранну участь Ю. Киричука у політичному житті регіону, зроблено спробу висвітлити його вклад у розвиток політичної думки і практичну участь у політичному житті. В основу розвідки покладено матеріали, що зберігаються в Архіві Львівського національного університету, а також спогади про історика його наставників і колег.

La storia del Mediterraneo è la storia delle sue coste e delle sue isole e di tutte le rotte che, intersecandolo, hanno diffuso civiltà, culture, pensieri. Tutta la storia e la vita dell'uomo, ogni suo evento, ogni sua speranza, ogni sua realizzazione, è sempre avvenuta, in qualche modo, sul mare o attraverso il mare. Guardando al Mediterraneo, come mare da dominare, esso si rivela 'specchio' di una parata di fortezze d'acqua, rocche appartenenti a sistemi castellari, manieri, che mutano aspetto in relazione ai cambiamenti politici e ai progressi nell'arte del guerreggiare, alla cui ombra, in un universo infinito di rotte d'acqua, si riflettono le gesta quotidiane della gente di mare, di condottieri, nobili, pellegrini, crociati e pirati. L'originaria funzione di difesa e di controllo di queste architetture, ha fatto sì che nel passato costituissero dei segni forti sul territorio, elementi significativi di grande valenza architettonica. Oggi la situazione di tali manufatti è chiaramente mutata, motivo in più per interpretarne il significato attuale, prevalentemente settato sulla funzione di nodi di comunicazione turistica e promozione culturale del territorio. Dapprima utilizzate come semplici postazioni d'avvistamento, sorte per la difesa passiva delle coste, in seguito, dopo l'introduzione delle armi da fuoco, vengono dotate di ulteriori corpi di fabbrica, massicci e articolati, che permettono a queste scole troneggianti sul Tirreno d'ingaggiare battaglie contro gli attacchi provenienti dal mare; integre o allo stato di rudere, raccontano in silenzio brai di storia. Il contributo si propone, attraverso lo studio delle fonti d'archivio e iconografiche, di approfondire caratteri tipologici e tecniche costruttive, nonché possibili azioni di restauro e valorizzazione, di alcune di queste fabbriche comprese nel litorale laziale; tra queste le torri d'avvistamento e di presidio di un territorio, in un insieme compatto, che si raccorda, a nord, con le torri di Fiumicino, torre campanaria di S. Ippolito, torre Niccolina, torre Alessandrina e torre Clementina, e, a sud, con le torri Paterno, tor Vajanica, tor Caldara. ; The history of the Mediterranean Sea is the history of its coasts, islands and of all the routes that, intersecting it, have spread civilizations, cultures and thoughts. All History and each human life, event, hope, and achievements have always had, somehow, a relation to the sea. Looking at the Mediterranean Sea, as a Sea to be dominated, it reveals itself as a "mirror" of a parade of water's fortresses which belong to systems of castles and manors. Those Systems transformed their appearance in relation to political changes and progress in the art of war. And behind its shadow, in an infinite universe of waterways, the Sea reflects the daily actions of sailors, leaders, nobles, pilgrims, crusaders and pirates. Because of the original defense and control function of these architectures, they represented, in the past, strong signs on the territory, significant elements of great architectural value. Today, the situation of these artifacts has clearly changed. An extra reason to interpret their current meaning, that is mainly set on their touristic function of communication node and of cultural promotion of the territory. Their first use was as mere lookout posts, intended for passive defense of the coasts. Later, after the introduction of firearms, they have been equipped with additional massive and articulated buildings, which allow these 'scole' (rocks) enthroned on the Tyrrhenian Sea, to face attacks from the sea. Intact or in ruins, they silently tell of pieces of history. The aim of the current contributio, through the study of archival and iconographic sources, is to deepen typological characters and construction techniques, as well as the recovery and enhancement actions of some of these factories located in the Lazio coast.

In Search of a New (National) Historical Record – the Republic of Belarus of 1991–1994AbstractThe final stage of the Soviet Union and the creation in 1991 of a new Belarusian state were characterised by big political whirls. There was the need in a new, post-Soviet reality, for a different look at the nation's own history. Increasingly strong was national narrative, emphasising the importance of political and national independence. Those milieux demanded that Belarusian sciences should be made independent of the party, for thus far they were treated as the ideological resource base for the communist party.A large part of Belarusians, however, and numerous groups of historians did not see the necessity to break up with Soviet heritage. The majority of citizens of the Belarusian Republic opted for the existence of the Soviet Union as the political entity. A new interpretation of history met neither with any special resistance, nor enthusiasm. It was regarded is as yet another action imposed by the authorities, the only difference being that this time it was possible to criticise it much more easily without the fear of severe reprisals as in the Soviet times.There was a general feeling of nostalgia for the good, Soviet times. The fight for the construction of a new interpretation of history intensified after 1994, when the presidential campaign entered its final stage. Both the national circles and those appealing to the Soviet version of history understood that historical topics made an important element of the campaign which made it possible for electors to better identify with their candidate.An attempt to build a new community based on national banners suffered defeat in the elections of 1994. The society was not ready to reject the Soviet-class system of values and replace it with a new national-Belarusian offered after 1991. Neither a symbiosis was created that could combine these two systems. The "West Russian" idea, developed in the nineteenth century, but modified and Sovieticized during the period of Belarusian Soviet Republic, became a strong element of the Belarusian identity, and national circles proved to be unable to weaken it in the years of 1991–1994. В поисках нового (национального) исторического повествования – Республика Беларусь 1991–1994 Аннотация Заключительный этап существования Советского Союза и формирование в 1991 году новой Белоруссии характеризовались большими политическими проблемами. В новой, намечающейся постсоветской действительности надо было по-другому посмотреть на собственную историю. Укреплялось национальное повествование, подчеркивающее значение государственной и национальной независимости. Национальные круги выступали за партийную нейтрализацию белорусской науки, которая до сих пор была идеологической базой коммунистической партии.Однако подавляющая часть общества и большие группы историков не видели необходимости порвать с советским наследством, выступая за оставление Советского Союза как государственного учреждения. Новая интерпретация истории не встретилась с решительным сопротивлением, но и не вызвала особого восторга. Большинство граждан относилось к ней как к очередной акции, навязанной сверху властями, однако с той разницей, что теперь ее можно было гораздо легче раскритиковать, чем в советские времена, не подвергая себя репрессиям.Ностальгия за хорошими, советскими временами была всеобщей. Борьба за создание исторического повествования усилилась в 1994 году, когда в окончательную фазу спора вступила президентская кампания. Как национальные круги, так и те, обращающиеся к советской картине истории, понимали, что исторические темы являются важным элементом кампании, позволяющим избирателю лучше отождествить себя с конкретным кандидатом.Попытка создать новое сообщество, опираясь на национальные лозунги, потерпела поражение в выборах 1994 года. Общество не было готово отбросить советско-классовую систему ценностей и поменять ее на национально-белорусскую, предложенную после 1991 года. Не был разработан и своего рода симбиоз, который смог бы совместить обе эти системы ценностей. Образовавшаяся в XIX веке «западнорусская» идея, модифицированная и советизированная в период БССР, стала мощной частью белорусской идентичности, которую не смогли перестроить национальные круги в 1991–1994 гг.

This article examines Sir G. Lauterpacht's respective contributions to contemporary international human rights law by concentrating on their European experience from their youth in Central Europe. Fiercely committed to the rule of law and holding the powerful to account, Lauterpacht was instrumental in bringing Nazi war criminals to justice, and his work forged the foundations of our modern human rights laws. Key to his contribution to the Human Rights Law was the belief that human rights could only be protected if powerful institutions were created to monitor and enforce them. Lauterpacht advocated a quasi-judicial body, similar to what became the European Commission on Human Rights. The articulation and recognition of human rights in international law was integral to his systematic defining and refining of the discipline through his academic and professional writings, which actively engaged contemporary legal theory and international relations debates. His corpus covered the breadth of international law through his authorship of major monographs and hundreds of articles and reviews.International scientific events that took place in the Lviv region are analyzed in this article (the international scientific conference «Legal concepts of H. Lauterpacht in the theory and practice of the International Law», series of scientific and memorial measures that took place in Lviv on November 9–12, 2017, organized by the non-governmental research center «Center for Urban History of East Central Europe» (director – Sofia Dyak). Program «Rights, Justice, and Memories of Lviv» (November 9–11, 2017) launched with lecture «Moving Beyond East West Street – Challenges for the Future and the Rule of Law» by Philippe Sands (the UCU Rule of Law Lecture Series) and continued on November 11 with unveiling of memorial plaques and art performance «East West Street: A Song of Good and Evil» at Lviv Philharmonic. This event brought together scholars from the fields of history, law, international law, and intellectual history. Among participants were: Markiyan Bem (European Court of Human Rights), Kateryna Busol (Global Rights Compliance), Norman Davies (University College London), (Franziska Exeler (Cambridge University / Free University in Berlin), Douglas Irvin-Erickson (GMU), Pieter Lagrou and Ornella Rovetta (Université Libre de Bruxelles), Louisa McClintock (Columbia University), Reut Paz (Giessen University), William Pomeranz (Kennan Institute), Philippe Sands (University College London), Mira Siegelberg (Queen Mary, University of London), Iryna Sklokina (Center for Urban History), Stefan Troebst (Leipzig University), and Natasha Wheatley (University of Sydney), Lori Damrosch (Columbia University), Sean Murphy (George Washington University), Gerry Simpson (London School of Economics and Political Science). ; Висвітлено світові заслуги студента Львівського університету у міжвоєнний період – Герша Лаутерпахта у правоюдинній юриспруденції. Діяльність Г. Лаутерпахта як юриста-міжнародника важко переоцінити. Серед його внесків у міжнародне право прав людини –переконання, що права людини можуть бути захищені лише за умови створення потужних інституцій для їх моніторингу та забезпечення виконання. Інформація про роль цього юриста-міжнародника у проектуванні статутного та інституційного механізмів захисту прав людини, а також характеристика подій міжнародного масштабу, що відбувалися у Львові восени 2017 року і були присвячені вшануванню пам'яті професора, лежить в основі інформаційного матеріалу. Проаналізовано та узагальнено наукові погляди вітчизняних та зарубіжних фахівців міжнародного права прав людини стосовно внеску професора Кембриджського університету Г. Лаутерпахта у підготовку першого у світі проекту Міжнародного білля з прав людини, вперше опублікованого у 1945 році. Зокрема, розглянуто погляди вітчизняних учених, – професорів В. Буткевича, П. Рабіновича, а також зарубіжних фахівців – професорів А. Редзіка, А. Райніша, Ф. Сендса, В. Померанца, судді від України в Європейському суді з прав людини Г. Юдківської, члена і спеціального доповідача Комісії з міжнародного права ООН Ш. Мерфі.

Negli ultimi quarant'anni, la storiografia sulla sessualità, sviluppata soprattutto in ambito anglosassone, ha prodotto diverse storie locali e globali, oltre che dibattiti metodologici inerenti in particolare all'utilizzo di una categoria contemporanea, come quella di omosessualità, per indagare il passato. Intorno ai punti di contatto e alle differenze paradigmatiche che intercorrono tra l'idea attuale di omosessualità e la categoria moderna di sodomia si sono sviluppati confronti talvolta inconciliabili. Sostenere una divisione netta, per cui sarebbe anacronistico intendere l'omosessualità prima della sua "comparsa" nel discorso pubblico tardo-ottocentesco, ha portato spesso a scrivere una storia dei crimini sessuali, più che della sessualità. Di contro, ignorare le imprescindibili differenze di contesto storico si è rivelato, a sua volta, semplicistico. La tesi propone uno dei possibili percorsi di storia dell'omosessualità nella Venezia moderna, spostando l'attenzione dallo statuto penale/morale di sodomia alla storia della "libertà libertina" del sesso: dal reato, spesso distorto dagli addebiti violenti dei registri della giustizia, alla longue durée, sul piano culturale, sociale e della mentalità, della libertà-dalla-norma come traccia per indagare l'omosessualità. L'approccio di storia culturale risponde al tentativo di allargare l'analisi non soltanto al versante normativo e istituzionale, teologico e giuridico, ma anche ai diversi ragionamenti eterodossi in tema di sessualità - "libertinismo/libertinaggio" - presenti in un luogo, come Venezia, più facilmente associato, per consuetudine, all'idea di libertà. La ricerca d'archivio, realizzata sulle fonti veneziane sei-settecentesche, oltre a dare conto della complessità delle definizioni di sodomia e di libertinismo rispetto alla loro riduzione teorica, permette altresì, integrandosi con i dati disponibili nella letteratura scientifica, di completare un quadro statistico complessivo dell'azione giudiziaria del Consiglio di Dieci in materia di sodomia - la magistratura veneziana incaricata della sua repressione - lungo l'intera età moderna. Dei 153 procedimenti censiti dalla presente ricerca, viene infine approfondito il caso che coinvolse Alvise V Sebastiano Mocenigo. ; Over the last four decades, the historiography of sexuality has produced a number of local and global chapters, and also aroused methodological debates deriving chiefly from the fact that a contemporary classification like homosexuality was applied to investigation of the past. The points of contact and the paradigmatic differences that exist between how homosexuality is viewed today, and the early modern category of sodomy led to the development of comparisons that can often be conflicting. Espousing the idea of a clear-cut division (anachronistic for defining homosexuality before its "appearance" in late-nineteenth-century public debate) has often meant that the history drafted was one regarding sex crimes rather than sexuality. On the other hand, overlooking essential differences in the historical context proved to be simplistic. Our thesis addresses one of the possible paths of the history of homosexuality in Early Modern Venice, shifting focus from the criminal-moral status of sodomy to the history of "libertine sexual freedom". We begin with a crime often distorted by violent charges lodged in judicial records and arrive at the lengthy duration in culture, society and attitude of independence-from-norm as a direction for investigating homosexuality. The cultural history approach meets the need to broaden the analysis not only of regulatory and institutional, theological and juridical aspects, but also of various heterodoxy arguments applied to sexuality (libertinism/libertinage) present in a place like Venice, customarily more easily identified with the idea of freedom. Archive research drew upon sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Venetian sources integrates data available in scientific literature to provide a complete overview of the judicial actions throughout the early modern age of the Council of Ten, the Venetian judiciary tasked with the repression of sodomy. Of the 153 cases reviewed by this research, we include an in-depth analysis of the action against Alvise V Sebastiano Mocenigo.

In Search of a New (National) Historical Record – the Republic of Belarus of 1991–1994AbstractThe final stage of the Soviet Union and the creation in 1991 of a new Belarusian state were characterised by big political whirls. There was the need in a new, post-Soviet reality, for a different look at the nation's own history. Increasingly strong was national narrative, emphasising the importance of political and national independence. Those milieux demanded that Belarusian sciences should be made independent of the party, for thus far they were treated as the ideological resource base for the communist party.A large part of Belarusians, however, and numerous groups of historians did not see the necessity to break up with Soviet heritage. The majority of citizens of the Belarusian Republic opted for the existence of the Soviet Union as the political entity. A new interpretation of history met neither with any special resistance, nor enthusiasm. It was regarded is as yet another action imposed by the authorities, the only difference being that this time it was possible to criticise it much more easily without the fear of severe reprisals as in the Soviet times.There was a general feeling of nostalgia for the good, Soviet times. The fight for the construction of a new interpretation of history intensified after 1994, when the presidential campaign entered its final stage. Both the national circles and those appealing to the Soviet version of history understood that historical topics made an important element of the campaign which made it possible for electors to better identify with their candidate.An attempt to build a new community based on national banners suffered defeat in the elections of 1994. The society was not ready to reject the Soviet-class system of values and replace it with a new national-Belarusian offered after 1991. Neither a symbiosis was created that could combine these two systems. The "West Russian" idea, developed in the nineteenth century, but modified and Sovieticized during the period of Belarusian Soviet Republic, became a strong element of the Belarusian identity, and national circles proved to be unable to weaken it in the years of 1991–1994. В поисках нового (национального) исторического повествования – Республика Беларусь 1991–1994 Аннотация Заключительный этап существования Советского Союза и формирование в 1991 году новой Белоруссии характеризовались большими политическими проблемами. В новой, намечающейся постсоветской действительности надо было по-другому посмотреть на собственную историю. Укреплялось национальное повествование, подчеркивающее значение государственной и национальной независимости. Национальные круги выступали за партийную нейтрализацию белорусской науки, которая до сих пор была идеологической базой коммунистической партии.Однако подавляющая часть общества и большие группы историков не видели необходимости порвать с советским наследством, выступая за оставление Советского Союза как государственного учреждения. Новая интерпретация истории не встретилась с решительным сопротивлением, но и не вызвала особого восторга. Большинство граждан относилось к ней как к очередной акции, навязанной сверху властями, однако с той разницей, что теперь ее можно было гораздо легче раскритиковать, чем в советские времена, не подвергая себя репрессиям.Ностальгия за хорошими, советскими временами была всеобщей. Борьба за создание исторического повествования усилилась в 1994 году, когда в окончательную фазу спора вступила президентская кампания. Как национальные круги, так и те, обращающиеся к советской картине истории, понимали, что исторические темы являются важным элементом кампании, позволяющим избирателю лучше отождествить себя с конкретным кандидатом.Попытка создать новое сообщество, опираясь на национальные лозунги, потерпела поражение в выборах 1994 года. Общество не было готово отбросить советско-классовую систему ценностей и поменять ее на национально-белорусскую, предложенную после 1991 года. Не был разработан и своего рода симбиоз, который смог бы совместить обе эти системы ценностей. Образовавшаяся в XIX веке «западнорусская» идея, модифицированная и советизированная в период БССР, стала мощной частью белорусской идентичности, которую не смогли перестроить национальные круги в 1991–1994 гг.