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Период 1945-1954 гг. представляет собой ключевой этап формирования ядерной политики США и СССР в годы холодной войны. Научная сторона атомных проектов двух сверхдержав относительно хорошо изучена, однако необходимо увязать вопросы науки с вопросами внешней политики и военной стратегии, чтобы восполнить пробелы в существующих исследованиях. ; The period from 1945 till 1954 is a key stage in the U.S. and Soviet nuclear policy formation process during the Cold War. Scientific aspects of the two superpowers' atomic projects are relatively well studied. However, it is also necessary to link the issue of scientific breakthrough with those of foreign policy and military strategy in order to fill the gaps in the existing research. Similar nuclear-policy issues were at the heart of U.S. and Soviet decision-making process in 1945-1954, namely: the use of atomic weapons as a diplomatic instrument; the role of atomic weapons in new military strategies; presentation of one's own and adversary's nuclear achievements to the public; establishment of an atomic industry management system. It is often assumed that the influence of scientists upon policy-making was more significant in the USA than in the USSR. However, it remains an open question. Another question is when new military strategies were formed taking into account nuclear weapons existence. It seems that such strategic review did not take place in the Soviet Union until 1960s. Minimizing the significance of the new technology in official rhetoric, the Soviet leadership did its best to catch up with the USA in the race for atomic weapons, while the USA struggled to benefit from its atomic monopoly, which it considered a wasting asset. If the Rational Actor model is applied to the USA-USSR interaction, then differences in political regimes do not matter much. What matters is the set of actions and reactions within the limits provided by the international environment. If political regimes and internal state dynamics are also taken into account, then personal characteristics of major decision-makers ought to be given special attention to. The best way to link domestic and foreign policy processes is to rely upon Robert Putnam's two-level game model, which underlines the need of decision-makers to take into account the domestic feedback when making a foreign-policy move. Though many American and Soviet researchers have already studied U.S.-Soviet interaction in 1945-1954, including its atomic component, there are still gaps to be filled. Those gaps are, for instance, due to the lack of open sources on Soviet foreign policy. It is necessary to study the problem from a different angle, trying to link together the issues of scientific development, foreign policy, and military strategy. This research would benefit from new opportunities, such as declassified documents of the Soviet atomic project and U.S. foreign policy archives published online. The need to study the period of 1945-1954 is justified by the fact that all major stereotypes and perceptions of adversary's intentions were formed then, as well as decision-making mechanisms in the nuclear area. Besides, current U.S.-Russian strategic dialogue should be studied in the context, which includes the evolution of both states' nuclear strategies since the earliest years of bipolar confrontation.

When do states turn to the United Nations Security Council? Today the term threat to peace is interpreted more widely than ever before ranging from inter-state conflict over internal wars to humanitarian crisis. Alarming the Security Council to international crisis is an exceptional foreign policy choice. By far more conflicts are not brought to the attention of the Security Council than are put before that body. The paper explores when states actually turn to the Security Council and term a crisis a threat to international peace. One the one hand, the Security the Council has assumed a much more visible and active role in international dispute settlement since the end of the Cold War. On the other hand, the unilateral decision of the United States to invade Iraq raised serious doubts about the legitimacy and effectiveness of the UN's collective security system. A much repeated truism reminds UN scholars that any system of collective security can be only as good as its members want it to be. But so far we do not have a clear understanding of what its members do want it to be. While the option to involve the UN Security Council in any situation endangering peace is equally open to all states, only some states address the UN in some conflict situations. From this starting point, this paper contributes to the understanding of the role of the UN in fostering conflict resolution as well as shedding light on foreign policy choices by states. In what situations do states turn to the Security Council? Which states take the decision to alert the Council? And what do states want from the Council once they did? Addressing these questions, the paper presents instances in which states decided to turn to the Security Council. The systematic assessment builds on a set of case studies that includes different types of conflict situations in the 1990s as well as different states. States bring crisis situations before the Council which they either perceive as an immediate threat to themselves or as a threat to norms shared by the international community. The paper concludes with some generalizations about reasons for states to turn to the UN Security Council. ; Wann wenden sich Staaten an den Sicherheitsrat der Vereinten Nationen? Heutzutage wird der Begriff Friedensbedrohung umfassender als je zuvor interpretiert. Die Spannbreite reicht von zwischenstaatlichen Konflikten über interne Kriege bis hin zu humanitären Krisen. Dennoch ist es für Staaten eine außergewöhnliche außenpolitische Entscheidung den UN-Sicherheitsrat anzurufen. Nur in sehr wenigen Situationen lenken Staaten die Aufmerksamkeit des Sicherheitsrats auf internationale Krisen. Das Papier untersucht, wann Staaten sich entscheiden, eine Krise dem Sicherheitsrat vorzulegen und diese als Bedrohung für den Weltfrieden zu bezeichnen. Einerseits übernimmt der UN-Sicherheitsrat eine sichtbare und aktive Rolle in der Konfliktbeilegung seit dem Ende des Ost-West-Konflikts, andererseits warf spätestens der Irak-Krieg Zweifel über die Legitimität und Effektivität des Sicherheitsrats auf. Eine Binsenweisheit der UN-Forschung betont, dass eine kollektives Sicherheitssystem nur so gut sein kann wie seine Mitglieder es zulassen. Es ist allerdings noch unklar, welche Vorstellungen die Staaten über das Sicherheitssystem der Uno haben. Obwohl allen Staaten offen steht, jede Krisensituationen dem Sicherheitsrat vorzulegen, nutzen nur einige Staaten in wenigen Situationen diese Möglichkeit. In dieser Ausgangslage trägt das Papier zu einem besseren Verständnis über die Rolle der Uno bei der Konfliktbearbeitung wie auch über außenpolitische Entscheidungen von Staaten. In welchen Situationen wenden sich Staaten an den Sicherheitsrat? Welche Staaten entscheiden sich für die Anrufung des Rats? Und was wollen Staaten dann vom Rat? Das Papier stellt Umstände und Krisen vor, in denen Staaten den Sicherheitsrat angerufen haben. Die systematische Erhebung basiert auf Fallstudien und umfasst verschiedene Typen von Konfliktsituationen in den 1990er Jahren und verschiedene Staaten. Staaten wenden sich an den Sicherheitsrat, wenn sie entweder sich unmittelbar selbst bedroht fühlen oder bei einer Gefährdung von Normen der internationalen Staatengemeinschaft. Die Untersuchung unternimmt zum Ende einen Generalisierungsversuch über die Gründe von Staaten, den Sicherheitsrat anzurufen.

The tendency after the end of the Cold war to downsize national armies on the one hand and persistent armed conflicts in unstable African, Near East and Balkan regions on the other created opening conditions for the revival and rapid evolvement of the private business structures that provide military and security services. Prevailing viewpoint that PMSCs and their personnel represent the new form of the mercenary is not correct from the IHL perspective and could lead to serious human rights abuses. Numerous cases and analysis of the scholar literature shows that inaccurate qualification of the PMSCs' employees' status results into deprivation of certain scope of protection from private contractors. Moreover, since there are no accountability and control mechanisms, a high risk for the abuses and impunity for violations of the IHL occurs. Present master thesis aims to analyze international legal status of the PMSCs and their personnel in the context of armed conflict. It also assesses conformity of the existing practice to the IHL norms. In order to conclude a comprehensive research, author provides historical perspective of the warfare privatization, surveys factors that contributed to the outsourcing of military functions, defines what is PMSC, what are their types and capacity of each type, highlights distinguishing features between mercenaries and private contractors and gives a review of the contemporary practice of their use in the armed conflicts. Hypothesis that legal status of the PMSCs and their personnel under IHL is insufficiently defined and that international community should take adequate steps to modify present conventions to reflect needs of the present was formulated on the ground of the initial literature review. The first part of the thesis provides characteristics of the mercenarism and other forms of the private violence, its historical evolution to the modern military services industry and the attitude of the international community towards it. Present situation and tendencies in the development of the phenomenon of the PMSCs, its' types, main features of each type and differences between the scope of their capacities are addressed in the second section. It is also introducing the factual situation of the involvement of the private soldiers in contemporary armed conflicts and threats and potentialities they suggest. The third part is dedicated to analyze and qualify PMSCs personnel status under IHL. It also surveys international legal basis regarding mercenaries and gives an evaluation of the dividing line between these two forms of participation in warfare. Moreover, it puts forward proposals up to which extent such participation is legal under the humanitarian laws. Finally, the third part scrutinizes legal status of the PMSCs as corporate entities and states obligations and responsibilities in this regard. On the basis of the research concluded in the final part conclusions are drawn. It is inferred that the hypothesis proved out only partially. In contrast to the initial assumption and prevailing position in the legal literature, legal status of the individual PMSCs employees is sufficiently defined. Depending on the functions that they are contracted to perform and level of incorporation they are falling under one of the two exhaustive categories: they are either civilians or combatants. On the other hand, legal status of the PMSCs as corporate entities is not addressed under IHL at all. It is regulated through the domestic laws.

Yüksek Lisans Tezi ; Soğuk Savaş yıllarında ortak güvenlik politikalarının uyuşması sonucu iki yakın müttefik olan Türkiye ve Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD) arasındaki ilişkiler, Berlin Duvarı'nın yıkılması ve Sovyetler Birliği'nin dağılmasının ardından da karşılıklı güvene dayalı olarak devam etmiştir. İran-Irak savaşı ve Körfez Savaşı sırasında da bu karşılıklı güven devam etmiş ve meyvesini Clinton döneminde (1992-2000) vermiştir. Clinton dönemine kadar Geliştirilmiş Ortaklık olarak adlandırılan ilişkiler Stratejik Ortaklığa yükselmiştir. 11 Eylül saldırılarının ardından ABD'nin dünyaya bakışı değişmiştir. ABD'nin dış politikasındaki önceliğini terörizmle savaş kavramı almış ve hedef ülkeler listelenmiştir. ABD için bu noktada Türkiye en önemli ülkelerden biriydi çünkü; Türkiye bölgedeki zengin petrol yatakları üzerinde oturan Arap ülkelerine karşı demokrasisi, serbest piyasa ekonomisi ve laikliği ile model ülke olarak görülmekteydi. Ayrıca Türkiye bu bölgenin iç dinamiklerini belirleyen ülkelerden biri konumundaydı. Türkiye'nin ABD'ye destek vermesi, ABD açısından bu mücadelenin İslam dünyası ile olmadığının bir kanıtı olarak sembolik bir önem taşımaktaydı. TBMM'nin 1 Mart 2003'te almış olduğu "tezkere" kararı, ABD Silahlı Kuvvetlerinin Irak'a Türk topraklarından geçiş izni çıkmaması ve ertesinde yaşanan Süleymaniye Baskını, Amerika ile Türkiye arasında süregelen "stratejik ortaklık" ilişkisinin de sorgulanmasına neden olmuştur. Tezkere krizi ile Türk-Amerikan ilişkileri onarılması güç bir darbe almıştır. 2004 yılında, önce ikili ziyaretler, ardından Türkiye'nin "demokratik ortak" sıfatıyla ABD'deki G-8 zirvesine katılması, aynı yıl Türkiye'de gerçekleşen NATO zirvesine ABD Başkanı George Bush'un gelişi Türkiye ve Amerika arasındaki buzların yavaş yavaş çözülmesi şeklinde yorumlanmıştır. Her ne kadar bu durum düzeltilmeye çalışılsa da Başkan Clinton zamanında Stratejik Ortaklık'a yükselen ilişkiler Başkan Bush zamanında sekteye uğramıştır. ; At the time of cold war, as common security policies agreed with eachother, the relations between Turkey and U.S.A. that were close allies went on with mutual confidence after the falling of Berlin Wall and the diffusing of Soviet Union. At the time of Iran - Iraq War and Gulf War, this mutual confidence went on and it beared at the period of "Clinton" (1992-2000). The relations developed with the name of corporation to the period of "Clinton" ascended the "strategic corporation". U.S.A.'s glance to the World changed after the attacks on September, 11. The priority at U.S.A.'s foreign policy was related to fight with the terrorism and the target countries were listed. At this point, Turkey was an important country for U.S.A. because Turkey was seen as a model country with its democracy, free market economy and secularism against arabic countries stayed on the rich petrol veins in the area. Moreover, Turkey was in a position that modified this area's internal Dynamics. Turkey's support to U.S.A. had got a symbolic importance as a prove that this struggle wasn't with Islam World. The decision of letter taken by Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) on 2003, March 1, not giving a permission for U.S.A. Armed Force entrance to Iraq from Turkish territory and "Sulamaniya Descent" caused to interrogate the relation of strategic corporation between Turkey and U.S.A. . Turkey - U.S.A. relations took on the chin with the letter crisis. In 2004, firstly binary visitation, then Turkey's taking part in G-8 in U.S.A. with name of "democratic copartner", at the same time George Bush "The President of U.S.A." atttending to NATO congress in Turkey were commented as the relations were corrected at the period of "Bush".

The tendency after the end of the Cold war to downsize national armies on the one hand and persistent armed conflicts in unstable African, Near East and Balkan regions on the other created opening conditions for the revival and rapid evolvement of the private business structures that provide military and security services. Prevailing viewpoint that PMSCs and their personnel represent the new form of the mercenary is not correct from the IHL perspective and could lead to serious human rights abuses. Numerous cases and analysis of the scholar literature shows that inaccurate qualification of the PMSCs' employees' status results into deprivation of certain scope of protection from private contractors. Moreover, since there are no accountability and control mechanisms, a high risk for the abuses and impunity for violations of the IHL occurs. Present master thesis aims to analyze international legal status of the PMSCs and their personnel in the context of armed conflict. It also assesses conformity of the existing practice to the IHL norms. In order to conclude a comprehensive research, author provides historical perspective of the warfare privatization, surveys factors that contributed to the outsourcing of military functions, defines what is PMSC, what are their types and capacity of each type, highlights distinguishing features between mercenaries and private contractors and gives a review of the contemporary practice of their use in the armed conflicts. Hypothesis that legal status of the PMSCs and their personnel under IHL is insufficiently defined and that international community should take adequate steps to modify present conventions to reflect needs of the present was formulated on the ground of the initial literature review. The first part of the thesis provides characteristics of the mercenarism and other forms of the private violence, its historical evolution to the modern military services industry and the attitude of the international community towards it. Present situation and tendencies in the development of the phenomenon of the PMSCs, its' types, main features of each type and differences between the scope of their capacities are addressed in the second section. It is also introducing the factual situation of the involvement of the private soldiers in contemporary armed conflicts and threats and potentialities they suggest. The third part is dedicated to analyze and qualify PMSCs personnel status under IHL. It also surveys international legal basis regarding mercenaries and gives an evaluation of the dividing line between these two forms of participation in warfare. Moreover, it puts forward proposals up to which extent such participation is legal under the humanitarian laws. Finally, the third part scrutinizes legal status of the PMSCs as corporate entities and states obligations and responsibilities in this regard. On the basis of the research concluded in the final part conclusions are drawn. It is inferred that the hypothesis proved out only partially. In contrast to the initial assumption and prevailing position in the legal literature, legal status of the individual PMSCs employees is sufficiently defined. Depending on the functions that they are contracted to perform and level of incorporation they are falling under one of the two exhaustive categories: they are either civilians or combatants. On the other hand, legal status of the PMSCs as corporate entities is not addressed under IHL at all. It is regulated through the domestic laws.

Şüphesiz uluslararası sistem içinde dış politikada beliren rekabet tarihsel bir olgudur. Devletler tarihin hemen her döneminde ekonomik, siyasal ve kültürel alanda güç mücadelesine girmişlerdir. Nitekim tarihin her döneminde olduğu gibi 20. yüzyılda da, özellikle 1990'lı yıllardan sonra Kafkasya ve Orta Asya Cumhuriyetlerinin bağımsızlıklarını kazanmaları ve enerji kaynaklarının zenginliği nedeni ile bu bölgelerde önemli güç mücadeleleri yaşanmaya başlanmıştır. Dünya enerji talebinin artması, Orta Asya ve Kafkas petrol ve doğalgaz rezervlerinin uluslararası piyasalara taşınmasını zorunlu kılmıştır. Bundan dolayı, bölge enerji kaynaklarının hangi boru hatlarıyla dünya piyasalarına açılacakları konusu yanında, boru hattı güzergâhlarının kimin kontrolünde olacağı da önemli bir sorun olmuştur. Bu nedenle bölge devletleri ve uluslararası güçler arasında stratejik çıkar çatışmaları ve işbirlikleri yaşanmaktadır.ABD bölgede izlediği enerji politikasında yalnızca enerji kaynaklarını himayesi altına almak amacının dışında, bu mevcut enerji kaynaklarını Rusya, İran, Çin ve diğer karşı odaklara karşı koruma refleksi de göstererek hareket etmek durumundadır. Çalışma dahilinde ABD'nin bölgedeki enerji politikaları bu odaklar ekseninde değerlendirilmiştir.Tezin birinci bölümünde, Kafkasya ve Orta Asya bölgelerinin jeopolitik önemi ve dünya siyasetindeki yeri incelenmiş; ikinci bölümde Kafkasya ve Orta Asya'daki enerji kaynaklarının içeriği değerlendirilmiştir. Bölgenin enerji rezervleri ve bu rezervlerin nasıl kullanıldığı yine bu bölümün konuları arasındadır. Üçüncü bölümde ise ABD'nin Kafkasya ve Orta Asya'ya yönelik stratejik, politik ve askeri politikaları değerlendirilmiş ve özellikle Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde değişen ABD politikaları incelenmiştir. Dördüncü bölümde ise, Kafkasya ve Orta Asya'ya yönelik enerji politikaları ve ABD'nin bu politikalar içindeki yeri ve stratejisi üzerinde durulmuştur. ; In the international system there?s no doubt that challenge of foreign policy is a historical issue. States had always been in a struggle about economical, political and cultural domains almost in every period of history. In the 20th century likewise in any period of time, especially after 1990?s, following the freedom of Caucasus and Central Asia Goverments and enhanced importance of energy resources, these regions embraced influential power endeavors. After the world energy demand soared, transfer of Central Asia and Caucasus oil and natural gas resources to international markets became an indispensable necessity. That?s why not only the routes of the new pipelines issue that will let out energy resources to world consumption, but also the predomination of these pipelines took a prominent place. Because of that conflicts of vantage and collaborations between Region States and international powers.In that region USA essays to prevail energy resources according to its energy policy and moreover impels in a direction to fond off Russia, Iran Chine and other opponents. In this study, energy policy of USA in that region is contemplated around those aimed objectives.In this section of thesis, geopolitical importance and the position in the international policy of the Caucasus and Central Asia has been analyzed, while in the second section components of energy resources of Caucasus and Central Asia has been evaluated. Also energy resources and the consumption of those reserves are explamed in that section. In the third section, USA?s military, strategic and political policies about Caucas and Central Asia have been evaluated and especially the policies of USA which were changed afterward of Cold War were analyzed. Forth and last section, the world?s policies about Caucas and Central Asia?s energy sources and the place of USA and its strategy in these policies were underlined.

This study presents a detailed review of the poultry sector in Ghana with an aim to provide in depth information on the linkages in the production chain and the role of the poultry sector in the national economy. Information on the history and current status of the Highly Pathogenic Avian Influenza (HPAI) and the institutional experiences in the prevention and control of recent outbreaks are also reviewed. Published and grey literature, various reports and official documents were used in the preparation of this review. Another objective of this study is to provide information to assist the formulation of national and international strategies for minimizing the impacts of HPAI outbreaks and threats, especially on the livelihoods of resource-poor smallholder farmers. Livelihood patterns and strategies in Ghana are typically linked to the ecological zones with livestock keeping, rain-fed and subsistence agriculture being key elements. Village poultry constitute the largest sub-sector, comprising some 25 million free-roaming and scavenging chickens, guinea fowls, ducks and turkeys owned by 66% of the 3.7 million households in Ghana. These poultry are kept for cash and food, and marketed at farm gate or in wet markets by retailers. The major constraints to village chicken rearing are predation and Newcastle Disease, against which the I2 vaccination programme was already introduced. Commercial production (with exotic breeds) is categorized as large scale (industrial), medium scale and small-scale producers. Large scale producers are largely integrated with their own hatcheries, feed mills, processing units and marketing outlets. There are currently five such large scale, industrial farms in Ghana. The medium and small-scale producers depend on the industrial farms for day-old chicks (DOC), feed and sometimes broiler bird processing. They are also supplied by either commercial feed millers or importers of DOC and veterinary drugs and feed supplements. Processing of broilers is limited to whole, frozen birds, although there is an emerging trend towards further processing into sausages, nuggets and other value-added products. While broiler production is on the decline, as a result of competition with cheaper imported frozen poultry meat, egg production is showing an increasing trend. Across all the poultry production systems biosecurity is poor, however vaccination programmes against various poultry diseases have generally been effective. The major countries exporting poultry meat to Ghana include Brazil, the United States of America, and the member countries of the European Union. Together these account for 75% of the total poultry imports. Imported poultry products are usually sold through well organized, cold chains present in the cities and other urban centres. The three outbreaks of HPAI in Ghana were effectively controlled by the Veterinary Services Directorate, with support from donor agencies, and co-ordination of the Avian Influenza Working Group. Information on the symptoms and risks of HPAI was made available to the public through the local media, workshops, pamphlets, skits and sketches. The government compensated those farmers whose birds were culled. However, it is envisaged that the future compensation payments will be linked to the level of biosecurity (or the lack of it). Ghana is still in a state of high alert due to the circulation of the HPAI virus in West Africa. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI2; DCA; GRP40 ; MTID

Why have colonial and independent governments sponsored tree planting campaigns in a southern African grassland for more than a hundred years - despite high mortality rates - and how have local residents responded? Pollen analysis shows that the Kingdom of Lesotho has been a grassland for the last 23,000 years. Freezing winters and drought-prone summers limited indigenous tree growth to places sheltered from wind or near streams and wet spots. Early missionaries harvested most of the indigenous trees for construction and fuel, then planted alien fruit and fuel wood trees in their domestic spaces. Even after environmental constraints were recognized, and after first thousands, and then millions, of introduced trees died, a series of British administrators and international aid donors advocated planting exotic tree species to solve a variety of perceived problems. The persistence of this activity in the face of obvious failure can only be understood by examining the beliefs held about the virtues of trees - beliefs so strong they blinded observers to a contrary reality and alternative strategies. Lesotho became the British Protectorate of Basutoland in 1868, shortly before the first representatives of scientific forestry reached the British Cape Colony to the south. Because of widespread regional concern about drought, belief in all trees ability to induce rainfall, and preference for any tree over grass vegetation, tree planting was considered to be both morally and environmentally beneficial. These European-derived attitudes influenced officials in England and Basutoland (as well as regional settler societies and their governments), and persisted in various forms for generations. Arguments justifying Basutoland tree projects changed over time, ranging from the need to afforest denuded hillsides, through trees inherent soil stabilization capabilities, to trees as sources of fruit, fuel and construction materials. Those without mythic (or romantic) views of trees were less certain about the efficacy of generalized tree planting. Their advocacy was more selective about species, purpose and location. A 1908 Cape Foresters report commented on the rationality of Basotho (residents of Lesotho) choices of tree species and village planting locations, while criticizing government plans for mass afforestation and the establishment of woodlots in scarce agricultural or grazing land. This divergence of opinion between most Basotho and most government and aid agency representatives persisted throughout the 20th C, resulting in official characterization of Basotho as disliking trees. However, while campaigns for tree planting were frequently resisted - if not sabotaged - individuals bought, propagated, protected and planted trees for domestic use. As official justification for tree planting changed (afforestation, soil protection, soil restoration, source of food, fuel and timber), so did the definition of a forest. The 19th century ideal of a forested mountain slope became, in the late 20th century, a woodlot that could be certified as a forest. Basotho were sent to study forestry so they could tend these new reserves. At the beginning of the 21st C, the ideal of a forested slope was resurrected. A government ministry added Forestry to its name and announced an official goal of 5% tree cover in a decade. Yet Lesotho remains a grassland, 20 year old woodlot/forest reserves had to be replanted because of drought and cold, and Basotho cherish their fruit and fuelwood trees.

This article studies the western bourgeois home, and argues that its social construction as a familiar, autonomous, safe, private haven is predicated not only upon the exclusion of undesired social elements (anomie, homelessness, social conflict, etc.) but also upon the exclusion of undesired natural elements (cold, dirt, pollution, sewage, etc.). Using the domestication of water in the western world as a vehicle, the article analyses the historical‐geographical process through which nature became scripted as 'the other' to the bourgeois home, and explains the contribution of this separation to the conceptual construction of the home as a distinct and autonomous 'space envelope', supposedly untouched by socio‐natural processes. This analysis identifies an inherent contradiction: despite the intense efforts at 'othering' and excluding nature from the premises of the home, the function and familiarity of this space is increasingly dependent upon the production of nature. Although the complex set of socio‐natural networks, pipes and cables that carry clean, produced, commodified nature inside and pump bad, metabolized nature outside the bourgeois home remain visually excluded, it is this same excluded socio‐nature that constitutes the material basis upon which the familiarity of the home is constructed. Thus, in a simultaneous act of need and denial, the bourgeois home remains the host of the elements that it tries to exclude. This contradiction surfaces at moments of crisis (such as power cuts, burst mains and water shortage) when familiar objects acquire uncanny properties. At such moments, the continuity of the social and material processes that produce the domestic space is unexpectedly foregrounded, bringing the dweller face to face with his/her alienation, within his/her most familiar environment.Cet article montre comment la construction sociale de la maison bourgeoise occidentale, en tant que refuge privé, sécurisé, autonome et familier, s'appuie sur l'exclusion d'éléments indésirables, tant sociaux (anomie, sans‐abri, lutte sociale, etc.) que naturels (froid, saleté, pollution, effluents, etc.). Comme véhicule, ce travail utilise la domestication de l'eau dans le monde occidental, et analyse le processus historico‐géographique par lequel la nature est devenue 'l'autre' pour la maison bourgeoise, tout en expliquant l'apport de cette séparation dans l'élaboration conceptuelle de la maison comme 'enveloppe spatiale' distincte et autonome, censée être préservée des processus sociaux‐naturels. Ainsi apparaît une contradiction intrinsèque: malgré d'intenses efforts visant à'l'altérité' et l'exclusion de la nature dans le principe, la fonction et la familiarité de la maison dépendent de plus en plus de la production de nature. L'ensemble complexe de réseaux sociaux‐naturels, tuyaux et câbles qui amènent une nature nettoyée, fabriquée, banalisée à l'intérieur et expulsent la nature mauvaise, métabolisée à l'extérieur de la maison bourgeoise, restent éliminés visuellement. Pourtant, c'est cette même socio‐nature exclue qui constitue la base matérielle sur laquelle se construit l'intimité de cet espace. Donc, dans un acte simultané de besoin et rejet, la maison bourgeoise continue d'héberger les éléments qu'elle essaie d'exclure. Cette contradiction émerge lors des crises (coupures de courant, explosion de canalisations et pénuries d'eau, par exemple) quand les objets familiers revêtent des qualités surnaturelles. Alors, la continuité des processus sociaux et matériels qui génèrent l'espace domestique est subitement mise en lumière, l'occupant se trouvant confrontéà son aliénation, au sein de son environnement le plus intime.

RESUMEN: Este artículo aclara la ideología de la Dictadura del 21 de abril de 1967 en Grecia, al comparar y yuxtaponer su discurso oficial con la ideología del régimen del 4 de agosto, establecido por Ioannis Metaxas en 1936. A través de esta comparación, el artículo expone que el régimen de Metaxas no sólo fue el precedente histórico de la Dictadura de los Coroneles, sino que constituyó su principal fuente de inspiración ideológica, al proporcionar una serie de esquemas interpretativos generales así como simples prácticas discursivas con el fin de establecer su discurso antiparlamentarista y anticomunista y, de este modo, legitimarse. Además, el artículo sostiene que, a pesar de las semejanzas, habrá tres diferencias clave entre los discursos en cuestión. En primer lugar el régimen de Metaxas se consideraba a sí mismo como una ruptura histórica real, lo que significaba una nueva épica en la historia de la nación, los Coroneles presentaban su Dictadura como un mero paréntesis en la vida parlamentaria del país. En segundo lugar, mientras Metaxas, en su dis- curso político, atacaba al régimen parlamentario abiertamente y de forma agresiva, los Coroneles se limitaban simplemente a degradar las formas parlamentarias que presuntamente habían calado en Grecia en el período inmediatamente anterior a la Junta. En tercer lugar, el régimen de Metaxas quería provocar una transformación radical de toda la sociedad, mientras los Coroneles sólo querían intervenir en el terreno político. Para finalizar el artículo continúa con la explicación de estas diferencias de discurso, ligando sus manifestaciones ideológicas a los diversos contextos sociohistóricos: el período europeo de entreguerras y la crisis del capitalismo liberal, por una lado, y el anticomunismo general de la Guerra Fría, por otro. Palabras clave: Regímenes, Postguerra, Entreguerras, Grecia, Ideología, Discurso. ABSTRACT: This article illuminates the ideology of the April 21st 1967 Dictatorship in Greece through comparing and juxtaposing its official discourse with that of the "4th of August Regime", the dictatorship established by Ioannis Metaxas in 1936. Through the comparison, the paper argues that the Metaxas regime not only was the historical predecessor of the Colonels' dictatorship, but in many ways constituted the main source of ideological inspiration providing a variety of general interpretive schemes as well as simple discursive practices in order to found its antiparliamentary and anticommunist discourse and thus legitimize itself. The paper furthermore argues that, despite similarities, there were three key differences between the discourses in question. Firstly, while the Metaxas regime perceived of itself as a real historical break, signifying a new age in the history of the nation, the Colonels portrayed their dictatorship as a mere parenthesis in the country's parliamentary life. Secondly, whereas Metaxas openly and aggressively attacked parliamentarism in his political discourse, the Colonels were limited in merely degrading the parliamentary form that had allegedly soaked Greece just before the junta. Thirdly, the Metaxas regime claimed to evoke a holistic radical transformation of society, whereas the Colonels just wanted to intervene in the sphere of politics. Finally, the article proceeds to account for these discursive differences by inducing their ideological manifestations to their different socio-historical contexts: The European Mid-War period and the crisis of liberal capitalism, on the one hand, to the general Cold War anticommunism, on the other. Keywords: Regimes, Post-war, Mid-war, Greece, Ideology, Discourse

[ES] El final del segundo mandato del presidente Bill Clinton supuso un cambio importante en la estrategia de los EE.UU. hacia el conflicto armado colombiano. Washington dejó de apoyar el proceso de paz, y pasó a tener un enfoque más belicista, que culminó con la aprobación por parte del Congreso de un paquete de ayuda de 1.300 millones de dólares con un alto componente militar en el presupuesto suplementario del 2000, como apoyo al Plan Colombia de Andrés Pastrana y a la región andina. En la primera parte del presente texto se analizan los cambios y continuidades acontecidos en la política exterior de los EE.UU. hacia América Latina tras el final de la Guerra Fría y la evolución de las relaciones bilaterales entre Colombia y los EE.UU. En la segunda se exponen los motivos que llevaron a Clinton a incluir el asunto en su agenda política y a solicitar la ayuda al Congreso, y qué instituciones, grupos y personalidades jugaron un papel significativo en el diseño y en la aprobación del paquete de ayuda. Se argumenta que la apertura de la ventana para semejante cambio fue el fruto de la confluencia en el tiempo del recrudecimiento de los problemas de Colombia, de los cambios en la opinión pública estadounidense en vísperas de un cambio de Administración y de las campañas de los grupos de interés. Estos aspectos fueron aprovechados por determinados emprendedores políticos para hacer valer sus soluciones. Se concluye que la aprobación de la ayuda evidencia dos aspectos fundamentales: 1) el interés de los EE.UU. por acabar con grupos insurgentes desestabilizadores para sus intereses y cómo estas intenciones se encubren bajo «la guerra contra las drogas»; 2) los intereses políticos domésticos siguen condicionando las estrategias antinarcóticos en los países productores y pese al fracaso de las acciones centradas en el lado de la oferta, la clase política estadounidense persiste en culpar a Colombia del fuerte consumo de drogas en los EE.UU., para evitar así afrontar responsabilidades políticas. ; [EN] An important change in the U.S. strategy towards the Colombian armed conflict took place at the end of president's Clinton second tenure. Washington ended its support to the peace process and shifted its policy to a militaristic approach that culminated in the approval of an aid package worth $1.300 million with a strong military component in the 2000 supplemental budget to back Andres Pastrana's Plan Colombia and the Andean Region. In the first part of the article and in order to understand the environment in which the aid was granted, the paper analyses the changes and continuities in U.S. foreign policy towards Latin America in the aftermath of the Cold War as well as the evolution of U.S.- Colombian bilateral relations. In the second part, I point out the reasons behind Clinton's inclusion of this issue in his political agenda and his request to Congress. I also explore the role that institutions, groups and individuals played in the design and the approval of the aid package. I argue that the opening of a window opportunity for such a change was the result of the worsening of Colombian problems, changes in U.S. public opinion on the eve of a change of Administration and interest group campaigns. Some political entrepreneurs took advantage of these events to push for their solutions.

ÖZETSoğuk savaş dönemi sonrasında Avrupa Birliği yeni sorun alanları ile karşı karşıya kalmıştır. Sovyet hegamonyasından kurtulan Orta ve Doğu Avrupa ülkeleri liberal demokratik sisteme geçmiştir. AB dahil olmak üzere Batı Avrupa kurumlarına üye olmayı ana hedefleri olarak belirlemiştir. Buna karşılık AB bu ülkeleri Avrupa'ya entegre etme niyetini açıklamıştır. Böylece, 10 Orta ve Doğu Avrupa ülkesi önce ticaret ve işbirliği anlaşmaları, sonra da 'Avrupa Anlaşmaları' adı altında ortaklık anlaşmaları imzalanmıştır.Bu tezde önce AB'nin tarihsel gelişimi ve daha önce yaşanan genişleme çalışmaları ele alınmaktadır. Daha sonra mevcut genişleme süreci, AB ve ilgili ortak politikaları üzerindeki etkileri ile birlikte incelenmektedir. Bu çalışmada, iki Orta ve Doğu Avrupa ülkesi, Çek Cumhuriyeti ve Macaristan genişlemenin iki müstakbel üye üzerindeki etkilerini incelemek üzere seçilmiştir. Bu iki ülkenin seçilme nedeni, ilk genişleme safhasında üyeliğe kabul edilme olasılığı en yüksek ülkeler olmalarıdır. Tezde AB üyeliğinin bu ülkelerde politik ve ekonomik durum üzerinde yapacağı olası tepkileri ve AB'nin iç yapısına dahil olmanın yaratacağı etkiler analiz edilmektedir.Tezde Çek Cumhuriyeti ve Macaristan'daki ekonomik ve siyasal durum ve AB ile entegrasyonun bu ülkelerdeki ekonomik siyasal sistem üzerindeki etkileri analiz edilmektedir. Ayrıca genişlemenin tarım, yapısal, sosyal politikalar ile sanayi ve ulaştırma gibi alanlar üzerindeki etkileride ele alınacaktır. Konuya iki farklı açıdan yaklaşılan tezde, genişlemenin hem AB hem de Çek Cumhuriyeti ve Macaristan tarafından temsil edilen Orta ve Doğu Avrupa ülkeleri için hayati bir seçim olduğu sonucuna varılmaktadır. Avrupa entegrasyon sürecinin sürekliliği ve Orta ve Doğu Avrupa ülkelerinde siyasal ve ekonomik istikrar Doğu'ya genişlemeye bağlıdır. SUMMARYThe post-cold war era brought the European Union face to face with new challenges. Freed from the bondage of Soviet hegemony, Central and Eastern European countries chose the liberal democratic path. They adopted membership of west European institutions including the EU as a main policy aim. The EU, in turn, expressed its intention of integrating these countries into Europe. Thus first trade and cooperation agreements and then association agreements, called the 'European Agreements' have been signed with 10 Central and East European countries. The thesis first elaborates on the history of the EU and its previous enlargements. It then addresses the current enlargement process with its effects on the EU and related common policies. Two Central and East European countries, the Czech Republic and Hungary, are chosen to study the effects of enlargement on two prospective members. These countries are chosen since they are among the most likely candidates to become EU members in the first wave of enlargement. The thesis attempts at analyzing the possible repercussions of EU membership on the political and economic situation in these countries and the effect of their accession on the EU's internal structure.The thesis analyzes the economic and political situation in the Czech Republic and Hungary, and the effects of integration with the EU on the economic and political system in these countries. It also elaborates on the effects of enlargement on related EU policies such as agricultural, structural, social, industrial, transport and other policies. Looking at the issue from two different angels, the thesis concludes that enlargement is a vital policy choice for both the EU and Central and East European Countries represented by the Czech Republic and Hungary. The viability of European integration process and political and economic stability in Central and East European countries depend on enlargement to the East.

For almost three quarters of a century the South Tyroleans had fought for the preservation of their ethnic identity. The idea of self-determination introduced by Woodrow Wilson in 1918 legitimized their quest for protection of their ethnicity and language. Yet, the peace of Paris of 1919 denied the South Tyrolens' the right to self-determination and incorporated the German-speaking territory of the South Tyrol into Italy. During the following two decades Italian fascism eliminated the South Tyroleans' right to struggle for their cultural identity. Mussolini's ideology pursued the Italianization of the South Tyrol. The German-speaking minority in Italy could not even hope for help from the German national socialists in the north who during the 1930's renounced the South Tyrol for an alliance with Italy. During the fascist era minorities were not a problem for the dictatorial states. Minority rights were simply ignored. Only the peace conference in 1945/46 gave the European minorities a new chance to fight for their protection. The South Tyroleans hoped again that the peacemakers would allow a return of the South Tyrol to Austria. During the peace negotiations, however, political realities in Europe changed and the rising conflict between East and West urged the Western powers to confirm the decision of 1919 and to maintain the South Tyrol within Italy. Although the Allied powers recognized the ethnic difference of the South Tyroleans from the Italian people, they also explicitly forbade the application of self-determination to the German-speaking minority on Italy's northern frontier. Consequently the decision of 1946 confronted the South Tyroleans with the need to negotiate for a different kind of self-determination, for a determination of their fate within the Italian state. The Italian government now expressed its goodwill to come to satisfying terms with its German-speaking minority in the north. Yet, Italy's treatment of the South Tyrol question after the Peace Conference in 1946, reverted to opposite measures. Italy tired to obstruct the implementation of the guarantees given in a bilateral agreement between Italy and Austria in 1946. Thus, the Italian government opened the way to the endless discussions that only ended in 1993. During this time, however, the South Tyrolean representatives achieved an autonomy for the German-speaking people on Italy's northern frontier. During these decades the South Tyroleans had the chance to adapt the autonomy to present-day needs and ultimately achieved an autonomy that protected the uniqueness of their people much better than neither an agreement in 1919 nor in 1945 could have anticipated. Today, the South Tyroleans are among the best protected minorities in Europe. They determine their own political future and administer their province by themselves. Although sometimes Italian-speaking and German-speaking inhabitants guard each other with suspicion the tendencies to live together, rather than to live side by side, increase steadily. The South Tyrolean autonomy which provides the German-speaking minority in Italy with the possibility of self-government and ethnic protection, could indeed become an example to many other European minorities. Their case could help solve the various problems arising in post-cold war Europe where many minorities, whose rights had been suppressed for decades, now demand protection of their ethnicity and self-determination.

Imagine a cold morning early in February. Slowly sipping coffee in an effort to awaken fully, you are reading through the Supreme Court advance sheets. You come across the following brief opinion: PER CURIAM. Fisher v. Rye Co., No. 81-1, and First Savings Bank v. Smith, No. 81-2. These petitions for certiorari have been consolidated for disposition in a single opin-ion. No. 81-1 challenges an Executive Order that, in an effort to combat gender-based discrimination, requires government contractors to adopt affirmative action programs. No argument is made that the Executive Order is authorized by statute. Concluding that the President's order could not be embraced by any inherent residuum of "emergency" presidential authority, cf. Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U. S. 579 (1952), the courts below held that the Executive Order was an impermissible assertion of legislative power. In No. 81-2, petitioner, a state-chartered institution, asserts the invalidity of a federal statute prohibiting discrimination on the basis of marital status in the issuance of mortgages and other loans. Relying upon our decision in Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. United States, 379 U. S. 241 (1964), and, more fundamentally, upon the principles set forth in M'Culloch v. Maryland, 17 U. S. (4 Wheat.) 316 (1819), the courts below sustained the statute as a rational exercise of the power to regulate interstate commerce. The petitions are granted, the judgments vacated, and the cases remanded with directions to dismiss the complaints for want of jurisdiction. We hold that these separation of powers and federalism claims present non-justiciable political questions. The central function of the courts established by Article III, and particularly of this Court, is to vindicate individual liberties. History teaches that these liberties are not adequately secured by our majoritarian political process. But these liberties are not sharply implicated by either federalism or separation of powers challenges, since it is conceded that some governmental unit could impose the challenged restriction. Essentially, therefore, the challenges in both cases are based on conflicting assertions of political power between governmental actors. The constitutional structure thus ordains that such claims be adjusted in the political process, which, we are satisfied, adequately protects both the interests of the States and of Congress. Moreover, history teaches that judicial intervention in these areas necessarily weakens this Court's ability to discharge its principal role of vindicating individual liberties. See generally, J. Choper, Judicial Review and the National Political Process (198o). M'Culloch v. Maryland, supra, and its progeny are no longer authoritative insofar as they assume the justiciability of federalism issues. Our prior cases dealing with presidential claims of constitutional authority are similarly disapproved to the extent that they depend on the justiciability of such claims. Of course, the courts remain free to adjudicate cases in which the sole issue is one of statutory construction: where the President's sole reliance is upon statutory authority or where the President is alleged to have acted in a manner prohibited by statute and he concedes that such a prohibition would be valid. By the time you had read this imaginary opinion, your need for coffee would, in all probability, have vanished. The opinion's startling and intriguing thesis is the core of Professor Choper's complex and fascinating, but ultimately frustrating, Judicial Review and the National Political Process.