This article compares the process and outcomes of collective negotiations over the outsourcing of call centre jobs in US and German telecommunications firms. In the USA, the Communication Workers of America relied on coalitions with politicians and other organizations to lead successful public campaigns; while in Germany, ver.di used coordinated bargaining with works councils to leverage their strong codetermination rights. Variation in access to resources between countries helps explain differences in the unions' ability to negotiate strong collective agreements on outsourcing and to influence restructuring decisions.
Police brutality is a salient issue in recent years, especially in the United States. Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC), as well as disabled people, experience higher rates of police violence than white and nondisabled individuals, and it is important to recognize and scrutinize this pattern of injustice. This project investigated police interactions with members of the D/deaf and Hard of Hearing (Deaf/HH) community, and analyzed the intersection of race and disability in the context of policing. Four Deaf/HH individuals were surveyed, and twenty anecdotal accounts from social media were analyzed. Research findings indicate that the Deaf/HH community faces unique challenges when interacting with police. These include difficulties communicating hearing status, misinterpretation of Deaf/HH communication methods, the formulation of strategies for safely navigating police encounters, the intersection of race and disability, and accessibility concerns. The consequences of these issues can be dire, often deadly, and thus potential solutions are discussed to help mitigate future harm.
Whether in the form of Christmas trees in town squares or prayer in school, fierce disputes over the separation of church and state have long bedeviled this country. Both decried and celebrated, this principle is considered by many, for right or wrong, a defining aspect of American national identity. Nearly all discussions regarding the role of religion in American life build on two dominant assumptions: first, the separation of church and state is a constitutional principle that promotes democracy and equally protects the religious freedom of all Americans, especially religious outgroups; and second, this principle emerges as a uniquely American contribution to political theory. In Please Don't Wish Me a Merry Christmas, Stephen M. Feldman challenges both these assumptions. He argues that the separation of church and state primarily manifests and reinforces Christian domination in American society. Furthermore, Feldman reveals that the separation of church and state did not first arise in the United States. Rather, it has slowly evolved as a political and religious development through western history, beginning with the initial appearance of Christianity as it contentiously separated from Judaism.In tracing the historical roots of the separation of church and state within the Western world, Feldman begins with the Roman Empire and names Augustine as the first political theorist to suggest the idea. Feldman next examines how the roles of church and state variously merged and divided throughout history, during the Crusades, the Italian Renaissance, the Protestant Reformation, the British Civil War and Restoration, the early North American colonies, nineteenth-century America, and up to the present day. In challenging the dominant story of the separation of church and state, Feldman interprets the development of Christian social power vis--vis the state and religious minorities, particularly the prototypical religious outgroup, Jews.
International audience ; This article aims to interrogate ourselves about the nature of relationship between governments and nongovernmental organizations including financial relationships. If economic theories can be a support to analyze these relationships in a particular perspective of asymmetry, they do not, however, highlight the interdependance between the different actors which are mostly based on relationships of trust. Then, we want to know how theses links are built. We rely on the work of Sako (1992) for the highlights because they explain that contractual relationships are embedded in social relations through three types of trust : contractual trust, competence trust and goodwill trust. Using a qualitative methodology, we illustrate the relationship between four NGOs (Médecins Sans Frontières, Médecins du Monde, Action Contre la Faim and Care France) and three governmental or intergovernmental actors (French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO) and United Nations High Commissioner Refugees (UNHCR). The main results show us, through a description of the expectations of the actors,that the asymmetric information are numerous and interdependencies between actors are fundamental to building a long-term relationship. It is built in active communication, and professionalism demonstratedin the willingness of actors to act beyond mere contractual relationship previously built.
International audience ; This article aims to interrogate ourselves about the nature of relationship between governments and nongovernmental organizations including financial relationships. If economic theories can be a support to analyze these relationships in a particular perspective of asymmetry, they do not, however, highlight the interdependance between the different actors which are mostly based on relationships of trust. Then, we want to know how theses links are built. We rely on the work of Sako (1992) for the highlights because they explain that contractual relationships are embedded in social relations through three types of trust : contractual trust, competence trust and goodwill trust. Using a qualitative methodology, we illustrate the relationship between four NGOs (Médecins Sans Frontières, Médecins du Monde, Action Contre la Faim and Care France) and three governmental or intergovernmental actors (French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO) and United Nations High Commissioner Refugees (UNHCR). The main results show us, through a description of the expectations of the actors,that the asymmetric information are numerous and interdependencies between actors are fundamental to building a long-term relationship. It is built in active communication, and professionalism demonstratedin the willingness of actors to act beyond mere contractual relationship previously built.
Critically examined in historical perspective and against the background not only of the trends in and dynamics of the international economic system since 1945 but also of the domestic behaviour and the institutional structure and processes for conduct and management of the country's external economic diplomacy, the study focuses primarily on the structure of and trends in Nigeria's external economic relations with five of the major industrial market-economy countries of the world - the United States, Great Britain, France, West Germany and Japan
Foreword -- Preface -- Contents -- List of Contributors -- Chapter 1: Introduction: The Politics of Power Amidst the Uprisings of Hope -- References -- Part I: The Turkish Model and the Arab Spring -- Chapter 2: Turkish Foreign Policy, the Arab Spring, and the Syrian Crisis: One Step Forward, Two Steps Back -- Established Status Quo in the Middle East and the Arab Spring -- Turkey´s ``People-Based´´ Initiative: Neo-Ottomanism and Zero Problems with Neighbors Policy -- From the ``Arab Spring´´ to the ``Turkish Autumn´´ -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: Eurocentrism Awakened: The Arab Uprisings and the Search for a ``Modern´´ Middle East -- Conceptualizing Eurocentrism -- Eurocentric Images of the 2011 Arab Uprisings -- ``Civilizing´´ the Middle East Through the Turkish Model -- Overcoming the Eurocentric Narratives over Turkey and the Middle East -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: The Rise and Fall of the Turkish Model for the Middle East -- What Is the Turkish Model? -- Turkey´s New Middle East Policy: Neo-Ottomanism? -- The Post-2011 Middle East and the Inner Contradictions of the Turkish Model -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: Ties that Bind: Popular Uprisings and the Politics of Neoliberalism in the Middle East -- The Twisted Paths of Neoliberal Restructuring in Egypt and Turkey -- Coda: Beyond Tahrir and Gezi -- References -- Part II: Turkey´s Relations with Middle Eastern Powers After the Arab Spring -- Chapter 6: Political Chaos in Iraq, ISIS, and Turkish Foreign Policy: The High Cost of the Westphalian Delusion -- The Westphalian Delusion and the Problem of ``State´´ in the Middle East -- The Emergence and the Legacy of Autocratic Regimes -- The Failed State and the Rise of ISIS -- Turkish Foreign Policy and ISIS -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 7: The Arab Spring and Turkish-Iranian Relations, 2011-2016
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The article deals with the cultural and religious revival of Muslim communitiesoccurred on the territory of the Chelyabinsk region in the period of perestroikaand after it. A transformation of religious communities happened, which led to theappearance of a formal system of hierarchy. It helped to solve problems "on theplace". Sometimes the process of national self-consciousness was in exaggeratedform — creation of Argayashskaya autonomy. The effects of this process werereflected in the institualization of state-confessional relations. In the end appearedthe new religious legislation and agreement of cooperation. ; В статье исследуется культурно-религиозное возрождение мусульманскихсообществ, происходившее на территории Челябинской области в периодперестройки и после нее. Рас крыта трансформация народного самосознания,которая проявлялась в религиозной идентификации. В рамках мусульман-ских сообществ это проявлялось в появлении татаро-башкирских культурныхцентров, возрождении языка и духовного образования (медресе), возвратеи реставрации мечетей, совершении хаджа и религиозных праздниках.Следствием данного процесса стала институционализация государственно-конфессиональных отношений — появление нового законодательства, за-ключение соглашений о сотрудничестве между властями и конфессиями.
'Der Aufsatz thematisiert die Lebenswelten und Sozialisationsbedingungen von Jugendlichen in streng religiösen Aussiedlergemeinden. Die Erkenntnisse basieren auf einer einjährigen ethnografischen Feldforschung in einer baptistischen Religionsgemeinschaft. Dabei wird fokussiert, wie diese Gemeinden versuchen, sich von der modernen Gesellschaft abzugrenzen und die Jugendlichen zu aktiven Mitgliedern zu erziehen. Der Gemeindepädagogik als methodische Sozialisation der nachwachsenden Generation kommt besondere Aufmerksamkeit zu. Ein weiterer Schwerpunkt des Aufsatzes bezieht sich auf die Beobachtung, dass die Jugendlichen sozialen Wandel in der untersuchten Gemeinde vorantreiben. Sie ordnen sich bestimmten strengen Gemeinderegeln nicht einfach unter, sondern stellen sie in Frage. Es kann aufgezeigt werden, dass sich trotz der religiösen Abgrenzung Einflüsse der modernen Gesellschaft und Außenorientierungen der Jugendlichen nicht verhindern lassen.' (Autorenreferat)
"April 9, 1997." ; Shipping list no.: 97-0220-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; "Referred to the Committee on International Relations." ; Mode of access: Internet.
Among the Nuer pastoralists of southern Sudan, women's work in subsistence production has been substantial. The paper explores the ways in which women's work had changed by the 1970s in response to increased male labor migration and to local income-earning opportunities. Women's work is analyzed in relation to the role of rural production in the social reproduction of the national labor force. Special attention is given to the impact of health conditions and the consequent effects on reproduction, including the reproductive histories of 89 women in the central Nuer area. (DÜI-Hff)
In addition to governments and international organisations, Non-profit Organisations (especially those that are community-based) are involved in poverty alleviation since their direct contact with the menace acquaints them with the magnitude of the scourge. Certain Community-based Organisations (CBOs) in the riverine area of Ondo State, Nigeria engage in poverty alleviation strategies. The aim of this research was to investigate the activities of CBOs in Ilaje Local Government Area (a riverine and coastal area) of the state towards alleviating the poverty of residents. Survey design was employed in the research. 230 copies of a questionnaire containing open and close ended questions were administered to household-heads. Stratified random sampling was applied to select settlements for the study using existing political wards as strata while systematic sampling was further employed to select particular households for investigation. Among others, findings revealed a greater dependence on loan by residents as a measure to mitigate poverty and a corresponding high level of affiliation with cooperative societies in the communities. As implied from findings, recommendations include the need for CBOs to expand their scope for sourcing fund beyond membership contributions in order to achieve the aim of poverty alleviation.
Departmental global outlook and postwar plans -- The Middle East: an overview -- Departmental outlook and expectations in the Middle East, 1919-45 -- Departmental "middle management" and the Middle East -- The Axis and the Soviet Union -- Syria and Lebanon through 1942 -- Syria and Lebanon, 1943-45 -- Britain and the Middle East Supply Center -- Iraq -- Egypt and the Suez Canal -- Saudi Arabia: oil industry interests -- Saudi Arabia: Arab and British interests -- Palestine through 1942 -- Palestine, 1943-45 -- The bottom line: conclusions
