Suchergebnisse

The article is devoted to the substantiation of the author's model of foreign cadets' entry into the environment of Russian military universities in the conditions of globalization. The relevance of the presented problematics is connected with the radical opposition of the available theoretical models of adaptation in the practice of military universities. One of them reflects the tendency to adaptation, the conditions of which are set by radical re-quirements of military discipline, ideas about military brotherhood, and the task of educating patriots of their states, while the other one calls for the protection and preservation of the individuality of cadets of different na-tionalities. The authors propose a solution to these contradictions, which can lead to the confrontation between "their own" and "strangers", in the context of synthesizing the provisions of the theory of transculturalism and "segmental assimilation", which have not been previously applied to explain the problems of adaptation of for-eign cadets in Russian universities. The article presents a model of sociocultural adaptation of foreign cadets in the host space of a military university as a continuous interaction of different individuals, groups of ethnic and religious cultures, as well as Russian military and global cultures. The difference of the presented understand-ing is the belief in the mutual influence exerted on each other by the participants of the transcultural polylogue, which leads within the framework of a military university not to full assimilation, but to segmental fusion and mutual changes.

"'Our Hemisphere'? uncovers the range, depth, and veracity of the United States' relationship with the Americas. Using short historical vignettes, Britta and Russell Crandall chart the course of inter-American relations from 1776 to the present, highlighting the roles that individuals and groups of soldiers, intellectuals, private citizens, and politicians have had in shaping U.S. policy toward Latin America in the postcolonial, Cold War, and post-Cold War eras. The United States is usually and correctly seen as pursuing a monolithic, hegemonic agenda in Latin America, wielding political, economic, and military muscle to force Latin American countries to do its bidding, but the Crandalls reveal unexpected yet salient regional interactions where Latin Americans have exercised their own power with their northern and very powerful neighbor. Moreover, they show that Washington's relationship with the region has relied, in addition to the usual heavy-handedness, on cooperation and mutual respect since the beginning of the relationship."--

The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the value of the comparative study of industrial relations with a consideration of developments in industrial relations in selected Asia-Pacific countries. Explanations of the rapid industrialisation of many Asia-Pacific countries have drawn on socio-economic approaches, the 'strong state' argument, neo-Confucian ethics and cultural 'collectivist' models (Verma et al. 1995:336). Rather than pursue cultural typologies, we follow Dore (1979) and discuss the industrial relations contexts that reflect the stages of economic development that these countries are passing through. Classifications may be somewhat arbitrary and there are many differences between the countries within the same category, but a pattern is discernible. The first category includes the industrialised market economies (IMEs) of Japan, New Zealand and Australia. Recent industrial relations reforms in these countries are in part a response to the industrialisation of other countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The second category, sometimes referred to as the 'Asian Tigers', comprises the post-Japan, newly industrialised economies (NIEs) of Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan. The third category comprises the next generation of industrialising economies and includes the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Indonesia. If it maintains its growth rates of the 1990s, the PRC will achieve NIE status within the next few decades. Although Indonesia achieved relatively high growth rates during the early to mid-1990s, the effect of the 1997 Asian economic crisis has been to leave it facing a period of political and economic uncertainty.

AbstractThe Federalist Papers highlight the role that citizens' state identities will play in American federalism, yet some scholars argue that contemporary Americans have shed their state attachments. Drawing on data from a nationally representative survey, we demonstrate that individuals still hold dual national and state identities, and that the likelihood that one will feel attached to their state depends on a variety of individual characteristics such as education, identification with a marginalized or minority community within the state, and one's ideological "fit" with the partisan majority in their state, leading to significant variance from one citizen to the next. Additionally, we find that this state identity is correlated with political attitudes, particularly trust in and assessment of state elected officials. Individuals who hold stronger state identities are also more likely to trust their state government. These findings have implications for our understanding of the dynamics of federalism in modern U.S. politics.

This article examines the current status of Hindi in the United States, following Grin's and Lo Bianco's framework of language maintenance and revitalization, based on the principles of Capacity Development, Opportunity Creation, and Desire. It gives linguistic profiles of first-and second-generation speakers of Hindi and looks at the various community, state, federal, and educational initiatives that promote the use and learning of Hindi. A description of current opportunities and the desire to maintain and develop Hindi helps us understand steps needed to maintain and further vitalize Hindi as a heritage language in the United States.

This paper examines the political, economic, and institutional variables associated with the presence of state laws that mandate the use of public input in local budgeting. The results show that political and institutional variables can help explain the presence of such laws, but the relationships between variables of interest shift depending on whether laws aimed at cities or counties are the focal point and on which types of public input methods are under consideration. The implications for both theories of public participation in budgeting and intergovernmental relations are discussed within. Adapted from the source document.

Use of ICT in rural governance is an emerging phenomenon in India. In the present paper, citing various grass root realities and incidents, the author establishes a correlation between the existing gender gaps and gender discriminations in the rural society and consequent marginalization of rural women from emerging rural e-governance. In this context the author also examines the existing rural e-governance agenda of the state government and concludes that currently the gender issues are not given adequate attention and representation in it. The findings are based on a study of a rural e-governance scheme of one of the most socially and economically challenged states of India: Chhattisgarh.

Nationalism and the nation state, globalization and Pan-Africanism are leading international relations concepts which have a particular relevance for Africa as an emerging economic power. This book examines the concept of nationalism, the nationalist mind-set or 'psychology of nationalism' and the role of the nation state in an era of globalism and globalization. The 'new' Pan-Africanism is a growing force, spurred by economic growth and Africa's rising global significance and recent years have seen the establishment of the African Continental Free Trade Area. Michael Amoah here investigates concepts of nationalism and the nation state through case studies of eight countries and discusses the impact of globalism in African states where Pan-Africanism is an increasingly significant factor in both domestic politics and international relations.

Based on conference paper. Roles, services, strategies, impact, and future of Washington representatives under the new federalism.

This research explores the organizational and budgetary consequences of alternative institutional structures governing the creation, alteration, and dissolution of municipal corporations. The primary hypothesis is that the legal structure governing the formation of communities will significantly affect (1) the number of cities, and (2) the efficiency with which existing cities provide taxpayer/residents with public goods and services. A conceptual basis for such a presumption is presented. The local government literature suggests two alternative perspectives concerning the possible effects of institutional structures that restrict entry into the market for local public goods. One view suggests that entry restrictions will be efficiency inducing, thus resulting in reduced public outlays after their institution. The alternative perspective suggests that entry restrictions are a method by which managers of existing governmental units increase their monopoly power, and provide themselves with the tool to stabilize the formation of a market-sharing cartel. These two hypotheses are tested by using data from California, as this state provides a useful setting for a positive analysis of alternative institutional arrangements. Prior to 1963, California could be classified as a free-entry state, as residents were easily able to form new communities. After 1963, California established Local Agency Formation Committees (LAFCOs), whose membership is from existing governmental units, which were given broad discretionary veto powers over the formation of new municipal corporations. A model of community formation was estimated and the empirical evidence suggests that the alteration in community formation regulations in California resulted in a reduced rate of new municipal incorporations by 56 percent, supporting the hypothesis that the institutional structure affects the number of cities created. Further, a model of public expenditures was developed and a comparison of the budgetary levels for California counties, pre- and post-LAFCO, suggests that the impact of the entry restrictions on the expenditure behavior of cities is substantial, with per capita expenditures 13 percent higher after the introduction of LAFCOs into the local government market. ; Ph. D.