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This article discusses current issues of contractual regulation of mediation in Ukraine, its current status and prospects for development. Particular attention is paid to the legal regulation of intermediary contracts in Ukraine. Investigation of the main types of contracts of the intermediary group and their place in the system of civil-law obligations is carried out. Identified the main ways of solving the problem of harmonization of legal norms, regulating the institute of mediation through unification of the law of commercial mediation on the territory of the European Union member states by means of clear identification of its place in the system of civil-law obligations and arrangement of terminology in a unified manner, Including specifically distinguish between intermediary and agency activities. Today Ukraine belongs to those countries that, due to certain circumstances, are not yet member countries of the European Union. However, this circumstance should further encourage harmonization and unification of Ukrainian legislation. This is also driven by the need to convey to members of the European community the real readiness of Ukraine to accept European legal standards, develop and promote EU values. A key element of Ukraine's successful integration into the European Union is reaching a certain level of harmonization of our country's legislation with the legal norms of the European Union. Mediation agreements are very widespread contracts, because they are contracts under which one party acts on behalf of and in the interests of another person, which he represents. That is, they assist in acquiring and/or exercising the rights and obligations of other persons. Intermediaries are contracts for the provision of services, which are aimed at changing public relations, and mediation is, as a rule, voluntary activities. The mediation relationship itself is a type of binding legal relationship that arises on the basis of such a legal fact as a contract. If it is a non-contractual authorization of a person to act in the interests of third parties - it is a representation. ; У статті розглядаються актуальні питання договірного регулювання посередництва в Україні, його сучасний стан та перспективи розвитку. Особлива увага приділена правовому регулюванню посередницьких договорів в Україні. Проводиться дослідження основних видів договорів посередницької групи та їх місця в системі цивільно-правових зобов'язань. Визначено основні шляхи вирішення проблеми з гармонізації правових норм, які регулюють інститут посередництва через уніфікацію права про комерційне посередництво на території держав-членів Європейського Союзу за допомогою чіткого визначення його місця в системі цивільно-правових зобов'язань та впорядкування термінології за єдиним зразком, в тому числі, конкретно розмежувати посередницьку і агентську діяльність.

This article analyzes the phenomenon of demands brought before the courts by citizens belonging to different social movements, and focuses on the Argentinian case within the Latin American context. A definition of new social movements based on the Concepts of Demands,Conflict and Identity is drawn. The changes in the inter-relation between Civil society- State, the Progressive Consolidation of Democracy and the new Importance of Law as an efficient instrument to meet social demands, are studied. The result of the the strategies applied by the new social movements which have used available resources to become protagonists of judicial activity, is the increase in the number of demands on citizens' rights, filed at courts. The changes in Constitucional Law which introduce Human Rights' issues as well as those which allow for collective demands, are worth mentioning. The conclusion is that the ever increasing presence of judicial activism that social movements display, is not only a "bottom up" way of making politics but it is also a "bottom up" way of Demanding and Building Rights. This rocks the pendulum between the Police State and the State of Right, inclining the scale in favour of the latter, and at the same time, it redeems the liberating potential of the Law. ; En este trabajo se analiza el fenómeno de la judicialización de los reclamos de ciudadanía encabezados por distintos movimientos sociales, tomando como ejemplo el caso Argentino puesto en el contexto latinoamericano. Se esboza una definición de nuevos movimientos sociales centrada en los conceptos de demanda, conflicto e identidad. Se analizan los cambios en la interrelación sociedad civil – Estado, la paulatina consolidación de la democracia y la revalorización del Derecho como instrumento de cristalización de reclamos sociales. Se describen las estrategias por las cuales los nuevos movimientos sociales han optado reunir recursos que les permitan realizar un activismo judicial que da lugar a un aumento de la actividad litigiosa en rededor de los derechos de ciudadanía. Cobra importancia la mención de los cambios a nivel constitucional que incorporan tanto derechos humanos como los que dan lugar a medidas o acciones de carácter colectivo. Concluimos en que esta movilización legal de creciente presencia en los modos de acción de los nuevos movimientos sociales no sólo da cuenta de un de hacer política "desde abajo" sino también, al procurar y en ocasiones construir derechos "desde abajo", acerca el péndulo que se mece entre el Estado de policía y el Estado de derecho a una vigencia creciente de este último a la vez que rescata el potencial emancipatorio del Derecho.

La coexistencia entre cristianos y judíos se llevó adelante en el reino de Murcia en un marco en el cual se enfrentaron dos fuerzas opuestas. Por un lado, la visión cristiana del otro judío, la cual se construyó basada en una serie de estereotipos que favorecían el rechazo, y por otro la tolerancia promovida por las autoridades, motivada por la necesidad de contar con los judíos. En el periodo bajomedieval, esta minoría religiosa se vio obligada a sufrir con el progresivo deterioro de su situación en Castilla, promovido principalmente por la política cristiana que tenía como objetivo final la conversión al cristianismo de los miembros de la comunidad judía. De esta manera, las normas jurídicas que protegían a los judíos de los posibles ataques generados por el sentimiento antijudío extendido por toda la cristiandad, comenzaron a convivir con disposiciones jurídicas segregativas, que prohibían o restringían la vida de los judíos con el fin de empujarlos hacia la conversión. Frente a este escenario, las autoridades civiles murcianas privilegiaron el fomento de las buenas relaciones con la "aljama" judía y sus miembros, manteniendo una política favorable a la coexistencia pacífica. La periférica condición de Murcia, sumado a los embates continuos de guerras, violencia y enfermedades, llevaron a que los judíos fueran valorados por sus aportes a las villas y ciudades, en ámbitos diversos como el económico y financiero, la medicina y la defensa. ; The coexistence between Christians and Jews was carried out in the kingdom of Murcia in a context in which two opposing forces clashed. On one hand the Christian vision of the Jews, which was built based on a series of stereotypes that favored rejection, and on the other the tolerance promoted by the authorities, motivated by the need to have Jews. In the Late Medieval Period, this religious minority suffered with the progressive deterioration of its situation in Castile, promoted mainly by the Christian politic whose final objective was the conversion of the Jewish community to Christianity. In this way, the legal norms that protected the Jews from the possible attacks generated by the anti-Jewish sentiment, extended throughout Christendom, began to deteriorate. The Jews began to live with segregative legal regulations, which prohibited or restricted their life in order to push them towards the conversion. Faced with this scenario, Murcia's civil authorities privileged the promotion of good relations with the Jewish "aljama" and its members, maintaining a policy favorable to peaceful coexistence. The peripheral condition of Murcia, added to the continuous onslaught of wars, violence and diseases led the Jews to a more valuable perception for their contributions to towns and cities, in diverse fields such as economic and financial, medicine and defense.

RESUMONa segunda seção, Kant menciona: "Os artigos definitivos para a paz perpétua entre os Estados são três: o primeiro, a Constituição civil em cada Estado deve ser republicana. A constituição de um Estado preocupado com a liberdade das pessoas, enquanto componentes de uma sociedade, da sua dependência a uma legislação comum e da sua igualdade como cidadãos. O direito das gentes deve ser fundado sobre um federalismo de Estados livres. Para garantir um estado de paz, Kant sugere a formação de uma união entre os povos, que não seria o mesmo que um Estado congregando povos, pois cada um tem e deve conservar a sua individualidade e o terceiro, o direito cosmopolita deve ser limitado às condições da hospitalidade universal. Essa ultima concepção, Kant no final do século XVII, já falava do "direito da posse comunitária da superfície da Terra", e que, em virtude de suas dimensões limitadas, somos obrigados a conviver uns com os outros, tornando-se necessário exercitar. Essa ultima concepção, permite problematizar a questão dos estrangeiros e do colonialismo reforçando a necessidade da liga das nações em assegurar o direito cosmopolita, regulador das relações entre Estado e Cidadãos de outros estados (Estrangeiros), em não ser tratados com hostilidade em qualquer parte do globo, numa perspectiva de uma cidadania universal.Palavras chaves: Direito dos povos, direito cosmopolita, colonialismo.In the second section, Kant mentions: "There are three definitive articles for perpetual peace between states: the first, the civil constitution in each state must be republican. The constitution of a State concerned with people's freedom, as components of a society, of their dependence on common legislation and of their equality as citizens. People's law must be founded on a federalism of free states. To guarantee a state of peace, Kant suggests the formation of a union between peoples, which would not be the same as a State congregating peoples, since each one has and must preserve its individuality and the third, the cosmopolitan right must be limited to conditions of universal hospitality. This last conception, Kant at the end of the 17th century, already spoke of the "right to community possession of the Earth's surface", and that, due to its limited dimensions, we are obliged to live with each other, making it necessary to exercise. This latter conception allows us to problematize the issue of foreigners and colonialism, reinforcing the need for the league of nations to ensure the cosmopolitan right, which regulates relations between the State and Citizens of other states (Foreigners), in not being treated with hostility anywhere in the world. globe, in a perspective of universal citizenship.Key words: Peoples' law, cosmopolitan law, colonialism

Social innovations (SIs) are new ideas that create collaboration or new social relationships and thus meet local needs. The purpose of the research is to understand the role of SIs and community-based quadruple-helix actors in rural development. The research question is how do community-based quadruple-helix actors contribute to the formation of SI networks in the context of rural development? The triple helix model represents innovations as emerging in cooperation between three helices (university, industry, and government). The quadruple helix (QH) adds civil society as a fourth helix. Using the QH model in rural development requires a broad definition of the helices. In addition to universities, all types of educational and research institutes are important. In addition, different types of public organisations are important, not just the government. We define the fourth helix as representing civil society as a community, not just individual citizens. Our main argument is that the QH model fosters understanding of the variety of formal and informal ways in which SI enables societal development in rural areas. We examine the relevant relationships with the help of the strands of literature on SI and QH, and also a case study on projects conducted under the LEADER programme (Aktion Österbotten) in Finland. The case study is based on a narrative approach inspired by the learning history method, with the identification of critical incidents, which help us to identify how the QH evolves throughout successful community-driven SIs. The narrative approach reveals the significance of informal communities in transforming QH relations. Many projects under the LEADER programme aim to strengthen the attraction of communities by promoting local identity, including broad participation in collective events, such as enjoying nature, cultural events, sports, and other social activities. Many of those activities have the potential to spill over into other types of SI, such as entrepreneurship oriented towards tourism and new solutions to social needs. The decisive factor for the success of the projects was the involvement of local communities. The local knowledge of the communities was nourished in the projects in interaction with other local and extra-local QH actors. Accordingly, the main contribution of the paper is combining the notions of SI and the QH, and presenting the fourth helix as a community enabling rural development. We call this rural development model the community-driven QH model. ; © 2020 Elsevier. This manuscript version is made available under the Creative Commons Attribution–NonCommercial–NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY–NC–ND 4.0) license, https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ ; fi=vertaisarvioitu|en=peerReviewed|

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.

The determination of direct jurisdiction for legal relations with relevant foreign elements occupies a central place within the object of Private International Law. This can be reflected in the provisions included in the Civil and Commercial Code where we have not only rules that establish general principles, but also special provisions for each subject of the so-called Special Part. When determining jurisdictional contacts, the legislator selects those which contain a sufficient and reasonable connection with their judicial authorities and thus avoid exorbitant forums. There is a peculiar contact, such as the domicile of the plaintiff (forum actoris) that entails innate complexity: in some cases, it can be considered as a fair and necessary alternative to guarantee legitimate access to justice, while in others it can open to forums exorbitant. In this paper we propose to analyze the scope of this forum within Argentine Private International Law since the enforcement of the CCCN. ; Fil: Scotti, Luciana B. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Cátedra Derecho Internacional Privado. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Fil: Scotti, Luciana B. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Cátedra Derecho de la Integración. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Fil: Scotti, Luciana B. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas y Sociales Ambrosio L. Gioja. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Fil: Baltar, Leandro. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Cátedra Derecho Internacional Privado. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Fil: Baltar, Leandro. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Cátedra Derecho de la Integración. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Fil: Baltar, Leandro. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas y Sociales Ambrosio L. Gioja. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; La determinación de la jurisdicción directa para las relaciones jurídicas con elementos extranjeros relevantes ocupa un reconocido lugar dentro del objeto del Derecho Internacional Privado. Ello puede reflejarse en las disposiciones incluidas en el Código Civil y Comercial de la Nación (CCCN) donde contamos no solo con normas que instauran principios generales, sino también con disposiciones especiales para cada tema de la llamada Parte Especial. Al momento de determinar los contactos jurisdiccionales, el legislador selecciona aquellos que contengan una conexión suficiente y razonable con sus autoridades judiciales para así evitar foros exorbitantes. Existe un contacto peculiar, como es el domicilio del actor (forum actoris) que conlleva una complejidad innata: en algunos supuestos puede ser considerado como una justa y necesaria alternativa para garantizar un legítimo acceso a la justicia, mientras que en otros casos puede abrir foros exorbitantes. En el presente trabajo nos proponemos analizar el alcance de este foro dentro del Derecho Internacional Privado argentino desde la vigencia del CCCN.

Ukraine is undergoing complex and ambiguous processes of legal system reforming within which a significant number of normative legal acts were adopted, which in many cases do not take into account the national peculiarities and traditions of the Ukrainian people. In such circumstances, it is necessary to refer to the experience gained during the existence of the Cossack-Hetman state, which was the codification of Ukrainian law resulted in the preparation of "Rights of the Little Russian people" in 1743. This monument of law was to regulate the legal system, to replace a significant number of sources of law and prevent the spread of imperial law. For the first time, the method of quantitative indicators was used to study the ancient monument of law, which included calculations of the number of characters in the whole document, chapters, articles and assessment of the uneven distribution of material. According to the calculations, the largest number of signs falls on Chapter 20 – 126175 or 11,9%, devoted to liability for serious crimes, in second place, Chapter 16, devoted to civil law, contains 83,839 characters, or 7,9%, in third place is Chapter 8, which deals with procedural issues related to litigation, has 83,360 marks, or 7,8% of the total material. These results prove that the authors of the law memo pay considerable attention to the issues of liability for criminal offenses. For the purpose of comparative analysis, similar information on the quantitative indicators of the Statute of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania of 1588 was used, which showed that in this monument of law the largest number of signs is 29,7% of the total number of courts and judiciary. It is shown that both monuments of law have a significant uneven distribution of textual material, and their coefficients of variation are approximately the same. When systematizing the material by branches of law, it was proved that the greatest attention – 33,1% was paid to issues of civil law, the second place is occupied by issues of criminal law, which is 21,6%, the third place is occupied by rules related to procedural law – 17,8%. The obtained quantitative indicators reflect the process of property formation and the need to regulate property relations. The content of the monument also includes such areas as land, administrative, procedural, environmental law. The provisions of the monument affected the decisions made at the Congress in Hlukhov by Cossack officers in December 1763. The rights under which the people of Little Russia are being tried "in 1743. In general, the value of this study is to quantify this monument of law, which allows moving from descriptive to digital analysis of regulations and identify areas of legal regulation, which the most attention has been paid to.

This research focuses on a world based on multiculturalism, thanks to the protection of minorities in international law, addressing racial intolerance and exacerbation of the differences between ethnicities. Today, as part of the dynamics of international relations, the existence of minorities, their demands for recognition and exercise of his human rights and fundamental freedoms, their struggles special rights campaigners and shapers of their recognition, focus on civil and political rights and social groups have the right to exist and be recognized. This paper aims to raise the issue that arises from the emergency situation of minority groups worldwide, achieving awareness of everyday life faced, through the possibility of conception of a policy of non-discrimination groups that have historically been identified as being "different" taking into account criteria as absurd as religion, ethnicity or language. What some, is a social phenomenon, which currently are considered as explosive and dynamic in its need for new minority identities or regain their former cultural identities, hence its relevance, its unity, referring to the links remain among its members, victims of intolerance and xenophobia processes: racial, ethnic. ; Este trabajo de investigación se enfoca en un mundo basado en la multiculturalidad, gracias a la protección de las minorías en el Derecho Internacional, haciendo frente a la intolerancia racial y de exacerbación de las diferencias existentes entre las etnias. Hoy día, en el marco de la dinámica de las relaciones internacionales, la existencia de las minorías, sus demandas de reconocimiento y ejercicio de sus Derechos Humanos y sus libertades fundamentales, sus luchas reivindicadoras de derechos especiales y forjadoras de su reconocimiento, se enfocan en sus derechos civiles y políticos como grupos sociales que tienen derecho a existir y a ser reconocidos. Este trabajo tiene por objeto plantear la problemática que surge de la situación actual de emergencia de los grupos minoritarios a nivel mundial, lograr la sensibilización de la cotidianidad que enfrentan, a través de la posibilidad de la concepción de una política dirigida a la no discriminación de grupos que históricamente han sido señalados por ser "diferentes" tomando en cuenta criterios tan absurdos como la religión, en la etnia o en la lengua. Lo que para algunos, constituye un fenómeno social, que en la actualidad, son considerados tan explosivos y dinámicos por su necesidad de lograr nuevas identidades minoritarias o recuperar sus antiguas identidades culturales; de allí su pertinencia, haciendo referencia a los vínculos que se mantienen entre sus miembros, víctimas de procesos de intolerancia y xenofobia: diferencia racial, étnica.

This dissertation analyzes the frameworks and praxes of Palestinian resistance and revolution alongside the Lebanese civil war to offer a new lens through which to understand these two respective and seemingly disconnected markers of Arab history. Through examining the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the Lebanese National Movement (LNM) as co-constitutive arbiters of revolutionary struggle, this dissertation offers a new analytical lens through which to examine and reframe Palestinian resistance and the Lebanese civil war as common discursive framings of the 1970s in Lebanon. It demonstrates the possibilities of new and different readings and analyses of historical and contemporary moments and social movements by considering alliance, which offers a new narrative that shifts and subverts popular articulations and discourses.This dissertation analyzes nation-building through a transnational, stateless subjectivity birthed as a result of Zionist settler colonialism while also framing the sets of relations imposed upon formerly colonized states visa vi national elites and western imperialist powers. I develop analyses around the tensions between internalized orientalist tropes and the growth of Arabness as oppositional cultural identities. Further, I analyze the different modes and tactics of resistance mobilized by the PLO and LNM to defeat Zionist settler colonialism and western imperialism and liberate land and people. It looks at three aspects of 'revolution' according to the PLO-LNM alliance: formation building and sustenance, armed struggle, and popular, sector-based labor. It also considers the relationship of revolution to time and place, postulating whether or not revolution can be temporally and spatially confined.I dissect and analyze the tools and praxis of 'revolution' and highlight how formation and alliance building are enacted as part of this praxis. I highlight the contradictions that arise based on proximities to and dynamics of power, particularly where material and fiscal resources and decision-making are concerned. I look at the assumption of armed struggle as a tactic and gendered labor as a dynamic internally to offer critiques about the relationship between colonial power and hegemonic understandings of violence and to debate different conversations around women and gender in the movement, their role and their labor. In striving for broader applicability, I look at this moment to ask: how has the context of the Palestinian and Lebanese revolutions to overthrow the colonial, imperialist, economic elite government systems advanced our understanding of the question of revolution and revolutionary praxis? What ideological, material and other tools were mobilized in the name of revolution and what internal (and external) dynamics were at play that hindered the actualization of the revolutionary goals?

This article aims to offer a theoretical reflection that allows to account for socialmovements that, in a specific way, establish processes of struggle and resistanceagainst the reconfiguration of territory that the capitalist system has produced as itdevelops its global geopolitical measurement in the context of the contemporaryplanetary ecological crisis. This subject is approached from a certain type of socialmobilizations that—under neoliberal economic policy—have set as the main politicalobjective the fight against the ecological devastation that has occurred as acorrelate of the simple and expanded reproduction of capital and social production ofthe space that the economic development and the gain accumulation of neoliberal cuthas produced. The relevance of addressing in the following pages the theme of socioenvironmentalmovements in relation to the capitalist reconfiguration of the territoryis, first, the need to reflect on a highly complex social process, which represents greatchallenges for the social sciences and humanities, since critical reflections are requiredthat address —from a multicriterial, multi-temporal and trans-disciplinary mantra— the struggle and resistance that civil society carries out to highlight and stop theoverexploitation and contamination of the biophysical conditions of the territories.Second, the relevance of offering a reflection on the socio-environmental movementsof struggle and resistance is that they face the ecological unsustainability that thereconfiguration of the territory has produced in an exacerbated manner. Ergo, contemporarysocio-environmental movements have to fight for the defense of their territoriesand natural riches under the uncertainty, risk, and vulnerability of the currentplanetary ecological crisis. ; Este trabajo ofrece una reflexión teórica para dar cuenta de los movimientos sociales queestablecen procesos de lucha y resistencia en contra de la reconfiguración territorialque el sistema capitalista ha producido conforme la geopolítica mundial en el contextode la crisis ecológica planetaria contemporánea. Se abordan las movilizaciones sociales—bajo la política económica neoliberal— que han puesto como principal objetivo políticocombatir la devastación ecológica que se ha producido como correlato de la reproducciónsimple y ampliada de capital y la producción social del espacio que el desarrolloeconómico y la acumulación han producido. La relevancia de abordar los movimientossocioambientales en relación con la reconfiguración capitalista del territorio se encuentraen la necesidad de reflexionar sobre la complejidad y el reto que representa para lasciencias sociales y humanidades generar reflexiones críticas basadas en criterios múltiples,considerando las temporalidades y transdiciplinariedad acerca de la lucha y resistenciaque la sociedad civil lleva a cabo para evidenciar y detener la sobreexplotación y contaminaciónde las condiciones biofísicas de los territorios. Los movimientos socioambientalescontemporáneos luchan por la defensa de sus territorios y riquezas naturales bajola incertidumbre, riesgo y vulnerabilidad de la actual crisis ecológica planetaria.

The researcher analyzes the conceptual approaches and practical changes in the system of government (the participation of women in politics and public life) during the period (from the Antiquity to the twentieth century). This article raises questions related to the theoretical views of the philosophers of antiquity on the role of women in social activity. The principle of androgyny in Gnosticism, heretical movement and occultism are an era of complete "oppression" of women in both social and political life. The epoch of the Early Renaissance, where one of the first concepts of equality of articles is formed, is studied. The views of philosophers of the modern age on the participation of women in politics and government are analyzed. Arguments of philosophers regarding the participation of women in civil society as a necessary part of it. Gender asymmetry as a factor in the formation of traditional western culture. The beginning of the XVIII century - an era of new approaches to assess the principle of gender differentiation (liberal philosophy and the concept of civil rights). An overview of the philosophical views of Marxism in relation to the social and political participation of women (attention is paid to the aspect of gender differentiation of society). Educational and socialist ideas about the equality of women and men. The concept of the twentieth century concerning the role of women in political and social life (the age of gender identity) is explored. Robert Stoller Gender Identification and Gender Socialization. Study of the theory of gender socialization Tolkot Parsons. An alternative preliminary conception of Simon de Beauvoir regarding the participation of women in political life is analyzed. The issue of gender inequality as a political phenomenon in Pierre Bourdieu's Man's Domination is explored, where the concept of "habitus" reveals mechanisms that ensure the resilience of traditional gender dispositions in the political field. ; В статье рассматриваются теоретические взгляды философов античности относительно роли женщин в политике и общественной деятельности, принцип андрогинности в гностицизме, еретическое движение и оккультизм – эпоха полного подавления «женского», раннее Возрождение как эпоха первых теорий равенства полов. Взгляды философов нового времени на участие женщин в политике и управлении государством. Гендерная асимметрия как фактор формирования традиционной западной культуры. Просветительские и социалистические идеи о равноправии женщин и мужчин. ХХ век – век гендерного самосознания. ; У статті розглядаються теоретичні погляди філософів античності відносно ролі жінок у політиці та суспільній діяльності, принцип андрогінності у гностицизмі, єретичний рух та окультизм – епоха повного пригнічення «жіночого», раннє Відродження як епоха перших теорій рівності статей. Погляди філософів нового часу щодо участі жінок в політиці та управлінні державою. Гендерна асиметрія як чинник формування традиційної західної культури. Просвітницькі та соціалістичні ідеї про рівноправ'я жінок та чоловіків. ХХ століття – століття гендерної самосвідомості.