Suchergebnisse

Abstract
The article analyses how the features of modern political representation have developed in Spanish constitutional history from a multidisciplinary perspective (political philosophy, political science, constitutional law and literature). Between the eighteenth- to the twentieth-century, indeed, the Kingdom of Spain experienced transformations in the concepts of sovereignty, periodic suffrage, free public opinion, and the free and non-revocable mandate. The article also takes into account how the evolution of concepts at stake affected the evolution of the others.

Despite its relevance to understanding political change and instability in many parts of the global South, the relationship between organized crime and political order remains understudied. This article introduces the novel concept of "crimillegality" to address this issue. Taking recourse to the conceptions of political order put forward by Weber, Fukuyama and North, Wallis and Weingast, I explain how regular patterns of social exchange and interaction - involving public and private, and state and non-state actors - that span an assumed divide between the realms of legality ("legitimate upper world") and criminality ("illegitimate underworld") influence the character, shape and evolution of political order. I suggest that it is in crimillegal orders that organized criminality acquires political power to its fullest and that oligopolies of coercion and violence are constitutive elements of such orders. The article concludes by presenting some ideas about how the concept of crimillegality could be usefully adopted in the fields of peace building and the mitigation of non-armed conflict violence in Latin America and other parts of the contemporary world.

Although contemporary racism has been interpreted from a large number of perspectives, since the end of World War II, its nature was associated with Colonialism, a type of analysis based on the approach of race relations and complemented by the approach of the world-system. The present study develops a comparative analysis between the postcolonial model and the model generated by Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack in 1973 (occasionally Migrant labor theory or Political economy of migration theory). The conclusions of our research suggest that the second model supports an adequate investigative capacity in its analysis, by focusing its explanations on the mobility of the massive flows of the non-spontaneous labor force (large masses of reserve workers) that arise from the capitalist needs. In this way, this paper offers guidelines that can help future research on explanatory models of contemporary racism.