Suchergebnisse

Most contemporary civil wars are now recurrences of earlier civil wars. In contrast to classic theories of grievance and opportunity, this article advances a theory of civil war recurrence that highlights the critical role political and legal institutions play in constraining elites in post–civil war states. Such constraints serve as a check on executive power, help incumbent elites credibly commit to political reform, and create a situation where rebels need not maintain militias as a supplementary mechanism to hold political elites in line. All of this reduces the odds of repeat civil war. Using a statistical analysis of post-conflict years, this article demonstrates that strong political institutions are not only significantly and negatively related to repeat civil war but are the primary determinants of whether countries get caught in the conflict trap.

The intergroup prisoner's dilemma (IPD) game was played repeatedly in an attempt to distinguish the dynamic process associated with reciprocation at the intergroup level from that resulting from adaptation at the individual level. Results show that when players were not allowed to communicate with one another, they gradually learned that it does not pay to participate, but when within-group communication was allowed, the overall effect was to increase individual participation. However, this effect varied greatly in later stages of the game. In some cases, intragroup communication eliminated individual participation and rewarded the members of both teams with the mutually cooperative outcome, but in other cases, it intensified the intergroup conflict to its maximal level of full participation. The implications of these findings for conflict resolution are discussed.

The definition of "corporate conflicts" in the system of corporate security is analyzed, and their main classification characteristics are determined. The influence of corporate conflicts on the investment attractiveness of Ukrainian corporations is studied. Based on the study of international experience in combating corporate conflicts and taking into account peculiarities of Ukrainian legislation, an approach to managing corporate conflicts of Ukrainian corporations is proposed. It is aimed at increasing their investment attractiveness.

Defence date: 31 May 2016 ; Examining Board: Professor Dr. Christian Reus-Smit, University of Queensland; Professor Dr. Emanuel Adler, University of Toronto; Professor Dr. Pascal Vennesson, S. Rajaratnam School of Intl. Studies, Singapore; Prof. Dr. Nicholas J. Wheeler, University of Birmingham. ; This thesis seeks to explain the relative absence of inter-state war in South America and Southeast Asia. I maintain that the two regions are security communities in a minimalist sense. The sustenance of these minimalist, no-war communities lacks a conclusive explanation, as the factors commonly emphasised by security community scholars have been either weak or wholly absent in the two cases. The emergence of no-war communities in South America and Southeast Asia is all the more puzzling given the fact that in both regions there have been numerous territorial disputes, which have been shown to be the best predictor of interstate conflict. Building on qualitative case studies of territorial disputes, I advance three propositions. First, I argue that a lack of domestic state capacity induced an overriding and lasting concern with internal stability in the two regions. The need for internal security created incentives to manage international conflict, leading states to avoid war with their neighbours. Second, I maintain that in order to understand the conjunction between accommodation and the sporadic escalation of conflict, state capacity needs to be disaggregated into its theoretically relevant dimensions. In this study, three dimensions correlated strongly with how states behaved in territorial dispute: military capacity, institutional capacity, and socio-political cohesion. My third proposition is that in both regions, states came to develop stable expectations that major war between them was highly unlikely. The causal arrow that explains the emergence of community in South America and Southeast Asia is domestic incapacity; however, how the no-war pattern regularized and institutionalized, took different forms in the two regions.

Can the level of protest be augmented considerably due to media coverage of a conflict? Though a theoretical framework based on the interaction between social movements, political process and the media, the paper compares the response of (he Catalan pacifist movement to two international conflicts: the war in Chechnya and the war in Kosovo. In the case of the Balkans, participation of the NATO will be a determinant, dividing the protest against that conflict into two different processes. In this study, the key independent variable is the media coverage that impacts on the political opportunity structure. Finally, I present hypothesis about the different strength of two Spanish social movements, that of Barcelona and in Madrid, related to the nationalistic question in Catalonia as a factor of politization. ; ¿Puede incrementarse notablemente el nivel de protesta de un movimiento social a causa de la cobertura mediática de un conflicto? A partir de un marco teórico relativo a la interacción entre los movimientos sociales, el proceso político y los medios de comunicación el estudio analiza comparativamente la respuesta del movimiento pacifista catalán a dos conflictos internacionales: la guerra de Chechenia y la guerra de Kosovo. En el caso de los Balcanes, resulta determinante la participación de la OTAN, que subdivide el mismo en dos procesos distintos. En todos ellos, la principal variable independiente es la cobertura informativa realizada por la prensa escrita, la cual conforma uno de los factores que afectan a la estructura de oportunidad política. Los resultados sugieren que la existencia de movilización social solamente ocurrirá cuando participe la sociedad no organizada. jugando un papel esencial los medios de comunicación. Por último, esbozo algunas hipótesis a propósito de la distinta fuerza de los movimientos sociales en Madrid y en Barcelona, relacionadas con la cuestión nacional de Cataluña como factor de politización.

Preface -- Chapter 1 Defining Dalits in a Nepali Context -- Chapter 2 Dalits and Exclusion in Education -- Chapter 3 Work, Employment and Social Exclusion of Dalits -- Chapter 4 Politics, Decision-Making and Dalits in Nepal -- Chapter 5 Conclusion -- References -- Index.

Introduction: Convergence and divergence in times of crisis -- Part I: Conceptual and theoretical perspectives -- Terminology -- The concept of legal convergence -- Resisting legal convergence -- Part II: Thematic and jurisdictional case studies 1: private law -- Bankruptcy law in the United States -- Labour law in the United Kingdom -- Consumer law in Ghana -- Family and child law in Chile -- Contract law in Germany -- Part III: Thematic and jurisdictional case studies 2: public law -- Environmental law in China -- Healthcare law in Denmark -- Immigration law in Russia -- Social rights in Australia -- Part IV: Convergence and divergence in context -- Harmonisation and European integration in times of crisis -- International judicial cooperation in times of crisis -- The influence of binding international instruments on domestic laws in times of crisis -- The role of soft law in times of crisis -- Part V: Concluding comments -- Conclusion: Are legal systems converging or diverging?.

"During its EU Presidency the German government found itself confronted with an intensification of the conflict situations and with new constellations in the Middle East: Instability in Lebanon, with the simultaneous presence of European troops in the south of the country; nearly daily bombings and the ever greater probability of a failed state in Iraq; an Israeli head of government weakened by the Lebanon war; the takeover of the Gaza strip by Hamas in June 2007, and a new quality of the confrontation between Sunnis and Shiites in the region. At the same time, a slow transformation of the roles played by the European Union as well as Germany in the Middle East can be observed. The European Union is pursuing a clear position and line of negotiation with Iran and the Europeans are a central pillar of the UNIFIL-PLUS mission in Lebanon. For the first time in its history, the Federal Republic of Germany sent soldiers to the Middle East. Closely coordinating with its succeeding Portuguese and Slovenian presidencies, Germany formulated the following emphases for the EU's Middle East policy: Stabilization of the situation in Lebanon; Increased involvement in the Middle East Quartet, in order 'to combat the conflict in the Middle East with a comprehensive peaceful solution;' Efforts for a peaceful resolution to the conflict surrounding the Iranian atomic program, and Support for reconstruction in Iraq. While only limited progress was made in Lebanon, Iraq, and toward Iran, the German Presidency successfully reactivated the Middle East Quartet and integrated the moderate Arab states into the international efforts for peace between Israel and its Arab neighbours. In setting the foreign policy priorities for its EU presidency in the second half of 2007, Portugal proved reserved on the subject of Middle East policy. Considering the tense situation in the Middle East, it is easy to understand why. A small country like Portugal might find itself fighting above its weight by trying to take on the current situation in the Middle East. The departing German Presidency is called upon to continue practicing the 'team presidency' even after passing the baton to its successor." (author's abstract)