Suchergebnisse

Behavioral patterns on seeking health are pertinent in terms of how waste is managed. However, informal approach towards waste management has led to poor environmental attitude and pernicious health consequences for many Nigerians. Despite plethora of scientific investigation on waste management, there has been paucity of information on health-seeking behavior and waste management practices among market women, hence the need for this research. The study aimed at assessing the health-seeking behavioral pattern of women traders on waste management in major urban markets in Owerri, Nigeria by identifying the extent of their commitment to sustainable waste management practices, investigating health-seeking behaviors that influence their attitude towards waste management and measuring prevalence of waste-related diseases among them. Data collection for the study involved a cross-sectional survey of 739 women trading in three Owerri major urban markets in line with the study's aim. Results show that motivation to manage waste for disease control was effectively predicted by type of trading item (Omnibus Test: χ2 = 13.871, df = 3, p-value = 0.003); Cochran-Armitage tests of trend show that there is no statistically linear trend between the proportions of understanding the 3Rs and the rankings for methods of seeking health; understanding the 3Rs was not determined by health-seeking method as most methods were with motivation to manage waste discordant (4 out 5 health-seeking methods had negative Goodman & Kruskal's G values); PCA on the prevalence of waste-related diseases had a two-component structure which followed acute and chronic dimensions; vegetable and plastics comprised the highest waste streams with plastics being most reused waste type while government is mainly responsible for waste disposal. The study recommends a knowledge transfer approach in entrenching sustainable waste management practices.

International audience ; Tests are crucial to know about the number of people who have fallen ill with COVID-19 and to understand in real-time whether the dynamics of the pandemic is accelerating or decelerating. But tests are a scarce resource in many countries. The key but still open question is thus how to allocate tests across sub-national levels. We provide a data-driven and operational criterion to allocate tests efficiently across regions or provinces, with the view to maximize detection of people who have been infected. We apply our criterion to Italian regions and compute the shares of tests that should go to each region, which are shown to differ significantly from the actual distribution.

Populous communities often prefer more government involvement than less populous communities, but does community size per se affect citizens' preferences for government? Endogeneity commonly prevents testing for causal effects because (i) people can select into communities while (ii) government structures can affect community size (e.g., by en- or discouraging migration and fertility decisions). This paper studies a plausibly exogenous setting from post-WWII Baden-Württemberg (located in Southern Germany), in which the French occupation zone prevented the entry of German expellees after 1945, whereas the U.S. occupied zone did not. Consequently, municipalities on the U.S. side, just across the border from the French zone, experienced large and relatively homogenous population shocks. Studying voting patterns in the 1949 national- and 1952 state-level elections for 828 municipalities, we find more populous municipalities systematically preferred the SPD (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands), the party advocating for greater government involvement in virtually all areas of policymaking, over the CDU (Christlich Demokratische Union), the major conservative party that emphasized free markets. Our results hold when accounting for a host of potential confounding factors, county-fixed effects, pre-WWII vote shares, employing fractional response models and alternative instrumental variable specifications. Our benchmark estimates imply that a one standard deviation increase in population size (equivalent to ≈4,000 citizens) raised the SPD vote share by more than 11 percentage points.

Tests are crucial to know about the number of people who have fallen ill with COVID-19 and to understand in real-time whether the dynamics of the pandemic is accelerating or decelerating. But tests are a scarce resource in many countries. The key but still open question is thus how to allocate tests across sub-national levels. We provide a data-driven and operational criterion to allocate tests efficiently across regions or provinces, with the view to maximize detection of people who have been infected. We apply our criterion to Italian regions and compute the shares of tests that should go to each region, which are shown to differ significantly from the actual distribution.

In most democratic regimes, the public often dislikes and distrusts parliamentarians. This should not surprise: the public likes neither compromise nor conflict, both of which are legislative hallmarks. One of the most famous examples of parliamentary conflict is Prime Minister's Questions (PMQs) in the British House of Commons. It is the most viewed and commented upon part of the parliamentary week, but attracts strong criticism as a noisy charade promoting a poor image of politics. Does PMQs undermine individual levels of political efficacy and trust in Parliament, as some commentators suggest? We use an experimental design to answer this question and find evidence to suggest that, contrary to its negative reputation, PMQs does not adversely affect most citizens' perceptions.

Tests are crucial to know about the number of people who have fallen ill with COVID-19 and to understand in real-time whether the dynamics of the pandemic is accelerating or decelerating. But tests are a scarce resource in many countries. The key but still open question is thus how to allocate tests across sub-national levels. We provide a data-driven and operational criterion to allocate tests efficiently across regions or provinces, with the view to maximize detection of people who have been infected. We apply our criterion to Italian regions and compute the shares of tests that should go to each region, which are shown to differ significantly from the actual distribution.

Contemporary governance is marked by increased attention for participation of non-governmental actors (NGAs) in traditionally governmental activities, such as policy-making. This trend has been prevalent across food policy processes and reflects a key feature of food democracy. However, the role of governmental actors in facilitating and responding to this participation remains a gap in the literature. In this article, we ask how civil servants frame the participation of NGAs in policy processes. Drawing on ethnographic research, we introduce the case of civil servants working on an urban food policy for the municipality of Ede (the Netherlands). Our analysis uncovers two competing frames: 1) highlighting the responsibility of the municipality to take a leading role in food policy making, and 2) responding reflexively to NGAs. The analysis provides insights into how the framing of participation by civil servants serves to shape the conditions for participation of NGAs. It further sheds light on related practices and uncovers existing tensions and contradictions, with important implications for food democracy. We conclude by showing how, in the short term, a strong leadership role for civil servants, informed by the responsibility frame, may be effective for advancing policy objectives of the municipality. However, the reactive frame illustrates that civil servants worry this approach is not effective for maintaining meaningful participation of NGAs. This remains a key tension of participatory municipal-led urban food policy making, but balancing both municipal responsibility and an open and reactive attitude towards the participation of NGAs is useful for enhancing food democracy.

AbstractPregnancy among adolescent girls in Zambia is a significant concern on its own and as a factor in school dropout and early marriage, with one‐third of girls aged 15–19 having experienced pregnancy. Using qualitative and quantitative data from the Adolescent Girls Empowerment Program, we explore transactional sex as a driver of adolescent pregnancy. In qualitative interviews, transactional sex was repeatedly discussed as the main driver of pregnancy, as respondents indicated that when a girl feels that she "owes" a man sex, it prevents her from declining sex or using condoms. In addition, multivariate Cox proportional hazards models using four rounds of longitudinal data from a sample of unmarried and never pregnant adolescent girls (n=1,853) show that girls who have engaged in transactional sex face a hazard of first premarital pregnancy almost 30 percent greater than their peers who have not, independent of the effect of other risk‐related sexual behaviors such as condom use and number of sexual partners. Identifying and understanding the role of transactional sex in adolescent pregnancy is important for designing effective curricula and programs that delay pregnancy, and highlights the importance of addressing access to economic resources in adolescent health outcomes.