Suchergebnisse

Governments in several countries have recently spent considerable effort to defend domestic firms against acquisition attempts from abroad and instead favoured mergers among national firms. In this paper we offer an explanation why globalization can reinforce the case for promoting national champions. We analyze an oligopolistic market where a domestic and a foreign firm are engaged in a takeover battle for a domestic competitor. Any merger or acquisition (M&A) must be approved by the national government whose objective function may include a bias against the foreign takeover. That bias endogenously results from lobbying efforts of the domestic firm that would become the outsider in the foreign acquisition scenario. In the case where the government is unbiased and only cares about welfare we find that falling trade barriers trigger the cross-border acquisition. However, when the domestic government cares sufficiently strongly about lobbying contributions, globalization has a qualitatively different effect. The foreign takeover would then only emerge in an intermediate range of trade costs. Once trade integration reaches a critical level the biased government starts to block the foreign takeover and instead opens the door for the national champion.

Rainwater harvesting is increasingly being turned to as a viable water conservation measure in the face of increasing water shortages. Legislatures at local, state, and national levels have begun implementing legislation that regulates rainwater harvesting; in some cases, governments choose to make the practice mandatory. This article examines four mandatory rainwater harvesting policies implemented in Australia, India, and the United States. The article summarizes the relative success of each policy's adoption, and then moves on to discuss the impact of the policy on overall water conservation. In comparing the relative success of the policies, one finds that while financial investment plays an important role in determining the impact of the programs, other factors, such as the leniency of the mandate, cost to consumer, and support from non-governmental organizations play an important role in determining whether the policies are adopted. Furthermore, policymakers can encourage greater water conservation by incentivizing behavioral change and creating more robust financial incentives.

This paper is addressed to some of the problems of using the concept values as an explanatory factor in the analysis of public policy-making. An obvious justification for a focus upon values is the presence within the field of policy output studies of implicit or partly explicated value or predisposition variables. The attention given to party control or Labour strength as intervening variables in the papers by Newton and Sharpe and Alt testify to the assumed importance of values, for party identification and control are clearly surrogates for a constellation of values which, though rarely discussed, are thought to inhere in the party. A broad range of studies conducted on both sides of the Atlantic suggest that such dimensions as 'the scope of government', 'attitude to deviance', 'tolerance of ambiguity', as well as more general aspects of actor roles, class cultures, or organizational ideologies, playa major part in the determination of policy decisions.
Value analysis is without doubt a theoretical and methodological minefield. It is clear that different dimensions of belief and evaluation bear upon different policy areas; that levels of analysis problems arise in the identification of whose values are potent for policy;

Investment is one of the major factors determining successful development of an economy. In the long term, economic growth is achievable only fostering, strengthening and maintaining economic competitiveness on the international scale. Lithuania with its small and open economy is dependent on the successful economic ties with the European Union single market and the third countries. This Master thesis aims at identifying and assessing the impediments to investment process and providing for the measures allowing to remove the obstacles encountered when attracting direct domestic and foreign investment, and to encourage the development of the Lithuanian business and growth of the national economy. The Master thesis includes the analysis research of actions aimed at attracting direct foreign investment, allowing to conclude that Lithuania does not exploit its economic potential and is lagging behind its neighbours (in particular Estonia) according to economic indicators. It is possible to state that at the moment Lithuania has favourable conditions for investment into various areas of industry and business. However, there is a lack of motivation and appeal ensuring concrete actions to be taken. Therefore, it is essential to single out the factors, which frustrate investment and pose more or less serious problems in the opinion of investors. When examining the factors determining Lithuania's attractiveness for investment, note should be taken of the interrelation between positive and negative impacts of direct foreign investment, in particular when those impacts operate in the national economy experiencing transition from planned to market economies, as such macroeconomic processes as privatisation and increasing economic integration become important in this situation. After examining the system of measures intended to promote and attract investment, it should be highlighted that Lithuania lays plans for establishing eight industrial parks, which will offer to investors an opportunity to develop their activities. For this purpose, eight municipalities were chosen to found these industrial parks. The final pages of the paper sum up the types of state support and submit the proposals how to establish a new institution (Innovation Lithuania) with the aim to create favourable conditions for . It is assumed that such reorganisation of institutional and economic presentation abroad would uniformly and purposefully assist in achieving the common aim – to attract investment and promote export and tourism.

Investment is one of the major factors determining successful development of an economy. In the long term, economic growth is achievable only fostering, strengthening and maintaining economic competitiveness on the international scale. Lithuania with its small and open economy is dependent on the successful economic ties with the European Union single market and the third countries. This Master thesis aims at identifying and assessing the impediments to investment process and providing for the measures allowing to remove the obstacles encountered when attracting direct domestic and foreign investment, and to encourage the development of the Lithuanian business and growth of the national economy. The Master thesis includes the analysis research of actions aimed at attracting direct foreign investment, allowing to conclude that Lithuania does not exploit its economic potential and is lagging behind its neighbours (in particular Estonia) according to economic indicators. It is possible to state that at the moment Lithuania has favourable conditions for investment into various areas of industry and business. However, there is a lack of motivation and appeal ensuring concrete actions to be taken. Therefore, it is essential to single out the factors, which frustrate investment and pose more or less serious problems in the opinion of investors. When examining the factors determining Lithuania's attractiveness for investment, note should be taken of the interrelation between positive and negative impacts of direct foreign investment, in particular when those impacts operate in the national economy experiencing transition from planned to market economies, as such macroeconomic processes as privatisation and increasing economic integration become important in this situation. After examining the system of measures intended to promote and attract investment, it should be highlighted that Lithuania lays plans for establishing eight industrial parks, which will offer to investors an opportunity to develop their activities. For this purpose, eight municipalities were chosen to found these industrial parks. The final pages of the paper sum up the types of state support and submit the proposals how to establish a new institution (Innovation Lithuania) with the aim to create favourable conditions for . It is assumed that such reorganisation of institutional and economic presentation abroad would uniformly and purposefully assist in achieving the common aim – to attract investment and promote export and tourism.

The current military coup and further political unrest in Sudan, though termed as 'Bread Riots,' however the internationally observed, beyond 'bread.' Especially, the Darfur and Sudan's current crisis vis-à-vis China's increasing politico-economic engagement in pursuance of its interests in the Sudan, particularly about energy sector, have placed China's policies for Africa in focus. Since, Sino-Sudan maintained an extended history of politico-economic engagement and outreaching diplomatic relationships, hence, internationally perceived an expectation that Chinese factor can persuade the politico-economic situation in Sudan after recent political unrest in the country. Considering, such conditions, this paper while employing the economic diplomacy theory argues that, the policy of 'non-interference' may not be translated as disinclination with regards to China to employ the conscientiousness to defend. In this paper, statements given by the world about the interests lie in Sudan have been analysed through content analysis technique. However, particularly the complex features of condition of instability in Sudan, the economic-engagement strategy pursued by China, seems much productive than the retaliatory sanctions initiatives being approached by the West, particularly US to ensure peace process and stability conditions in Sudan. China had deep concerns with the situation prevailing in Sudan because it has invested billions of dollars on the development projects in this country.

The current military coup and further political unrest in Sudan, though termed as 'Bread Riots,' however the internationally observed, beyond 'bread.' Especially, the Darfur and Sudan's current crisis vis-à-vis China's increasing politico-economic engagement in pursuance of its interests in the Sudan, particularly about energy sector, have placed China's policies for Africa in focus. Since, Sino-Sudan maintained an extended history of politico-economic engagement and outreaching diplomatic relationships, hence, internationally perceived an expectation that Chinese factor can persuade the politico-economic situation in Sudan after recent political unrest in the country. Considering, such conditions, this paper while employing the economic diplomacy theory argues that, the policy of 'non-interference' may not be translated as disinclination with regards to China to employ the conscientiousness to defend. In this paper, statements given by the world about the interests lie in Sudan have been analysed through content analysis technique. However, particularly the complex features of condition of instability in Sudan, the economic-engagement strategy pursued by China, seems much productive than the retaliatory sanctions initiatives being approached by the West, particularly US to ensure peace process and stability conditions in Sudan. China had deep concerns with the situation prevailing in Sudan because it has invested billions of dollars on the development projects in this country.

TRADITIONALLY AFRICA HAS HAD A LOW PRIORITY ON THE UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY AGENDA. UNTIL THE 1970S WASHINGTON WAS CONTENT TO ALLOW THE EUROPEAN POWERS TO UPHOLD WESTERN INTERESTS ON THE CONTINENT, THE ONLY MAJOR UNITED STATES INTERVENTION BEING IN THE CONGO WHERE THE DEPARTING COLONIAL POWER WAS PERCEIVED TO BE TOO WEAK TO RESOLVE THE POST-INDEPENDENCE CHAOS AND PRECLUDE SOVIET INFLUENCE IN THIS STRATEGICALLY LOCATED TERRITORY. ALTHOUGH SUCCESSIVE ADMINISTRATIONS VOICED SUPPORT FOR THE PRINCIPLE OF SELFDETERMINATION AND AN ORDERLY TRANSITION TO INDEPENDENCE, A SYMPATHY WITH NATIONALIST ASPIRATIONS WAS SUBORDIANTED TO THE CULTIVATION OF RELATIONS WITH EUROPEAN ALLIES WHENEVER THE TWO POLICY OBJECTIVES WERE IN CONFLICT. THIS WAS MOST OBVIOUS IN UNITED STATES POLICIES TOWARDS PORTUGAL PRIOR TO THE APRIL 1974 COUP.1

The significance of maritime interactions has impacted coastal and landlocked countries. Nepal's response to the US-led Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) signifies the same. For Nepal, crossing seas was culturally associated with sin as an objective to fulfill the isolationist policy adopted until the political change of 1950. As such, Nepal's interaction with the sea was not so friendly in the past. However, these historical shreds of evidence cannot suffice as the reason behind her denial of joining the IPS. Most of the available literature divulges the sensitive geographical position of Nepal in the context of the rise of China and the projection of a 'new Cold War' for its reluctance to join the Indo-Pacific strategy. However, they fail to probe into the domestic intricacies contributing to the hesitation. In this context, this paper primarily tries to dwell upon the actors and factors that have influenced Nepal's dubiety in joining the Indo-Pacific Strategy. Thus, this paper aims to fulfill two objectives. First, to analyze the role of geographical sensitivity, and second, to scrutinize the domestic interplay of things. As exploratory qualitative research, this study reviews the official documents, agreements, statements, speeches, and reports from think tanks and newspapers to hypothesize that besides external factors there are integral internal elements that have played a part in Nepal's denial to join the strategic partnership.