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Introduction to the special issue on evaluation

The work, though not quite complete at the author's death, is presented here as it was left by him, except for necessary corrections, summaries and index--Cf. Prefatory note, signed: Henry George, Jr. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

We reflect on the reasons why there is not a greater and more fruitful relationship between those who seek to understand policy and the political process from academia and those with a similar task in 'practical politics'. We attribute this lack of engagement to three core factors: (1) from without, instrumental government visions of political science perpetuate the view that the discipline exists to serve those with power; (2) from within, scientism and abstraction diminish the discipline's stock of 'usable' product for 'practical politics'; and (3) where relevant research exists, its uptake is hampered by limited communication between these spheres.

We reflect on the reasons why there is not a greater and more fruitful relationship between those who seek to understand policy and the political process from academia and those with a similar task in 'practical politics'. We attribute this lack of engagement to three core factors: (1) from without, instrumental government visions of political science perpetuate the view that the discipline exists to serve those with power; (2) from within, scientism and abstraction diminish the discipline's stock of 'usable' product for 'practical politics'; and (3) where relevant research exists, its uptake is hampered by limited communication between these spheres.

This article considers the writings of Sir Ernest Barker (1874–1960), one of the first professional political scientists in Britain. It examines his background in Literae Humaniores and Modern History at late-Victorian Oxford, disciplines which respectively imparted the idealist and Whig framework of his later thought. It is argued that Barker's fusion of these two rival discourses – together with the concerns of early twentieth-century pluralism – reinforced powerful cultural motifs. As a consequence, the significance of political science seems to have outstretched the academic boundaries in which it increasingly became confined after his death.

La science politique de Hume marque un point tournant dans l'histoire de la pensée politique. On pent mieux apprécier sa signification si on la considère comme une réponse structurée aux essais de construction d'une science politique fondée sur l'expérience tentés par les théoriciens de la tradition républicaine classique. Sa discussion des formes de gouvernement, du régime mixte en Grande Bretagne, du rôle des législateurs, de l'influence du gouvernement sur le comportement social, des sources de la puissance militaire, de la sagesse d'acquérir des colonies, des mérites de la politique de la Grèce et de Rome dans l'Antiquité, et en dernier lieu, sa conception d'une république parfaite, tons ces thèmes font partie d'une réponse systématique aux oeuvres de Machiavel, Harrington, Bolingbroke et autres. La conception de Hume du gouvernement constitutionnel dérive d'une application plus consistante du raisonnement expérimental an domaine politique. Sa science politique offre done une nouvelle théorie du gouvernement républicain qui a eu une profonde influence sur les penseurs américains, notamment Hamilton et Madison. Ces derniers y trouvèrent une conception du politique qui pouvait être appliquée aux grandes sociétés mercantiles.

The development of science studies has an important message for political theory. This message has not yet been fully articulated. It seems that the science studies field is often considered as the extension of politics to science. In reality, case studies show that it is a redefinition of politics that we are witnessing in the laboratories. To the political representatives (elected by humans) should be added the scientific representatives (spokespersons of nonhumans). Thanks to a book by Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer, it is possible to reconstruct the origin of this divide between the two sets of representatives. A definition of modernism is offered. Then the article explains how to interpret the shift to "nonmodernism, " that is, a historical period when the two branches of politics get together again.

Results of a survey on the international teaching of human rights within the discipline of political science on the university level.