Suchergebnisse

In einem systematischen Review werten Nicolai Netz, Svenja Hampel und Valeria Aman 96 empirische Studien zum Einfluss internationaler Mobilität auf wissenschaftliche Karrieren aus. Die Analyse dieses noch jungen, aber in den letzten Jahren sehr dynamischen Forschungsfeldes zeigt, dass internationale Mobilität zum Ausbau wissenschaftlicher Netzwerke beiträgt. Zudem gibt es Hinweise, dass internationale Mobilität die wissenschaftliche Produktivität und Rezeption, das heißt die Anzahl der Publikationen und Zitationen, erhöhen kann. Auch den beruflichen Aufstieg kann internationale Mobilität begünstigen. Sie scheint jedoch ebenso mit durchschnittlich längeren befristeten Beschäftigungsverhältnissen einherzugehen. Andere Karrieredimensionen - wie die Kompetenz- und Persönlichkeitsentwicklung, das wissenschaftliche Fachwissen, der Zugang zu Forschungsinfrastruktur und -finanzierung sowie Reputationsgewinne - wurden erst deutlich seltener und auf Basis weniger belastbarer Forschungsdesigns untersucht.

This article contributes the insight that during an international crisis, a pre-existing state of complex interdependence can help to preserve cooperation. It derives the insight from a case study on the International Relations of the Arctic before and after the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea. The case study is examined through the lens of Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye's concept of 'complex interdependence', as developed in their 1977 book Power and Interdependence – a concept which provides the analytical breadth necessary for a multifactorial situation of regional cooperation and conflict. It finds that Arctic international relations had achieved a state of complex interdependence by 2014, and that some important elements of interdependence then disappeared after the annexation of Crimea. But while most military and economic cooperation between Russia and Western states was suspended, many aspects of regional cooperation continued, including on search and rescue, fisheries, continental shelves, navigation and in the Arctic Council. The question is, why has Arctic cooperation continued in some issue areas while breaking down in others? Why have Russian–Western relations in that region been insulated, to some degree, from developments elsewhere? The concept of complex interdependence provides some answers.

Abstract We show that recent explanations of the consumption‐real exchange rate anomaly that rely on goods and financial market frictions are not robust to introducing just one additional international asset. When portfolios are selected optimally, international trade in two nominal bonds implies a consumption‐real exchange rate correlation that is too high compared with the data even when there are many shocks. Monetary policy specification plays a potentially important role for the degree of risk sharing provided by nominal bonds, both in the benchmark model with only tradable and non‐tradable sector supply shocks and also in the model that allows for news.

This paper assesses the international politics of Africa's growing external indebtedness and the pressures for policy direction that it produces. After the scale and character of the problem has been assessed, the paper looks, first, at the increasingly significant rôle of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) within Africa. The nature of external policy direction is then examined, particular attention being paid to the influential World Bank policy paper, the Berg Report. Its policy prescriptions are assessed in the light of conditions in several African countries. The paper concludes by examining alternatives to IMF policy direction, including default and collective disengagement.

In one of his many famous speeches, Mr. Churchill predicted "the English-speaking democracies, the British Empire and the United States, will have to be somewhat mixed up together in some of their affairs for mutual and general advantage." Mr. Churchill was thinking presumably of the fields of public finance, administration, and war strategy—of quasi-political affairs. This paper is concerned with some of the ways in which the economic affairs of nations are "mixed up together." Now the economic structures of trading nations are intertwined both in war and peace, and whether trade is administered by public officials or planned by a multitude of private individuals. The importance of the entanglement corresponds to the importance of trading relations in the economic structure of each country. However, when trade is not administered its importance is less direct and obvious to governments and government officials. As controls are extended in the domestic realm, international trading relationships tend more and more to become subjects of administrative and even diplomatic interest. Administrators in the domestic fields are always tempted to simplify their problems by insulating the domestic economy from unexpected or unpredictable changes elsewhere, without considering the total effects of their regulations on the domestic and foreign economies as a whole. Accordingly, international administrative co-ordination in war time must increase very rapidly if it is to keep pace with the increase in domestic regulation and prevent a rapid diminution in the extent and quality of international economic co-operation.

AbstractDo international shaming efforts affect citizens' support for government policies? While it is a frequent claim in the literature that shaming works through domestic politics, we know little about how and when international criticism affects domestic public opinion. We address this question through an originally designed survey experiment in Sweden, which (i) compares the effects of international shaming in two issue areas—human rights and climate change, and (ii) tests whether government responses to criticism moderate the impact of shaming. Our main findings are fourfold. First, we find substantial effects of international shaming on domestic public opinion. These effects hold across both issue areas and irrespective of whether citizens support government parties or not. Second, human rights shaming has a stronger impact on citizens' support for government policies than climate shaming. Third, shaming is most effective among citizens who are more supportive of climate action, human rights, and international cooperation. Finally, our findings are mixed with respect to the effect of government responses. While government responses do not moderate the effects of human rights shaming, they seem to mitigate the effects of climate shaming.