Suchergebnisse

The financial crisis broke out in 2008 in the United States, spreading on other countries to become global. The main objective of the article is to present how the financial crisis in the United States hhas influenced other countries, mainly Poland and other European countries. The author also presents theoretical views on the international transmission of crises, transmission channels and selected models. The aim of the presented article is an attempt to identify reasons for the current economic crisis, pointing out that it has brought about significant changes in the attitude of the governments of the most powerful countries in the world towards state interventionism and it has led to transformations in the course of economic cycle.

« La Promotion de la démocratie » est devenue une expression fourre-tout couvrant un large spectre d'actions de politique étrangère. Néanmoins, la compréhension précise du « type de démocratie » qui doit être promu est rarement analysée ou même précisée par les acteurs externes eux-mêmes. Comme le terme a (re)pris une place centrale dans la « nouvelle » Politique de voisinage de l'Union européenne après le Printemps arabe, la construction du concept de démocratie à exporter vers les États du Sud de la Méditerranée mérite une réflexion spécifique. De façon inductive, cet article extrait et analyse qualitativement les objets conceptuels spécifiques de transfert ainsi que les circuits domestiques pertinents pour les efforts faits par l'EU pour la démocratisation avant et après le Printemps arabe. Il affirme aussi que le cadre conceptuel promu par l'UE reste largement sous-spécifié et implicite. Cependant, surtout dans la période suivant le Printemps arabe, l'UE cherche à renforcer les éléments politiques de démocratie représentative politique. La coloration libérale dominante de l'ordre politico-économique et sociétal à promouvoir, qui était déjà évident avant 2011, reste la même.

Résumé L'article examine le débat sur l'avenir de l'Union européenne lancé après l'an 2000, du point de vue de la République tchèque. Le fait que les processus de transformation et d'adhésion aient été interconnectés conduisit à une dichotomie entre révolution inachevée de la modernité dans la société tchèque et adhésion à l'entité postmoderne que l'UE représente. Le manque de débats n'a pas permis d'échange et surtout de formulation d'opinions et de visions de la société tchèque. L'article analyse l'attitude des acteurs politiques tchèques dans la convention pour l'avenir de l'Europe, son processus de ratification, le traité de Lisbonne et sa propre ratification. La République tchèque a été le dernier pays à ratifier le traité. L'article soutient que ce fut essentiellement Václav Klaus qui a défini l'ordre du jour du débat et que les autres acteurs se sont seulement limités à formuler des réponses défensives. Les médias de masse en général n'ont reflété que des opinions controversées et ils n'ont pas vraiment non plus initié de débats. Selon des sondages d'opinion, la société tchèque dans son ensemble ne rejette pas le projet européen. Cela fut l'action des principaux acteurs politiques, au cours de l'adhésion comme des processus de ratification, qui conduisit à considérer la République tchèque comme un partenaire difficile. Néanmoins, les attitudes à l'égard de l'UE de la part des élites et de l'opinion publique sont variées, et comparables aux approches des différents groupes sociaux dans les autres États membres.

Rationale: This statement is an updated version of one released by the same authors in February 2003. The statement was produced to follow up the Royal College of Physicians (RCP) Tobacco Advisory Group report "Protecting smokers, saving lives: the case for a tobacco and nicotine regulatory authority",1 which argued for an evidence based regulatory approach to smokeless tobacco and harm reduction and posed a series of questions that regulators must address in relation to smokeless tobacco.

We suggest that bilateral gravity equations augmented by ad hoc measures of absolute supply-side country differences are misspecified. Building on Haveman and Hummels (2004), we develop and test an alternative specification rooted in incomplete specialization that views bilateral gravity equations as statistical relationships constrained on countries' multilateral specialization patterns. According to our results, specialization incentives seem not to play much of a role in the average European bilateral final goods trade relationship. However, this aggregate view conceals that trade in final goods between Western and Eastern Europe is driven by countries' multilateral specialization incentives, as expressed by supply-side country differences relative to the rest of the world, fully compatible with incomplete specialization models. This indicates that many of the final goods traded between Western and Eastern Europe are still different, rather than differentiated, products.

The protection offered to individuals by remedies in public law and tort law is developing in all jurisdictions. The past few years have witnessed an increasingly important European dimension to the tort liability of public authorities. European Union law and European Human Rights law have added to the constitutional protection of tort claims against public authorities already established as a matter of domestic law in many European countries.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to analyze the role of public libraries as institutions underpinning a democratic public sphere as reasons legitimizing libraries compared to reasons that are more traditional and the actual use of libraries as public sphere arenas. Design/methodology/approach: A survey of representative samples of the adult population in six countries – Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Germany, Hungary and Switzerland – was undertaken. Findings: Legitimations related to the libraries role as a meeting place and arena for public debate are ranked as the 3 least important out of 12 possible legitimations for upholding a public library service. Libraries are, however, used extensively by the users to access citizenship information and to participate in public sphere relevant meetings. Originality/value: Few studies have empirically analyzed the role of libraries in upholding a democratic and sustainable public sphere. This study contributes in filling that gap.

Introduction : the united states of Europe and new horizons for European integration / Thomas Hoerber -- European integration and culture : four approaches / Antonios Vlassis -- European citizenship / Michel Catala -- The European Union, cultural diversity and the audio-visual industry : the unexpected fate of a "certain idea" of culture / Alexandre Bohas -- Football and European integration(s) / Arne Niemann, Regina Weber and Alexander Brand -- Iconographies of European integrations / Oriane Calligaro -- Erasmus and the Bologna process : promoting shared values through mobility, reform, and common instruments / John Reilly and Simon Sweeney -- The curious case of social Europe / Konstantinos Alexandris Polomarkakis -- Irregular migration management in the EU / Harald Köpping Athanasopoulos -- Borders of Europe / Marta Pachocka, Anne Visvizi and Jarosław Suchoples -- European integration, audiovisual governance and global online platforms : between market rationale, cultural logic and social considerations / Antonios Vlassis -- A cultural-shared risk community? : towards a cultural-historical theory of European (Union) integration / Peter Pichler -- Can tourism be considered an instrument of European integration? / Eric Stevens and Philippe Duhamel -- Technologies and European integrations / Inga Ulnicane -- EU transport policy at a crossroad : the cost of liberalisation for climate change and personal mobility / Helene Dyrhauge -- European space policy and European integration / Sarah Lieberman -- Defence-industrial consolidation as a precondition for EU military integration / Nikolaos Karampekios and Iraklis Oikonomou -- Artificial intelligence in the European Union : policy, ethics, and regulation / Inga Ulnicane -- Developing EU cybercrime and cybersecurity : on legal challenges of EU institutionalisation of cyber law-making / Elaine Fahey -- European integration, the European research area and European research infrastructures / Lorna Ryan -- The essentials of European integration / Thomas Hoerber -- The European Union's energy policy : from market liberalisation to convergence with climate policy / Matus Misik, Peter Plenta and Veronika Oravcová -- Sustainable development in the European Union / Pamela Barnes -- European Union law / Antonella Forganni -- European monetary union : European integration at its heart / Miguel Otero Iglesias -- EU differentiated integration (DI) as a tangible : internal and external dimensions / Maryna Rabinovych and Anne Pintsch -- The long and winding road to greening the Common Agricultural Policy / Viviane Gravey, Ulrich Adam and Thomas Hoerber -- Blue signs on the road : European Union funding and citizens̕feelings towards membership / Alice Cunha -- EU Common Security and Defence Policy / Simon Sweeney -- Brexit puts spotlight on Irish peace process and complicates potential UK/US trade deal / John Ryan -- Conclusion / Thomas Hoerber, Gabriel Weber and Ignazio Cabras.

The need to build a single European market and to ensure the competitiveness of the community capital markets led to the involvement of European Union in the convergence process taking place on a global level in the realm of financial reporting. This paper is a study on financial reporting for the capital markets in the European Union by analyzing the accounting standards that need to be applied. Specifically, this paper highlights a number of issues concerning: the adoption of IAS / IFRS in the European Union and their compulsory aspect in preparing the consolidated financial statements for the companies listed on a regulated market; the requirement's extension of using the IFRSs adopted in the European Union to the issuers of certain third countries involving a public offer of securities in European Union or performing transactions with securities on a community regulated market; the establish of a mechanism for the determination of equivalence of certain third country accounting standards with IFRSs in force at European level and, consequently, the possibility of using by some third country issuers, in preparing the consolidated financial statements submitted to the European markets, recognized national standards as equivalent to adopted IFRS.

Chapter 1. Energy and Environment Efficiencies Towards Contributing to Global Sustainability -- Chapter 2. A Concise Overview of Energy Development within Sustainability Requirements -- Chapter 3. Aligning Smart City Indicators for Sustainability Outreach: A Case Study -- Chapter 4. Optimal Merging of Transportation System Using Renewable Energy-based Supply for Sustainable Development -- Chapter 5. Smart and Sustainable Township: An Overview -- Chapter 6. An Empirical Analysis of Sustainability Indicators in An Administrative Complex Design from Urban Planning Perspective -- Chapter 7. Distributed Generation Model for Achieving Environmental Scenario: Loss Reduction and Efficiency Improvement -- Chapter 8. Solar Energy Market and Policy Instrument Analysis to Support Sustainable Development -- Chapter 9. Sustaining the Public Transport Network by Adaptation from Monocentric to Polycentric Structure -- Chapter 10. Sustainable Transportation and Mobility System in Kabul City -- Chapter 11. From Consumers to Producers: Energy Efficiency as a Tool for Sustainable Development in the context of Informal Settlements -- Chapter 12. Efficient Use of Energy and Its Impacts on Residential Sector: A Step Towards Sustainable Building. .

Following the enlargement of the Union, new neighbours in Eastern Europe and
the South Caucasus became of great importance for the stability of Europe,
which is why the EU formulated the European Neighbourhood Policy and the
Eastern Partnership. Bearing in mind that Russia views this area as a sphere
of its own influence, its policy has become of great importance as well as
its reactions to the Union?s initiatives in this region. This geopolitical
context of the Eastern Partnership became apparent with the outbreak of the
Ukrainian crisis. In addition to the indicated limits of an often
technocratic approach to the EU, the crisis has clearly shown there is a
conflict of objectives of the European Union and the Russian Federation in
the common neighbourhood and raised the issue of the security and
geopolitical implications of this initiative. Also, the policies and
interests of the European Union and the Russian Federation affect not only
Ukraine but to a greater or lesser extent the development of opportunities
in all other countries involved in the EU's Eastern Partnership - Georgia,
Moldova, Belarus, Armenia, and Azerbaijan.

The Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia, commonly referred to as the Visegrad Four (V4) states, developed friendly relations with several African states both during and after the wave of independence. After the transition from Socialist to democratic systems at the beginning of the 1990s, the focus of the Visegrad countries had shifted to the West. The foreign policies of the V4 mainly focused on the accession to NATO and then to the EU, to the relative neglect of other aspects and regions, including Africa. As one of the conditions for acceding to the European Union (EU) in 2004, the members of the Visegrad group acceded to the EU-Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific Group of States (ACP) Cotonou Partnership Agreement. They also became part of the regular Africa-EU Summits of Heads of State and Government, and became influential actors in the EU's Neighbourhood Policy that covers relations with North Africa as well as with the Central and East European region under the Eastern Partnership (EaP). Discussions on EU-Africa relations strongly emphasise the engagement and interests of certain (founding) EU member states who have traditionally been vocal in this sphere. On the other side, there is a widely spread perception of the V4's lack of interest in Africa. Nevertheless, while facing the recent turmoil induced by the migration crisis, the V4 governments often declare the intention of greater commitment to development cooperation and humanitarian aid, especially in African migrants' countries of origin. This paper discusses the recent engagement of the Visegrad countries in the EU-Africa relations, with a key focus on four main issues (the post-Cotonou mandate negotiations; the southern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy; the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa; and the European Development Fund). Furthermore, it identifies prospects for the Group's future engagement. The Visegrad countries' foreign policy, as well as economic priorities, primarily lie somewhere else and not in Africa. Their focus on the EaP is one of the reasons why the V4 engagement in the shaping of EU-Africa relations has been limited. Since their interests are elsewhere, they try to balance the EU's focus within its external relations. Also, the V4 countries often point to their lack of interests and expertise in this region. Seemingly, there are too many technical and political limitations for a considerable increase of the V4 engagement in Africa in the near future. This paper's findings suggest that the migration crisis indeed reinforced the increasing interest of Visegrad countries in Africa, and to some extent accelerated their engagement – both in this region and in the EU arena. However, the tendency to (re)engage in Africa had been initiated before the migration crisis, and it was a result of higher interest stemming from security concerns and from the desire to diversify economic ties. The overall conclusion of this paper is that the V4 have not managed to effectively translate their joint positions on EU-Africa relations into collective action within the EU. In most of the cases they did not share interests and, in consequence, did not formulate joint positions. This could particularly be observed in the post-Cotonou mandate negotiations. Nevertheless, along with the emergence of the current migration and refugee crisis, a new field for joint engagement of the V4 appeared. Since joint efforts could help to overcome the lack of capacities for greater development cooperation and diplomatic representation, there is now potential for the Visegrad countries cooperation on the ground.