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Based on the experience of the author, an IPE scholar and former trade policy consultant at the World Bank (WB), the book offers an in-depth exploration of the EU-WB relations, conceptualized as hybrid delegation. Coupling cross-time analyses of their interaction in the regions of the Middle East and North Africa, Europe and Central Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa with an original investigation on the coordination among the EU member states at the Executive Board of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development over the 'voice and participation reform' of 2008-2010, the book advances an innovative theoretical framework to assess the EU-WB joint institutional and field policy performances. Augmented PA models of delegation, role theory and performance analyses are engaged, and selectively recombined, to investigate the nature, evolution and impact of the interactions of the two organizations, both in their everyday and constituent politics. Hybrid delegation-in-motion is reconstructed, against the background of post-Washington Consensus and post-Lisbon EU, to unveil the changing division of labour between the two largest development multilaterals of the new global context. The book will be of interest to scholars, students and practitioners in European Politics, Development, International Relations, International Political Economy and Global Economic Governance.

Both the causes and consequences of the economic crisis which can be delimited with the period 2008-2010 (with the main emphasis on 2009, however) and the recov­ery from which started in 2010, probably need to be analysed more thoroughly and in more detail, when the duration of the crisis can be more specifically determined (al­though the main positions are generally known). On the other hand it is necessary to take measures everywhere already today to ensure rational steps with respect to the choice of measures of economic policy and orientations in exiting the economic crisis and in achieving the development, without leading national economies to setbacks or unsuccessful (wrong) directions very soon. This is topical today also for the sake of the future.The objective of this paper is to give a brief overview of the recent developments of the Estonian economy, its actions related to economic policy in overcoming and exiting the economic crisis, and the further orientation and problems (which have often been the reasons for aggravation of the economic recession) in the development of national economy as a EU Member State.This paper has been written based on different evaluations, experience of other countries as it concerns Estonia as well, several research studies in analysing the eco­nomic crisis, author's own positions which are based on official statistics and materials and long-term personal assessments of the economic situation, also on years of working with many students in seminars of different subjects related to economic policy.

This paper explores the domestic and international context of Hungary's emerging international development policy. Specifically, it looks at three factors that may influence how this policy operates: membership in the European Union (EU) and potential 'Europeanization', Hungary's wider foreign policy strategy, and the influence of domestic stakeholders. In order to uncover how these factors affect the country's international development policy, semi-structured interviews were carried out with the main stakeholders. The main conclusions are: (1) While accession to the EU did play a crucial role in restarting Hungary's international development policy, the integration has had little effect since then; (2) international development policy seems to serve mainly Hungary's regional strategic foreign policy and economic interests, and not its global development goals; and (3) although all the domestic development stakeholders are rather weak, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) still seems to play a dominating role. Convergence with European requirements and best practices is, therefore, clearly hindered by foreign policy interests and also by the weakness of non- governmental stakeholders. Adapted from the source document.

Main aim of this paper is to analyse the key points of NZ –EU cooperation focused on the areas of their cooperation, legislative framework providing the fundamental leaving points and the main aspects of the cooperation itself (http://www.mfat.govt.nz). The key questions of the paper are "why is this cooperation important for both the parties?", "what are the EU priorities and New Zealand's interest in such engagement?" as it may be specified as one of examples of successful trans-regional cooperation. The paper gives also an insight into 2004 enlargement and its impacts on the relations. For this purpose, we use term "East and Central European countries", i.e. Central and Eastern European countries (Poland, Slovakia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovenia, and the Czech republic). ; Tomasz Wiskulski

The Institute of Enhanced Cooperation (EnC) was introduced by the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) but it was made more flexible and operational by the Treaty of Lisbon (2007). Its main objective was to overcome the blockages in the law-making process, as well as to strengthen the cooperation among EU member states and deepen the integration process in specific areas. In this paper, the authors examine the institute of enhanced cooperation as a form of flexible and differentiated integration. The authors first present a brief historical overview of the legal regulation of this institute in the provisions of the founding treaties of the EU. Then, they provide an overview of the sources of law adopted within the framework of enhanced cooperation in certain areas of Private International Law, and particularly for the purpose of establishing the European Public Prosecutor's Office. Based on the analysis of a number of legal acts adopted within this institute, the authors draw a conclusion that the institute of enhanced cooperation has only partially justified its contractually defined role. Viewed from the perspective of the legal order of the European Union as a whole, this institute requires special attention due to the particularities of its application, which ultimately entails different solutions in the EU member states on certain issues of particular importance for legal and natural persons in the Union. There is no doubt that this institute provides many opportunities to the EU member states in terms of realizing or deepening their cooperation in certain issues, particularly if it is perceived as a stage on the way to establishing general, common rules for all member states. However, its application may challenge the unity and the integral structure of the EU legal order. It may also be inconsistent with some of the basic EU legal principles which have been continuously strengthened and expanded by the Court of Justice of the EU. Above all, it refers to the principle of unity of the legal order, the principle of prohibition of discrimination on the basis of citizenship, and the principle of legal certainty.

The European Union is an example of regional cooperations that represents regional identity. In the midst of the process of integration and expansion of membership, the European Union has an interest in building good relations with non-member countries in the immediate region, including the Mediterranean. The process of establishing cooperation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries continues to change. The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in 1995 was the place for regional cooperation with most member countries and had a well-structured pillar of cooperation. However, the two entities re-formed a new cooperative platform, The Union for Mediterranean (UfM) in 2008. This study aims to explain why the European Union and Mediterranean countries changed the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) into The Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) in 2008. Using the theory building approach in the Alex Warleigh-Lack regionalism concept, the findings in the research resulted in an answer that EMP has negative values that are not in accordance with the development of the issue so that it becomes a reason for the formation of UfM.

The following article argues that energy security is an extremely important challenge for the countries of the European Union. Economically and democratically weakly-developed countries hold a constant fight, both open and hidden, for preserving and enforcing their energy influence in the world. Russia is the most vivid of such examples. Considering the events in the East of Ukraine, its closest European neighbours – countries of the Visegrad Four Group - should unite their efforts together and re-think their energy policies in terms of security and diversification. Establishing the EU Energy Union might be a solution.

Meeting on January 7, 1952, the Council of OEEC agreed that for January, February and March, Belgium, a constant creditor in the European Payments Union, would receive a maximum of $60 million in gold — a reduction of 25 percent on the previous allowance. This was a partial solution to the problem of Belgium's excess credit position. The Council also recommended that member countries try to increase exports to Belgium and that Belgium increase its imports from them.