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This book provides a systematic history of Sino-Russian relations, a history which is invaluable in forming an understanding of relations between the two nations today. Becoming neighbours in the seventeenth century, their changing relations in peace and war, in isolation, cooperation and confrontation have steadily assumed a greater importance in world politics and become increasingly important to the stability of international relations

ANALYSES THE POSTURE OF ALBANIA TOWARD THE SOVIET UNION AND COMMUNIST CHINA, ITS ROLE IN THE SINO-SOVIET CONFLICT, AS WELL AS ITS ATTITUDE TOWARD THE UNITED STATES. FINDS THAT ALBANIA HAS REMAINED A CLOSE ALLY OF CHINA WHILE CONTINUING TO STRONGLY ATTACK BOTH SOVIET UNION AND THE UNITED STATES. THIS ALLEGIANCE IS GROUNDED IN AN IDEOLOGY SUPPORTING CLASS TRUGGLE AND REVOLUTION.

Australia's future security and prosperity depend on the ability of the Australian government to maintain strong political and economic ties with both the United States and China. The United States, as the world's pre-eminent power, is regarded as the guarantor of Australian security, and as such is Australia's most important ally. The alliance has been strengthened in recent years with Australia enacting the ANZUS agreement for the first time in 50 years after the September 11 terrorist attacks. China, on the other hand, has continued its rapid economic rise, providing abundant opportunities for Australia to capitalise on its prosperity. Australia is well placed to take full advantage of China's increasing prosperity. In April 2005, Premier Wen and the Australian Prime Minister agreed to commence negotiations on an Australia- China Free Trade Agreement, and in 2002 a contract was signed agreeing to supply China with Liquefied Natural Gas over 25 years, worth approximately $25 billion. Although Australia has remarkably good relations with both the United States and China, the Sino-US relationship is fraught with difficulties. There are major tensions over Taiwan, North Korea, America's mounting trade deficit with China, America's network of alliances in the Asia Pacific, China's militarisation, human rights, democracy and the Chinese exchange rate to name a few. Moreover, domestically within the United States and China antagonisms toward one another are high. The argument that China poses a threat to American interests holds high currency in the US, and in China, the perception that America seeks to contain China's 'peaceful rise' is widespread. Although the governments ofboth countries recognise that it is in their national interest to cooperate in the international system, hardline attitudes constantly threaten to derail such efforts. The Sino-US relationship is extremely complex. Clearly Australia has a significant interest in a stable Sino-US relationship. It is therefore vital that Australia is well placed to actively strengthen and maintain its partnerships with the both US and China. Furthermore the government should be prepared to handle raised tensions as a result of pursuing this 'dualtrack' Sino-US foreign policy agenda. If Australia was forced to 'choose' between the American alliance and the fruits of the Chinese economy, there seems little doubt that Australia would side with the United States. This would inevitably damage Australia's fruitful relations with China and may possibly see a marked decline in the country's economic prosperity.At present Sino-US relations are pleasant, largely because they remain in the shadow of the 'war against terror', and although it is unlikely that Sino-US relations would ever deteriorate into full-blown hostilities, serious tensions are constantly present just below the surface. The Sino-Australian-US relationship may be more difficult to manage in the future. In the immediate future the question is weather the current atmosphere can be maintained or weather underlying concerns on both sides will become more predominant. Australia needs to take an active role in ensuring that Sino-US tensions do not have an adverse effect on its relationship with the United States or China. It is imperative that the Australian government takes the initiative on Sino-Australian-US relations. It needs a better-defined and articulated policy that doesn ' t just hope for the best, one that actively seeks to minimise the potential for misunderstanding and hostilities between the US and China. Only then will Australia minimise the chances of becoming the first casualty of Sino-US hostilities.

The peak in Sino-Soviet trade was reached in 1958-1959, when it accounted for half of China's total trade. It declined heavily in 1960-1962, as did China's trade with Eastern Europe. The decline reflected China's economic crisis as well as the Sino-Soviet conflict. Apart from the recall of Soviet experts in 1960, there is no clear evidence of overt So viet economic warfare. The Soviet Union exerted severe eco nomic pressure, but did so in the businesslike guise of cutting exports to China, in response to China's reduced ability to pay. However, the Soviet Union has tempered this closefisted atti tude with a few semicharitable gestures. Commercial rela tions, although visibly strained by the political dispute, have remained formally correct. But the collapse of China's trade with the bloc, the severe curtailment of imports other than grain from the West in 1961-1963, and poor prospects of ob taining long-term credits in the West have deprived China of the opportunities she had prior to 1960 of harnessing foreign trade to the needs of her industrialization drive. Peking's all- round intransigence, for the time being, makes China virtually the only underdeveloped country not receiving economic aid from any source.

The current stage of Sino-Iranian relations is characterized by a high level of economic cooperation. Its key elements are the spheres of energy and infrastructure construction, including that within the framework of China's Belt and Road Initiative. It is noteworthy that cooperation has shown relevance and strong efforts to maintain ties through complicating cooperation mechanisms, despite the drop in trade based official figures under sanctions pressure. This article attempts to distinguish specific mechanisms of Sino-Iranian economic cooperation and trace their transformation under the sanctions. At the same time, the specific mechanisms of cooperation have differed depending on the level of sanctions pressure. Along with the last round of US policy tightening towards Iran in 2019-2020 Sino-Iranian cooperation has acquired a more cautious character, but has not been curtailed at all. First of all, the intermediaries' network involved in trade accounts and supplies has become even more complicated. In addition, building new business relationships has focused around narrow-profile platforms and funds that organize relevant events. The article contains a detailed analysis of cooperation cases between companies and specialized institutions of China and Iran in various industries The experience gained by China in building mechanisms for cooperation with the sanctioned Iran can partly be applied in relations with Russia. Relations between China and Russia are entering a new phase and will be transforming. Relevant practices can be primarily used when developing mechanisms for foreign trade accounts, taking into account the effect of existing restrictions and the risks of secondary sanctions for Chinese companies.

For years, China and the United States have clashed on various issues, including trade, technology and the South China Sea. Strategic competition between the two superpowers had intensified under the Donald Trump administration, leading to worsening Sino–American bilateral relations. These tensions created resentment on both sides that influenced the respective country's policies across a range of issues and led to a new phase of the conflict that some strategists had already characterised as a new Cold War.

ABSTRACTChinese investments into Europe have been growing prodigiously in the past decade and are increasingly the subject of controversy. However, while a lot of empirical data and analysis are available on the flows and stocks of these investments, we still know very little about the loci of corporate power and control behind them. This article focuses on a domain where substantive power of decision making and control regarding these investments lies: corporate boards. The key aim is to assess how Chinese boards are relating to the existing European corporate elite networks by analysing the extent and nature of Sino–European corporate board interlocking by China's largest firms as a particular networking mode. Based on business listings and databases, and applying social network analysis in combination with qualitative analysis, the article highlights the contours of an emerging Sino–European corporate elite, revealing under‐exposed areas of ongoing Sino–European collaboration whilst at the same time indicating a sphere of potential influence by Chinese business elites at the top of Europe's corporations.

The article analyses the sino-american insecurity perceptions arguing that a more strategically stable relationship, although difficult to accomplish, is not impossible to achieve. What seems to lack in the bilateral dialogue is an integrative and comprehensive concept of interaction -- yet to materialize -- capable of incorporating common concepts which necessary to deal with the growing complexity and multiplicity of the political, economic, military and technological challenges envisioned. The conciliation of these two versions of exceptionalism is the greatest challenge to the bilateral relationship in the 21st century. Adapted from the source document.

It is the author's contention that there is a trend towards detente or rapprochement in the relations between China and the USSR, and that for all practical purposes Sino-Soviet relations are normalised already, of all places, in Southeast Asia. He points out that this process of normalisation seems to have attained its own uncontainable momentum, and the trend towards detente seems irreversible. (DÜI-Sen)

"With contributors from different generations of the Chinese-speaking world, the book addresses the relevance of Paul Tillich's thought in the Chinese cultural-political contexts. Appropriating and transforming different themes of Tillich's thought in the Chinese context, the contributors reframe the dialogue with Buddhism and Confucianism, religion and science, and religion and politics under the interpretation of Tillich's ideas. The thought-provoking essays examine the intellectual potentiality or further contribution of Paul Tillich's ideas in Sino-Christian Theology. The book will be of interest to scholars and postgraduate students studying Paul Tillich's thought, Chinese theology and East-west religious dialogues"--