Suchergebnisse

Benessere delle popolazioni, gestione sostenibile delle risorse, povertà e degrado ambientale sono dei concetti fortemente connessi in un mondo in cui il 20% della popolazione mondiale consuma più del 75% delle risorse naturali. Sin dal 1992 al Summit della Terra a Rio de Janeiro si è affermato il forte legame tra tutela dell'ambiente e riduzione della povertà, ed è anche stata riconosciuta l'importanza di un ecosistema sano per condurre una vita dignitosa, specialmente nelle zone rurali povere dell'Africa, dell'Asia e dell'America Latina. La natura infatti, soprattutto per le popolazioni rurali, rappresenta un bene quotidiano e prezioso, una forma essenziale per la sussistenza ed una fonte primaria di reddito. Accanto a questa constatazione vi è anche la consapevolezza che negli ultimi decenni gli ecosistemi naturali si stanno degradando ad un ritmo impressionate, senza precedenti nella storia della specie umana: consumiamo le risorse più velocemente di quanto la Terra sia capace di rigenerarle e di "metabolizzare" i nostri scarti. Allo stesso modo aumenta la povertà: attualmente ci sono 1,2 miliardi di persone che vivono con meno di un dollaro al giorno, mentre circa metà della popolazione mondiale sopravvive con meno di due dollari al giorno (UN). La connessione tra povertà ed ambiente non dipende solamente dalla scarsità di risorse che rende più difficili le condizioni di vita, ma anche dalla gestione delle stesse risorse naturali. Infatti in molti paesi o luoghi dove le risorse non sono carenti la popolazione più povera non vi ha accesso per motivi politici, economici e sociali. Inoltre se si paragona l'impronta ecologica con una misura riconosciuta dello "sviluppo umano", l'Indice dello Sviluppo Umano (HDI) delle Nazioni Unite (Cfr. Cap 2), il rapporto dimostra chiaramente che ciò che noi accettiamo generalmente come "alto sviluppo" è molto lontano dal concetto di sviluppo sostenibile accettato universalmente, in quanto i paesi cosiddetti "sviluppati" sono quelli con una maggior impronta ecologica. Se allora lo "sviluppo" mette sotto pressione gli ecosistemi, dal cui benessere dipende direttamente il benessere dell'uomo, allora vuol dire che il concetto di "sviluppo" deve essere rivisitato, perché ha come conseguenza non il benessere del pianeta e delle popolazioni, ma il degrado ambientale e l'accrescimento delle disuguaglianze sociali. Quindi da una parte vi è la "società occidentale", che promuove l'avanzamento della tecnologia e dell'industrializzazione per la crescita economica, spremendo un ecosistema sempre più stanco ed esausto al fine di ottenere dei benefici solo per una ristretta fetta della popolazione mondiale che segue un modello di vita consumistico degradando l'ambiente e sommergendolo di rifiuti; dall'altra parte ci sono le famiglie di contadini rurali, i "moradores" delle favelas o delle periferie delle grandi metropoli del Sud del Mondo, i senza terra, gli immigrati delle baraccopoli, i "waste pickers" delle periferie di Bombay che sopravvivono raccattando rifiuti, i profughi di guerre fatte per il controllo delle risorse, gli sfollati ambientali, gli eco-rifugiati, che vivono sotto la soglia di povertà, senza accesso alle risorse primarie per la sopravvivenza. La gestione sostenibile dell'ambiente, il produrre reddito dalla valorizzazione diretta dell'ecosistema e l'accesso alle risorse naturali sono tra gli strumenti più efficaci per migliorare le condizioni di vita degli individui, strumenti che possono anche garantire la distribuzione della ricchezza costruendo una società più equa, in quanto le merci ed i servizi dell'ecosistema fungono da beni per le comunità. La corretta gestione dell'ambiente e delle risorse quindi è di estrema importanza per la lotta alla povertà ed in questo caso il ruolo e la responsabilità dei tecnici ambientali è cruciale. Il lavoro di ricerca qui presentato, partendo dall'analisi del problema della gestione delle risorse naturali e dal suo stretto legame con la povertà, rivisitando il concetto tradizionale di "sviluppo" secondo i nuovi filoni di pensiero, vuole suggerire soluzioni e tecnologie per la gestione sostenibile delle risorse naturali che abbiano come obiettivo il benessere delle popolazioni più povere e degli ecosistemi, proponendo inoltre un metodo valutativo per la scelta delle alternative, soluzioni o tecnologie più adeguate al contesto di intervento. Dopo l'analisi dello "stato del Pianeta" (Capitolo 1) e delle risorse, sia a livello globale che a livello regionale, il secondo Capitolo prende in esame il concetto di povertà, di Paese in Via di Sviluppo (PVS), il concetto di "sviluppo sostenibile" e i nuovi filoni di pensiero: dalla teoria della Decrescita, al concetto di Sviluppo Umano. Dalla presa di coscienza dei reali fabbisogni umani, dall'analisi dello stato dell'ambiente, della povertà e delle sue diverse facce nei vari paesi, e dalla presa di coscienza del fallimento dell'economia della crescita (oggi visibile più che mai) si può comprendere che la soluzione per sconfiggere la povertà, il degrado dell'ambiente, e raggiungere lo sviluppo umano, non è il consumismo, la produzione, e nemmeno il trasferimento della tecnologia e l'industrializzazione; ma il "piccolo e bello" (F. Schumacher, 1982), ovvero gli stili di vita semplici, la tutela degli ecosistemi, e a livello tecnologico le "tecnologie appropriate". Ed è proprio alle Tecnologie Appropriate a cui sono dedicati i Capitoli successivi (Capitolo 4 e Capitolo 5). Queste sono tecnologie semplici, a basso impatto ambientale, a basso costo, facilmente gestibili dalle comunità, tecnologie che permettono alle popolazioni più povere di avere accesso alle risorse naturali. Sono le tecnologie che meglio permettono, grazie alle loro caratteristiche, la tutela dei beni comuni naturali, quindi delle risorse e dell'ambiente, favorendo ed incentivando la partecipazione delle comunità locali e valorizzando i saperi tradizionali, grazie al coinvolgimento di tutti gli attori, al basso costo, alla sostenibilità ambientale, contribuendo all'affermazione dei diritti umani e alla salvaguardia dell'ambiente. Le Tecnologie Appropriate prese in esame sono quelle relative all'approvvigionamento idrico e alla depurazione dell'acqua tra cui: - la raccolta della nebbia, - metodi semplici per la perforazione di pozzi, - pompe a pedali e pompe manuali per l'approvvigionamento idrico, - la raccolta dell'acqua piovana, - il recupero delle sorgenti, - semplici metodi per la depurazione dell'acqua al punto d'uso (filtro in ceramica, filtro a sabbia, filtro in tessuto, disinfezione e distillazione solare). Il quinto Capitolo espone invece le Tecnolocie Appropriate per la gestione dei rifiuti nei PVS, in cui sono descritte: - soluzioni per la raccolta dei rifiuti nei PVS, - soluzioni per lo smaltimento dei rifiuti nei PVS, - semplici tecnologie per il riciclaggio dei rifiuti solidi. Il sesto Capitolo tratta tematiche riguardanti la Cooperazione Internazionale, la Cooperazione Decentrata e i progetti di Sviluppo Umano. Per progetti di sviluppo si intende, nell'ambito della Cooperazione, quei progetti che hanno come obiettivi la lotta alla povertà e il miglioramento delle condizioni di vita delle comunità beneficiarie dei PVS coinvolte nel progetto. All'interno dei progetti di cooperazione e di sviluppo umano gli interventi di tipo ambientale giocano un ruolo importante, visto che, come già detto, la povertà e il benessere delle popolazioni dipende dal benessere degli ecosistemi in cui vivono: favorire la tutela dell'ambiente, garantire l'accesso all'acqua potabile, la corretta gestione dei rifiuti e dei reflui nonché l'approvvigionamento energetico pulito sono aspetti necessari per permettere ad ogni individuo, soprattutto se vive in condizioni di "sviluppo", di condurre una vita sana e produttiva. È importante quindi, negli interventi di sviluppo umano di carattere tecnico ed ambientale, scegliere soluzioni decentrate che prevedano l'adozione di Tecnologie Appropriate per contribuire a valorizzare l'ambiente e a tutelare la salute della comunità. I Capitoli 7 ed 8 prendono in esame i metodi per la valutazione degli interventi di sviluppo umano. Un altro aspetto fondamentale che rientra nel ruolo dei tecnici infatti è l'utilizzo di un corretto metodo valutativo per la scelta dei progetti possibili che tenga presente tutti gli aspetti, ovvero gli impatti sociali, ambientali, economici e che si cali bene alle realtà svantaggiate come quelle prese in considerazione in questo lavoro; un metodo cioè che consenta una valutazione specifica per i progetti di sviluppo umano e che possa permettere l'individuazione del progetto/intervento tecnologico e ambientale più appropriato ad ogni contesto specifico. Dall'analisi dei vari strumenti valutativi si è scelto di sviluppare un modello per la valutazione degli interventi di carattere ambientale nei progetti di Cooperazione Decentrata basato sull'Analisi Multi Criteria e sulla Analisi Gerarchica. L'oggetto di questa ricerca è stato quindi lo sviluppo di una metodologia, che tramite il supporto matematico e metodologico dell'Analisi Multi Criteria, permetta di valutare l'appropriatezza, la sostenibilità degli interventi di Sviluppo Umano di carattere ambientale, sviluppati all'interno di progetti di Cooperazione Internazionale e di Cooperazione Decentrata attraverso l'utilizzo di Tecnologie Appropriate. Nel Capitolo 9 viene proposta la metodologia, il modello di calcolo e i criteri su cui si basa la valutazione. I successivi capitoli (Capitolo 10 e Capitolo 11) sono invece dedicati alla sperimentazione della metodologia ai diversi casi studio: - "Progetto ambientale sulla gestione dei rifiuti presso i campi Profughi Saharawi", Algeria, - "Programa 1 milhão de Cisternas, P1MC" e - "Programa Uma Terra e Duas Águas, P1+2", Semi Arido brasiliano.

Este documento titulado "Consideración del subsuelo en el ordenamiento territorial" es una propuesta metodológica para la gestión del ordenamiento territorial de las regiones, haciendo énfasis en el subsuelo. Se demuestra como éste ocupa un papel determinante dentro de los criterios de construcción de propuestas, escenarios y finalmente en el desarrollo humano. Tres casos de estudios son desarrollados. Se tienen varias metodologías e infinidad de casos dentro del estado del arte que se revisó para el ordenamiento territorial. Mucho de lo reportado hace hincapié en lo urbano, turístico, económico, legal, político, cultural, entre muchas variables. Sin embargo, el subsuelo, la geología, los recursos minerales y las restricciones naturales allí presentes, son poco considerados en la mayoría de planes, metodologías y sobre todo en los casos de estudio. Esas son razones para proponer una metodología que haga énfasis en el subsuelo y que no solo se quede en lo conceptual, sino que se muestre con ejemplos concretos. El subsuelo estaría conformado por los recursos minerales e hídricos subterráneos, y también por las restricciones naturales, como la sismicidad, los volcanes, y deslizamientos, entre otros. Ello a su vez tiene implicaciones con la edafología, con las geoformas, con la geografía, con lo biótico (flora y fauna) y lo antrópico (poblacionales, educación, salud y cultura). Así que podría evidenciarse que considerar el subsuelo es fundamental dentro de cualquier proceso de ordenamiento del territorio. El subsuelo debería estar siempre presente dentro de las variables a considerar, ya que representa el largo plazo. El hecho de que algunos proyectos, ciudades, y regiones hayan sido planificados u ordenados sin considerar el subsuelo, y no hayan tenido incidentes, no quiere decir que sean correctos. Se tiene el caso de ciudades o regiones planificadas que después de varias décadas han sido arrasadas por deslizamientos, flujo de lodos, actividad sísmica, o simplemente no dispongan de materiales para la construcción, agua para consumo o energía. El propósito de este documento es el de presentar una metodología de ordenamiento territorial integral, holística, soportada en el subsuelo, que involucre diversos componentes y variables como el medio físico, biótico y antrópico. En la metodología se presenta un dimensionamiento de cómo las diferentes variables puede ser medidas, correlacionadas e integradas jerárquicamente con el fin de ir construyendo indicadores del geopotencial, biopotencial y el sociopotencial. Posteriormente se puede estimar la capacidad de acogida de un territorio frente a diferentes usos y a sus potenciales. Se van generando indicadores integrados frente a los diferentes conflictos ambientales y con los conocimientos de las personas que intervienen en los procesos de planificación y desarrollo, se pueden construir diferentes escenarios de ordenamiento territorial. La metodología se aplica para tres regiones en Colombia. La primera es una región de carácter amplio y diverso en cuanto a los aspectos geográficos, humanos y culturales, como lo es el Departamento de Cundinamarca, con más de 20 mil km2 de área, donde el componente físico tiene una mayor consideración. Un segundo caso es considerado a nivel más local, donde los diferentes componentes del sistema son tratados, haciendo énfasis en lo social y cultural hasta construir escenarios de desarrollo a nivel del municipio de La Peña, Y el tercer caso, es una propuesta para el ordenamiento de la minería de arcillas en la ciudad de Bogotá, donde se trata de racionalizar el uso del recurso mineral, haciéndolo en las zonas con mayor potencialidad y sin tanta dispersión en el territorio, haciéndolo compatible con otras demandas de uso del suelo principalmente. En los tres casos se parte de información del territorio, se estiman los diferentes potenciales y las restricciones, se determinan las capacidades de acogida, involucrando los diferentes actores, comunidades, políticos, y profesionales interdisciplinarios; además, se proponen diferentes escenarios de ordenamiento territorial, acorde con principios de alto consumo, de conservación o de sostenibilidad de la naturaleza. Esta metodología presenta algunas limitaciones y requiere ciertos ajustes para que tenga un mayor impacto en la sociedad civil; las limitaciones son más que todo de carácter político, ya que por más planteamientos objetivos que se hagan, la toma de decisiones está influenciada por los sentimientos, las presiones, los compromisos, y el ego. Sin embargo, se espera que esta contribución mas técnica desde las geociencias y los recursos naturales tenga una mayor relevancia en el desarrollo de la comunidad humana mundial. / Abstract: This untitled document "Consideration of subsoil in the land use planning" is a methodological proposal for the regional management and planning for the regions with emphasis on the subsoil. It is demonstrated how subsoil has an important role when is used as a criteria to construct proposals, scenarios and human development. Three study cases are analyzed. There are several methodologies and infinity cases according to revised state of the art. Most of the reported does emphasis in urban, tourism, economy, legal and cultural among many variables. However subsoil, geology, mineral resources and natural hazards are few considered in most of plans, methodologies and study cases. These are reasons to propose a methodology with main emphasis in the subsoil, not only in conceptual terms, but with concrete equations and examples. Subsoil could be conformed by the mineral and groundwater resources and by the natural restrictions, such as the seismicity, volcanoes and landslides. AH of these features have also some implications into the edaphology, geoforms, geography, biota (flora and fauna) and the anthropogenic matters (population, education, health and culture). In this way, the subsoil is a fundamental aspect in any territorial management process. Subsoil should be included within the set of variables to be considered. It represents de long term. The fact than some projects, cities and regions have been planned and ordered without considering the subsoil and any incident has occurred; does not mean that this is correct. In spite of the previous considerations, the cases of planned cities or regions are know, and after several decades have been devastated by landslides, floods, seismic activity, or simply they do not have building materials, water to consumption or energy. The purpose of this document is to show an integral, holistic methodology based in the subsoil, whose involve several and diverse components and variables such as the environment, biota and anthropogenic. The methodology shows a background of how the different variables can be measured, correlated and integrated hierarchically with the purpose of build indicators of the geopotential, biopotential and sociopotential. Subsequent, the carrying capacity of the territory for the different uses and to their potentials can be estimated. Integral indicators commence to be generated to respect of the different environmental conflicts and with the knowledge of the people who takes part in the processes of planning and development, different scenarios of environmental land use planning may be constructed. The methodology is applied for three regions in Colombia. First region is of huge and diverse character in the geographic, human and cultural aspects, as the Department of Cundinamarca, with and area more than 20.000 km2, in which the physical component has a greater relevance. A second case is considered as a local level, which the different components of the system are treated, making emphasis in the social and cultural matters to construct scenario of development in the La Peña municipality. The third case is a proposal for the ordering of the clay mining in the city of Bogotá, to rationalize the use of the mineral resource, doing it in the zones with greater potentiality and without much dispersion in the territory, doing it compatible with other use demands of the soil. The existent information of the territory is used for the three cases. The different potentials and restrictions are assessed, the carrying capacity is also determined, involving the different actors, such as the communities, politicians, and interdisciplinary professionals. Different scenarios of land use planning are proposed, according to the high consumption, conservation or sustainability principles for the nature. This methodology presents some limitations and requires certain adjustments to have a greater impact in the civil society. The limitations are mainly of the political character, because besides to many clear proposals, the decision making is influenced by the feelings, the pressures, the commitments, and the ego. Nevertheless, it is hope that this technical contribution from the geosciences and natural resources has a greater relevance in the development of the world-wide human community. ; Doctorado

La ostricultura en el Noroeste de México se desarrolló exitosamente, a partir de la introducción del ostión Japonés Crassostrea gigas, a la Bahía de San Quintín, Baja California en 1973. Para 1980 el cultivo ya se había extendido a los estados de Sonora, Baja California Sur, Sinaloa y Nayarit. La producción alcanzó su máximo nivel (3,282 Tm) en 1995. Lamentablemente, en 1997 hubo mortalidades masivas que afectaron entre el 60% y el 90% de los ostiones en toda la región. La producción disminuyó a 735 Tm en 1999. Desde entonces, las mortalidades han seguido ocurriendo sin que se haya determinado la causa de las mismas. Ante tal situación, el objetivo de ésta tesis fue conocer los agentes patógenos asociados a las mortalidades del ostión C. gigas, cultivado en el Noroeste de México. Para tal efecto, se realizaron recolectas de ostiones en diferentes estadios de desarrollo en los estados de Baja California, Sonora y Sinaloa a partir del 2000 durante episodios de mortalidades. Para la recolecta, se contó con ayuda de productores y del Comité de Sanidad Acuícola del Estado de Sonora. Se realizaron análisis en fresco del cuerpo blando de los ostiones, así como análisis bacteriológicos, histopatológicos, ultraestructurales por microscopía electrónica de transmisión (MET) y para la identificación de parásitos por medio de ácidos nucleicos (Reacción en Cadena la Polimerasa o PCR). Los resultados mostraron la presencia de diversos parásitos y alteraciones histológicas que fueron clasificadas de acuerdo con su patogenicidad. Se encontraron metazoarios con prevalencias promedio del 20% en tejido conectivo, glándula digestiva y folículos reproductivos. También se encontraron metacercarias y cercarias de trematodos en diferentes tejidos del hospedero sin evidencias patológicas de importancia y con prevalencias del 10%. En cuanto a protistas, se encontraron ciliados parecidos a Ancistrocoma spp. en la glándula digestiva sin evidencia de alteraciones histopatológicas relevantes y con prevalencias muy bajas (10%). También se encontraron Trichodina spp. que fueron aún más escasas. Hacia finales del estudio se encontró un protozoario en fase de esporulación parecido a Marteilia spp. (agente causal de la Marteiliosis, enfermedad letal en Ostrea edulis y Saccostrea glomerata). Sin embargo, su morfología a nivel histológico y su identificación molecular (PCR) no dieron resultados concluyentes. Por lo que se denominó Protozoario Esporulado X (PEX) en tanto se define su identidad y su potencial patogénico. Se aislaron bacterias del género Aeromonas no reconocidas como patógenas para C. gigas, además de una colonia no identificada de lento crecimiento. Los análisis en fresco e histopatológicos revelaron la presencia de erosiones branquiales de leves a severas en ostiones juveniles y adultos con prevalencias cercanas al 100% en toda la zona de estudio. Las alteraciones a nivel histopatológico, tales como, infiltración hemocitaria, picnosis y zonas necróticas sugieren una posible relación con las mortalidades observadas. El análisis por MET del tejido branquial erosionado, demostró la presencia de virus identificados como Herpesvirus. El análisis por PCR de tejidos erosionados y normales en semilla y juveniles resultó positivo al Herpesvirus del ostión (OsHV). El Herpesvirus del ostión es un agente patógeno de C. gigas y de otros bivalvos que causa mortalidades importantes en semilla y juveniles y está considerado por la legislación sanitaria nacional como sujeto a certificación. Si bien su asociación con las erosiones branquiales no es clara, su presencia y patogenicidad lo asocian con episodios de mortalidad de C. gigas, al menos en semilla y juveniles y requiere de control sanitario. El agente patógeno o condiciones ambientales asociadas a las erosiones branquiales descritas aún deben ser determinados. Se confirmó la presencia de lesiones histológicas asociadas a virus de la hipertrofia gametocítica viral, agente patógeno no considerado como causante de mortalidades masivas, lo que coincidió con su escasa prevalencia en este estudio. La carga parasitaria encontrada, amplía los registros conocidos de parásitos del ostión Japonés en México y presenta a otro que podría ser una variedad o una forma atípica de Marteilia sp o aún otra especie denominada PEX, en tanto se define o corrobora su identidad. También es posible asociar al herpesvirus y las erosiones branquiales con las mortalidades masivas ocurridas en el Noroeste de México y contribuir al entendimiento de estos episodios de mortalidad desde el punto de vista parasitológico. Finalmente se hacen algunas sugerencias sanitarias a los productores y autoridades sanitarias. Indudablemente la posible sinergia entre la carga parasitaria y las condiciones ambientales debe ser motivo de estudios posteriores. ; Oyster farming in Northwest, México, was successfully developed before the introduction of the Japanese oyster Crassostrea gigas in Bahía San Quintín Baja California in 1973. In the 80´s the culture of Japanese oysters was spread in the states of Baja California, Sonora, Sinaloa and Nayarit, his maximum production (3,282 metric tons) were reached in 1995. Unfortunately, in 1997, mass mortalities occurred affecting between 60% and 90% of the production. For 1999, the production decreased to 735 metric tons. These mortalities had continued up to date without knowing the causal factors. Then, the objective of this thesis was to determine the pathogen agents associate to the mortalities found in the Northwest of Mexico. Then, since 2000, different developmental stages of oysters were collected during the mortality period from the states of Baja California, Sonora and Sinaloa. This task was supported by the producers and Comité de Sanidad Acuícola from Sonora. After collection, gross examination of fresh flesh was carried out. Different analysis such as bacteriological and histopathological analysis was performed. Beside gross examination, a fine examination using transmittance electron microscopy (TEM) was performed. Specific molecular analyses using the polymerase chain reaction (PCR) were performed to detect the pathogens. The results showed presence of different parasites and histological abnormalities, which were classified according to their pathogenic effect. Metazoaries, supposedly copepods and acarus, (20% average prevalence) were found causing moderated lesions in connective tissue, digestive tract and reproductive follicles. Also, it was found metacercaries and cercaries of trematodes (punctual prevalence of 10%) in different tissues of the host without evidence of important pathological abnormalities. Protists (ciliates Ancistrocoma-like) were found in the digestive tract without relevant evidences of histophatological alterations and with low prevalence (10%). The Trichodinas spp. were the lest. At the end of this study, it was found a protozoan in apparent phase of sporulation similar to Marteilia sp. This organism is the causal agent of the Marteiliosis, which is the disease that causes mortalities on Ostrea edulis y Saccostrea glomerata. However, its morphological and molecular identification as Marteilia sp were not conclusive. Thus, this parasite was called Sporulated Protozoary X (PEX) until its identification and pathogenicity be determined. Bacteria from genus Aeromonas were isolated. These bacteria are not recognized as pathogens for C. gigas. A non-identified colony containing bacteria of slow growth was also isolated. The gross examination and histopathological analyses showed the presence of gill erosions from slight to severe in juveniles and adults with a prevalence near to 100% in all the study area. The histopathological alterations such as hemocitary infiltration, picnosis, and necrotic zones indicated a possible relationship with the mortalities observed. The analyses of eroded gill tissue by TEM showed presence of Herpesvirus. This virus was corroborated by PCR. Samples from normal or erosioned tissue belonging to seed and juvenile oysters were positive for oyster Herpesvirus (OsHV). This virus is and pathogen agent of C. gigas and other bivalves, which cause important mortalities in seed and juveniles and it is considered by the national sanitary legislation as an organism subject to certification. Although its association to gill erosions is not clear, its presence and recognized pathogenicity can be associated to mortalities of seed and juveniles of C. gigas. Thus, a sanitary control is required. The pathogen agent or environmental conditions associated to the gill erosions described above need to be determined. Lesions associated to the virus causing the gametocytic hypertrophy were corroborated by histological examination. This virus is not considered the pathogen agent causing the massive mortalities, which agree with its scarce and low prevalence. The results about the parasite load increased the known register of parasites of the Japanese oyster in México and included an atypical description of Marteilia sp. or a different parasite (PEX). This study allows us to associate OsHV-1, and gill erosions with mass mortalities occurring in Northwest of México. Also, this study contributes to understand the oyster mortalities since the point of view of the parasitological. Finally, this study gives sanitary suggestions, which can contribute to the enhancement of the oyster industry in México. Future studies should address the possible synergy between the parasite load and the environmental conditions

Las principales tendencias asociadas con la crisis económica, la reestructuración neoliberal y el aumento de las tasas de pobreza rural en Latinoamérica incluyen una diversificación constante de las estrategias de generación de ingresos de los hogares rurales, un incremento en el número de miembros de esos hogares que buscan empleo fuera de la finca, y la creciente participación de las mujeres de las áreas rurales como trabajadoras tanto por cuenta propia como asalariadas en el sector agrícola y en otros sectores. Si bien persisten problemas metodológicos al analizar los cambios en el trabajo de las mujeres de las áreas rurales con el transcurso del tiempo, la tendencia dominante en la región en los últimos decenios ha sido la feminización de la agricultura. El crecimiento del empleo remunerado de las mujeres en el sector agrícola se ha concentrado en el sector de exportación agrícola no-tradicional—sector favorecido por el neoliberalismo—, concretamente en la producción y el envasado de verduras, frutas y flores frescas para los mercados del Norte, lo que actualmente constituye la rama principal de exportación agrícola de Latinoamérica. En muchos países, las mujeres y los niños representan al menos la mitad de la mano de obra para estos cultivos, mientras que las mujeres constituyen la gran mayoría de los trabajadores en las envasadoras orientadas a la exportación. Sin embargo, las características de este empleo, principalmente su naturaleza temporal, estacional y precaria, han dificultado su captación cuantitativa en los censos nacionales y en las encuestas por hogares. En este ensayo se analiza el papel que desempeñan los mercados de trabajo segmentados por género en el incremento de la demanda de mano de obra femenina, y la importancia que reviste para el empoderamiento de las mujeres su creciente participación en el empleo remunerado. También se ha comprobado, en algunos países más que en otros, que la producción parcelaria ha experimentado una feminización, ya que cada vez más mujeres rurales se convierten en las agricultoras principales—es decir, en trabajadoras por cuenta propia del sector agrícola. Este fenómeno se asocia con el aumento del número de familias encabezadas por mujeres; con la ausencia de mano de obra masculina en el sector agrícola, a su vez relacionada con la creciente migración y/o empleo de los hombres en actividades no agrícolas; y con la viabilidad cada vez menor de la agricultura familiar en el marco del neoliberalismo. Es evidente que el principal factor que impulsa estas tendencias es la necesidad que tienen los hogares rurales de diversificar sus fuentes de subsistencia. La escasez creciente de tierras, las crisis económicas y las políticas desfavorables para la agricultura familiar constituyen una combinación de factores que han conducido a que los hogares campesinos ya no puedan sustentarse únicamente a través de la producción agrícola. La respuesta a la crisis de la agricultura familiar ha sido el aumento del número de miembros de los hogares que buscan un empleo fuera de la finca. Que éstos sean hombres, mujeres, o ambos, depende de muchos factores; entre los más importantes destacan la composición del hogar y la fase del ciclo familiar, así como el dinamismo y las características de genero de los mercados de trabajo locales, regionales e internacionales. / ; The main trends associated with the economic crisis, neoliberal restructuring, and the growth of rural poverty rates in Latin America include a continued diversification of rural household income-generating strategies, an increase in the number of household members seeking off-farm employment, and the increased participation of rural women as both own-account and wage workers in the agricultural as well as non-agricultural sectors. While methodological problems persist in analysing changes in rural women's work over time, the dominant trend in the region over the past several decades has been towards the feminization of agriculture. The growth in women's agricultural wage employment has been concentrated in the non-traditional agro-export sector favoured under neoliberalism: specifically, in the production and packing of fresh vegetables, fruits and flowers for Northern markets, what now constitutes Latin America's leading agricultural export rubric. In many countries women and children make up half or more of the field labour for these crops, while women constitute the vast majority of the workers in the packing houses geared to the export market. Nonetheless, the characteristics of this employment, principally its temporary, seasonal and precarious nature, have made it difficult to capture quantitatively in national censuses and household surveys. The essay analyses the role of gender-segmented labour markets in increasing the demand for female labour, as well as the significance of women's increased participation in wage labour for female empowerment. There is also evidence, stronger for some countries than others, of a feminization of smallholder production, as growing numbers of rural women become the principal farmers—that is, own-account workers in agriculture. This phenomenon is associated with an increase in the proportion of rural female household heads; male absence from the farm, in turn related to growing male migration and/or employment in off-farm pursuits; and the decreased viability of peasant farming under neoliberalism. There is little question that the principal factor driving these trends is the need for rural households to diversify their livelihoods. The combination of growing land shortage, economic crises and unfavourable policies for domestic agriculture has meant that peasant households can no longer sustain themselves on the basis of agricultural production alone. The response to the crisis of peasant agriculture has been an increase in the number of rural household members pursuing off-farm activities. Whether these are male, female, or include both genders, depends on a myriad of factors, with household composition and the stage of the domestic cycle, and the dynamism and gendered nature of local, regional and international labour markets, being among the most important. / ; Les ménages ruraux ne cessent de diversifier leurs stratégies de création de revenus. Cette diversification, l'augmentation du nombre des membres du ménage cherchant un emploi hors de l'exploitation familiale et des femmes rurales travaillant à leur compte ou comme salariées dans l'agriculture et d'autres secteurs sont parmi les principales tendances associées à la crise économique, à la restructuration néolibérale et à la montée des taux de pauvreté dans les zones rurales d'Amérique latine. Bien qu'il soit toujours difficile, du fait de problèmes méthodologiques, d'analyser l'évolution du travail des femmes rurales sur une certaine durée, la tendance qui domine dans la région depuis plusieurs décennies est celle de la féminisation de l'agriculture. Les emplois salariés féminins dans l'agriculture se sont surtout développés dans le secteur des exportations agricoles non traditionnelles que privilégie le néolibéralisme: en particulier dans la production et le conditionnement des produits frais—légumes, fruits et fleurs—pour les marchés du Nord, qui sont actuellement les principales exportations agricoles de l'Amérique latine. Dans bien des pays, les femmes et les enfants représentent la moitié, sinon plus, de la main-d'oeuvre employée aux champs pour ces cultures, et la grande majorité des employés affectés au conditionnement pour les marchés d'exportation sont des femmes. Cependant, du fait de la nature de ces emplois, surtout de leur caractère temporaire et saisonnier et de leur précarité, il est difficile d'en évaluer le nombre à partir des recensements nationaux et des enquêtes auprès des ménages. Dans cet essai, l'auteur analyse dans quelle mesure les marchés du travail segmentés par sexe contribuent à faire augmenter la demande de main-d'oeuvre féminine, et se demande quelle importance revêt l'activité salariée, en augmentation chez les femmes, pour leur autonomisation. Des éléments portent également à croire, plus nombreux d'ailleurs pour certains pays que pour d'autres, à une féminisation des petits producteurs car les femmes rurales sont de plus en plus nombreuses à diriger l'exploitation familiale, c'est-à-dire à travailler à leur propre compte dans l'agriculture. Ce phénomène est associé à une augmentation de la proportion des femmes rurales chefs de famille, à l'absence des hommes des exploitations agricoles, elle-même liée à une migration croissante des hommes et/ou à leur emploi dans des secteurs autres que l'agriculture et à la moindre viabilité des exploitations agricoles paysannes en régime néolibéral. Il n'est guère contestable que le moteur principal de ces tendances n'est autre que le besoin pour les ménages ruraux de diversifier leurs moyens d'existence. Avec la pénurie croissante de terres, conjuguée aux crises économiques et à des politiques défavorables à l'agriculture nationale, les ménages paysans ne peuvent plus vivre de leur seule production agricole. L'augmentation du nombre des membres du ménage cherchant un emploi hors de la ferme a été une façon de répondre à la crise. Ces emplois peuvent être féminins, masculins ou ouverts aux deux sexes; cela dépend d'une multitude de facteurs, dont les plus importants sont sans doute la composition du ménage et le stade du cycle familial, le dynamisme du marché du travail local, régional et international et son attitude envers chacun des deux sexes.

Die Landschaften Mitteleuropas sind das Resultat einer langwierigen Geschichte menschlicher Landnutzung mit ihren unterschiedlichen, z.T. konkurrierenden Nutzungsansprüchen. Durch eine überwiegend intensive Beanspruchung haben die direkten und indirekten Auswirkungen der Landnutzung in vielen Fällen zu Umweltproblemen geführt. Die Disziplin der Landschaftsökologie hat es sich zur Aufgabe gemacht, Konzepte für eine nachhaltige Nutzung der Landschaft zu entwickeln. Eine wichtige Fragestellung stellt dabei die Abschätzung der möglichen Folgen von Landnutzungsänderungen dar. Für die Analyse der relevanten Prozesse in der Landschaft werden häufig mathematische Modelle eingesetzt, welche es erlauben die Landschaft unter aktuellen Verhältnissen oder hinsichtlich veränderter Rahmenbedingungen zu untersuchen. Die hypothetische Änderung der Landnutzung, die als Landnutzungsszenario bezeichnet wird, verkörpert eine wesentliche Modifikation der Rahmenbedingungen, weil Landnutzung maßgeblich Einfluss auf die natürlichen Prozesse der Landschaft nimmt. Während die Antriebskräfte einer solchen Änderung überwiegend von sozio-ökonomischen und politischen Entscheidungen gesteuert werden, orientiert sich die exakte Verortung der Landnutzungsänderungen an den naturräumlichen Bedingungen und folgt z.T. erkennbaren Regeln. Anhand dieser Vorgaben ist es möglich, räumlich explizite Landnutzungsszenarien zu entwickeln, die als Eingangsdaten für die Modellierung verschiedener landschaftsökologischer Fragestellungen wie z.B. für die Untersuchung des Einflusses der Landnutzung auf den Wasserhaushalt, die Erosionsgefahr oder die Habitatqualität dienen können. Im Rahmen dieser Dissertation wurde das rasterbasierte deterministische Allokationsmodell luck (Land Use Change Scenario Kit) für die explizite Verortung der Landnutzungsänderungen entwickelt. Es basiert auf den in der Landschaftsökologie üblichen räumlichen Daten wie Landnutzung, Boden sowie Topographie und richtet sich bei der Szenarienableitung nach den Leitbildern der Landschaftsplanung. Das Modell fußt auf der Hypothese, dass das Landnutzungsmuster als Funktion seiner landschaftsökologischen Faktoren beschrieben werden kann. Das Veränderungspotenzial einer Landnutzungseinheit resultiert im Modell aus einer Kombination der Bewertung der relativen Eignung des Standortes für die jeweilige Landnutzung und der Berücksichtigung von Standorteigenschaften der umliegenden Nachbarn. Die Durchführung der Landnutzungsänderung im Modell ist iterativ angelegt, um den graduellen Prozess des Landschaftswandels nachvollziehen zu können. Als Fallbeispiel für die Anwendung solcher räumlich expliziten Landnutzungsszenarien dient die Fragestellung, inwieweit Landnutzungsänderungen die Hochwasserentstehung beeinflussen. Um den Einfluss auf die Hochwasserentstehung für jede der Landnutzungskategorien – bebaute, landwirtschaftlich genutzte und naturnahe Flächen – abschätzen zu können, wird im Landnutzungsmodell luck exemplarisch für jede Kategorie ein Teilmodell für die Veränderung von Landnutzung angeboten: 1) Ausdehnung der Siedlungsfläche: Dieses Teilmodell fußt auf der Annahme, dass sich Siedlungen nur in direkter Nachbarschaft bereits bestehender Bebauung und bevorzugt entlang von Entwicklungsachsen ausbreiten. Steile Hangneigungen stellen für potenzielle Standorte ein Hemmnis bei der Ausbreitung dar. 2) Stilllegung von Grenzertragsackerflächen: Gemäß der Hypothese, dass sich die Stilllegung von Ackerflächen an der potenziellen Ertragsleistung der Standorte orientiert, werden in diesem Teilmodell alle Ackerstandorte dahingehend bewertet und die Flächen mit der geringsten Leistungsfähigkeit stillgelegt. Bei homogenen Gebietseigenschaften werden die Stilllegungsflächen zufällig auf die Ackerfläche verteilt. 3) Etablierung von Schutzgebieten in Ufer- und Auenbereichen: Ausgehend von der These, dass sich entlang von Flüssen sensible Flächen befinden, deren Schutz positive Folgen für das Leistungsvermögen der Landschaft haben kann, werden in diesem Teilmodell schützenswerte Ufer- und Auenbereiche auf derzeit landwirtschaftlich genutzten Flächen ausgewiesen. Die Größe der Schutzgebietsfläche orientiert sich an der Morphologie der umgebenden Landschaft. Die drei Teilmodelle wurden hinsichtlich der implizierten Hypothesen mit vielen unterschiedlichen Ansätzen validiert. Das Resultat dieser intensiven Analyse zeigt für jedes Teilmodell eine zufriedenstellende Tauglichkeit. Die Modellierung der Landnutzungsänderungen wurden in drei mesoskaligen Flusseinzugsgebieten mit einer Fläche zwischen 100 und 500 km² durchgeführt, die sich markant in ihrer Landnutzung unterscheiden. Besonderer Wert wurde bei der Gebietsauswahl darauf gelegt, dass eines der Gebiete intensiv landwirtschaftlich genutzt wird, eines dicht besiedelt und eines vorwiegend bewaldet ist. Im Hinblick auf ihre Relevanz für die vorliegende Fragestellung wurden aus bestehenden Landnutzungstrends die Szenarien für (1) die prognostizierte Siedlungsfläche für das Jahr 2010, (2) die möglichen Konsequenzen des EU-weiten Beschlusses der Agenda 2000 und (3) die Novelle des Bundesnaturschutzgesetzes aus dem Jahr 2001 abgeleitet. Jedes Szenario wurde mit Hilfe des Modells auf die drei Untersuchungsgebiete angewendet. Dabei wurden für die Siedlungsausdehnung in allen drei Gebieten realistische Landnutzungsmuster generiert. Einschränkungen ergeben sich bei der Suche nach Grenzertragsstilllegungsflächen. Hier hat unter homogenen Gebietseigenschaften die zufällige Verteilung von Flächen für die Stilllegung zu einem unrealistischen Ergebnis geführt. Die Güte der Schutzgebietsausweisung ist maßgeblich an die aktuelle Landnutzung der Aue und die Morphologie des Geländes gebunden. Die besten Ergebnisse werden erzielt, wenn die Flächen in den Ufer- und Auenbereichen mehrheitlich unter derzeitiger Ackernutzung stehen und der Flusslauf sich in das Relief eingetieft hat. Exemplarisch werden für jeden Landnutzungstrend die hydrologischen Auswirkungen anhand eines historischen Hochwassers beschrieben, aus denen jedoch keine pauschale Aussage zum Einfluss der Landnutzung abgeleitet werden kann. Die Studie demonstriert die Bedeutung des Landnutzungsmusters für die natürlichen Prozesse in der Landschaft und unterstreicht die Notwendigkeit einer räumlich expliziten Modellierung für landschaftsökologische Fragestellungen in der Mesoskala. ; Today′s landscapes in Central Europe are the result of a long history of land-use, which is characterised by many different demands. The immediate and long-term consequences of predominantly intensive land-use have led to environmental problems in many cases. Therefore it is necessary to develop strategies for the maintenance of landscape efficiency which take into account the different claims of utilisation. In this context the estimation of possible impacts of land-use changes represents an important statement of problem. For the analysis of the relevant processes within the landscape, it is common to apply mathematical models. Such models enable the investigation of the landscape under current conditions or with regard to modified boundary conditions. A hypothetic alteration of land-use, which is termed as land-use scenario, represents a substantial modification of the boundary conditions, because land-use exerts a strong influence on the natural processes of the landscape. While the driving forces are predominantly governed by socio-economical and political decisions, the exact location of land-use changes within the landscape mainly depends on the natural conditions and follows partly transparent rules. With these presumptions it is possible to develop land-use scenarios, which can serve as input data for the modelling of different questions of landscape ecology such as the influence of land-use on the water balance, the danger of erosion or the quality of habitat characteristics. In the context of this thesis the grid-based deterministic allocation model luck (Land Use Change Scenario Kit) for the allocation of land-use changes was developed. It is based upon the types of spatial data, which are commonly used in landscape ecology, such as information on land-use, soils as well as topography. The derivation of scenarios follows the approaches of landscape planning. The model is based upon the hypothesis, that land-use structure can be described as a function of its landscape ecological factors. The potential of a site to become subject to land-use changes, results from a combination of its local qualities and the site characteristics of its neighbourhood. Land-use change is realised iteratively in order to simulate the gradual process of changes in the landscape. The influence of land-use changes on flood generation serves as a case study to demonstrate the need for spatial explicit land-use scenarios. For each land-use category – built up areas, agriculturally used areas and natural/semi-natural land – the model luck offers a submodel for investigating the effect of land-use changes on flood generation: 1) Expansion of settlement area: This submodel is based upon the assumption that settlements spread only in the neighbourhood of already existing built-up areas and preferentially along infrastructural axes of development. Steep slopes inhibit the spreading on potential locations. 2) Set-aside of marginal yield sites under agricultural use: Setting-aside of arable land is based on the hypothesis that the selection of arable land to be set-aside depends on the potential yield efficiency of the locations. Within this submodel all fields under agricultural use are valued to that effect and the ones with the least productive efficiency are selected as set-aside locations. In case of homogeneous area qualities the set-aside locations are selected randomly. 3) Establishment of protected areas in waterside and ripearian areas: This submodel takes into consideration that the protection of sensitive areas along the river courses may have positive consequences for the efficiency of the landscape. Therefore this submodel establishes protection zones on waterside and ripearian sites under currently agricultural use, that might be of value for nature conservation. The size of the protection area depends on the morphology of the surrounding landscape. The three submodels were validated with respect to the implied hypotheses by the help of many different approaches. The result of this intensive analysis shows a satisfying suitability for each of the submodels. The simulation of land-use changes was carried out for three mesoscale river catchments with an area between 100 and 500 km². Special attention was paid to the fact that these areas should be markingly different in their land-use: One study area is predominantly under intensive agricultural use, one is densely populated and the third one is covered by forest in large parts of the area. With regard to their relevance to the onhand question from existing land-use trends scenarios were derived for the prognosed settlement area for the year 2010, for the possible consequences of the EU-wide agreement of Agenda 2000 and for the amending federal conservation law dating to the year 2001, which enhances the enlargement of protected areas. Each scenario was applied to the three study areas utilizing the model luck. For the expansion of the settlement areas in all three study areas realistic land-use patterns were generated. Limitations arose only in the context of the search for marginal yield fields. Here, the random distribution of areas to be set-aside under homogeneous conditions led to unrealistic results. The quality of the establishment of protected areas in waterside and ripearian areas is substantially bound to current land-use and the morphology of the area. The best results for this submodel are achieved if waterside and ripearian areas are mainly arable land and if the river has lowered its course into the morphology. The hydrological consequences are described exemplarily for each land-use trend with a historical flood event. The interpretation of the hydrographs does not allow global statements about the influence of land-use. The study demonstrates the significance of land-use pattern for the natural processes in the landscape and underlines the necessity of spatially explicit modelling for landscape ecological questions at the mesoscale.

Die Landschaften Mitteleuropas sind das Resultat einer langwierigen Geschichte menschlicher Landnutzung mit ihren unterschiedlichen, z.T. konkurrierenden Nutzungsansprüchen. Durch eine überwiegend intensive Beanspruchung haben die direkten und indirekten Auswirkungen der Landnutzung in vielen Fällen zu Umweltproblemen geführt. Die Disziplin der Landschaftsökologie hat es sich zur Aufgabe gemacht, Konzepte für eine nachhaltige Nutzung der Landschaft zu entwickeln. Eine wichtige Fragestellung stellt dabei die Abschätzung der möglichen Folgen von Landnutzungsänderungen dar. Für die Analyse der relevanten Prozesse in der Landschaft werden häufig mathematische Modelle eingesetzt, welche es erlauben die Landschaft unter aktuellen Verhältnissen oder hinsichtlich veränderter Rahmenbedingungen zu untersuchen. Die hypothetische Änderung der Landnutzung, die als Landnutzungsszenario bezeichnet wird, verkörpert eine wesentliche Modifikation der Rahmenbedingungen, weil Landnutzung maßgeblich Einfluss auf die natürlichen Prozesse der Landschaft nimmt. Während die Antriebskräfte einer solchen Änderung überwiegend von sozio-ökonomischen und politischen Entscheidungen gesteuert werden, orientiert sich die exakte Verortung der Landnutzungsänderungen an den naturräumlichen Bedingungen und folgt z.T. erkennbaren Regeln. Anhand dieser Vorgaben ist es möglich, räumlich explizite Landnutzungsszenarien zu entwickeln, die als Eingangsdaten für die Modellierung verschiedener landschaftsökologischer Fragestellungen wie z.B. für die Untersuchung des Einflusses der Landnutzung auf den Wasserhaushalt, die Erosionsgefahr oder die Habitatqualität dienen können. Im Rahmen dieser Dissertation wurde das rasterbasierte deterministische Allokationsmodell luck (Land Use Change Scenario Kit) für die explizite Verortung der Landnutzungsänderungen entwickelt. Es basiert auf den in der Landschaftsökologie üblichen räumlichen Daten wie Landnutzung, Boden sowie Topographie und richtet sich bei der Szenarienableitung nach den Leitbildern der Landschaftsplanung. Das Modell fußt auf der Hypothese, dass das Landnutzungsmuster als Funktion seiner landschaftsökologischen Faktoren beschrieben werden kann. Das Veränderungspotenzial einer Landnutzungseinheit resultiert im Modell aus einer Kombination der Bewertung der relativen Eignung des Standortes für die jeweilige Landnutzung und der Berücksichtigung von Standorteigenschaften der umliegenden Nachbarn. Die Durchführung der Landnutzungsänderung im Modell ist iterativ angelegt, um den graduellen Prozess des Landschaftswandels nachvollziehen zu können. Als Fallbeispiel für die Anwendung solcher räumlich expliziten Landnutzungsszenarien dient die Fragestellung, inwieweit Landnutzungsänderungen die Hochwasserentstehung beeinflussen. Um den Einfluss auf die Hochwasserentstehung für jede der Landnutzungskategorien – bebaute, landwirtschaftlich genutzte und naturnahe Flächen – abschätzen zu können, wird im Landnutzungsmodell luck exemplarisch für jede Kategorie ein Teilmodell für die Veränderung von Landnutzung angeboten: 1) Ausdehnung der Siedlungsfläche: Dieses Teilmodell fußt auf der Annahme, dass sich Siedlungen nur in direkter Nachbarschaft bereits bestehender Bebauung und bevorzugt entlang von Entwicklungsachsen ausbreiten. Steile Hangneigungen stellen für potenzielle Standorte ein Hemmnis bei der Ausbreitung dar. 2) Stilllegung von Grenzertragsackerflächen: Gemäß der Hypothese, dass sich die Stilllegung von Ackerflächen an der potenziellen Ertragsleistung der Standorte orientiert, werden in diesem Teilmodell alle Ackerstandorte dahingehend bewertet und die Flächen mit der geringsten Leistungsfähigkeit stillgelegt. Bei homogenen Gebietseigenschaften werden die Stilllegungsflächen zufällig auf die Ackerfläche verteilt. 3) Etablierung von Schutzgebieten in Ufer- und Auenbereichen: Ausgehend von der These, dass sich entlang von Flüssen sensible Flächen befinden, deren Schutz positive Folgen für das Leistungsvermögen der Landschaft haben kann, werden in diesem Teilmodell schützenswerte Ufer- und Auenbereiche auf derzeit landwirtschaftlich genutzten Flächen ausgewiesen. Die Größe der Schutzgebietsfläche orientiert sich an der Morphologie der umgebenden Landschaft. Die drei Teilmodelle wurden hinsichtlich der implizierten Hypothesen mit vielen unterschiedlichen Ansätzen validiert. Das Resultat dieser intensiven Analyse zeigt für jedes Teilmodell eine zufriedenstellende Tauglichkeit. Die Modellierung der Landnutzungsänderungen wurden in drei mesoskaligen Flusseinzugsgebieten mit einer Fläche zwischen 100 und 500 km² durchgeführt, die sich markant in ihrer Landnutzung unterscheiden. Besonderer Wert wurde bei der Gebietsauswahl darauf gelegt, dass eines der Gebiete intensiv landwirtschaftlich genutzt wird, eines dicht besiedelt und eines vorwiegend bewaldet ist. Im Hinblick auf ihre Relevanz für die vorliegende Fragestellung wurden aus bestehenden Landnutzungstrends die Szenarien für (1) die prognostizierte Siedlungsfläche für das Jahr 2010, (2) die möglichen Konsequenzen des EU-weiten Beschlusses der Agenda 2000 und (3) die Novelle des Bundesnaturschutzgesetzes aus dem Jahr 2001 abgeleitet. Jedes Szenario wurde mit Hilfe des Modells auf die drei Untersuchungsgebiete angewendet. Dabei wurden für die Siedlungsausdehnung in allen drei Gebieten realistische Landnutzungsmuster generiert. Einschränkungen ergeben sich bei der Suche nach Grenzertragsstilllegungsflächen. Hier hat unter homogenen Gebietseigenschaften die zufällige Verteilung von Flächen für die Stilllegung zu einem unrealistischen Ergebnis geführt. Die Güte der Schutzgebietsausweisung ist maßgeblich an die aktuelle Landnutzung der Aue und die Morphologie des Geländes gebunden. Die besten Ergebnisse werden erzielt, wenn die Flächen in den Ufer- und Auenbereichen mehrheitlich unter derzeitiger Ackernutzung stehen und der Flusslauf sich in das Relief eingetieft hat. Exemplarisch werden für jeden Landnutzungstrend die hydrologischen Auswirkungen anhand eines historischen Hochwassers beschrieben, aus denen jedoch keine pauschale Aussage zum Einfluss der Landnutzung abgeleitet werden kann. Die Studie demonstriert die Bedeutung des Landnutzungsmusters für die natürlichen Prozesse in der Landschaft und unterstreicht die Notwendigkeit einer räumlich expliziten Modellierung für landschaftsökologische Fragestellungen in der Mesoskala. ; Today′s landscapes in Central Europe are the result of a long history of land-use, which is characterised by many different demands. The immediate and long-term consequences of predominantly intensive land-use have led to environmental problems in many cases. Therefore it is necessary to develop strategies for the maintenance of landscape efficiency which take into account the different claims of utilisation. In this context the estimation of possible impacts of land-use changes represents an important statement of problem. For the analysis of the relevant processes within the landscape, it is common to apply mathematical models. Such models enable the investigation of the landscape under current conditions or with regard to modified boundary conditions. A hypothetic alteration of land-use, which is termed as land-use scenario, represents a substantial modification of the boundary conditions, because land-use exerts a strong influence on the natural processes of the landscape. While the driving forces are predominantly governed by socio-economical and political decisions, the exact location of land-use changes within the landscape mainly depends on the natural conditions and follows partly transparent rules. With these presumptions it is possible to develop land-use scenarios, which can serve as input data for the modelling of different questions of landscape ecology such as the influence of land-use on the water balance, the danger of erosion or the quality of habitat characteristics. In the context of this thesis the grid-based deterministic allocation model luck (Land Use Change Scenario Kit) for the allocation of land-use changes was developed. It is based upon the types of spatial data, which are commonly used in landscape ecology, such as information on land-use, soils as well as topography. The derivation of scenarios follows the approaches of landscape planning. The model is based upon the hypothesis, that land-use structure can be described as a function of its landscape ecological factors. The potential of a site to become subject to land-use changes, results from a combination of its local qualities and the site characteristics of its neighbourhood. Land-use change is realised iteratively in order to simulate the gradual process of changes in the landscape. The influence of land-use changes on flood generation serves as a case study to demonstrate the need for spatial explicit land-use scenarios. For each land-use category – built up areas, agriculturally used areas and natural/semi-natural land – the model luck offers a submodel for investigating the effect of land-use changes on flood generation: 1) Expansion of settlement area: This submodel is based upon the assumption that settlements spread only in the neighbourhood of already existing built-up areas and preferentially along infrastructural axes of development. Steep slopes inhibit the spreading on potential locations. 2) Set-aside of marginal yield sites under agricultural use: Setting-aside of arable land is based on the hypothesis that the selection of arable land to be set-aside depends on the potential yield efficiency of the locations. Within this submodel all fields under agricultural use are valued to that effect and the ones with the least productive efficiency are selected as set-aside locations. In case of homogeneous area qualities the set-aside locations are selected randomly. 3) Establishment of protected areas in waterside and ripearian areas: This submodel takes into consideration that the protection of sensitive areas along the river courses may have positive consequences for the efficiency of the landscape. Therefore this submodel establishes protection zones on waterside and ripearian sites under currently agricultural use, that might be of value for nature conservation. The size of the protection area depends on the morphology of the surrounding landscape. The three submodels were validated with respect to the implied hypotheses by the help of many different approaches. The result of this intensive analysis shows a satisfying suitability for each of the submodels. The simulation of land-use changes was carried out for three mesoscale river catchments with an area between 100 and 500 km². Special attention was paid to the fact that these areas should be markingly different in their land-use: One study area is predominantly under intensive agricultural use, one is densely populated and the third one is covered by forest in large parts of the area. With regard to their relevance to the onhand question from existing land-use trends scenarios were derived for the prognosed settlement area for the year 2010, for the possible consequences of the EU-wide agreement of Agenda 2000 and for the amending federal conservation law dating to the year 2001, which enhances the enlargement of protected areas. Each scenario was applied to the three study areas utilizing the model luck. For the expansion of the settlement areas in all three study areas realistic land-use patterns were generated. Limitations arose only in the context of the search for marginal yield fields. Here, the random distribution of areas to be set-aside under homogeneous conditions led to unrealistic results. The quality of the establishment of protected areas in waterside and ripearian areas is substantially bound to current land-use and the morphology of the area. The best results for this submodel are achieved if waterside and ripearian areas are mainly arable land and if the river has lowered its course into the morphology. The hydrological consequences are described exemplarily for each land-use trend with a historical flood event. The interpretation of the hydrographs does not allow global statements about the influence of land-use. The study demonstrates the significance of land-use pattern for the natural processes in the landscape and underlines the necessity of spatially explicit modelling for landscape ecological questions at the mesoscale.

HEINRICH WILHELM CLEMMS DER MATHEMATIK OFFENTLICHEN ORDENTLICHEN PROFESSORS ZU STUTGART MATHEMATISCHES LEHRBUCH ODER VOLLSTÄNDIGER AUSZUG ALLER SO WOHL ZUR REINEN ALS ANGEWANDTEN MATHEMATIK GEHÖRIGEN WISSENSCHAFTEN Heinrich Wilhelm Clemms der Mathematik offentlichen ordentlichen Professors zu Stutgart mathematisches Lehrbuch oder vollständiger Auszug aller so wohl zur reinen als angewandten Mathematik gehörigen Wissenschaften ( - ) Einband ( - ) Illustration ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Vorbericht. ( - ) Inhalt der abgehandelten Materien. ( - ) Die arithmetische Wissenschaften, oder die Rechnung in Zahlen, die Buchstabenrechnung und die practische Rechenkunst. ([1]) Erstes Hauptstück, von der Rechnung in Zahlen. ([3]) Allgemeine Erklärungen. ([3]) Geschichte der Zahlenrechnung. (4) Allgemeiner Vortrag von den vier Rechnungsarten. (7) Das Aussprechen und Schreiben der Zahlen. (11) Die vier Rechnungsarten in ganzen Zahlen. (14) Die Rechnung in Brüchen. (24) Von Decimal - und Sexagesimal-Brüchen (32) Von den Potenzen. (36) Von Ausziehung der Quadratwurzel in Zahlen. (39) Von Ausziehung der Cubicwurzel in Zahlen. (43) Von den Verhältnissen in Zahlen. (47) Zweytes Hauptstück von der Buchstabenrechnung. (49) Erklärung. (49) Die Geschichte der Buchstabenrechnung. (49) Die vier Rechnungsarten mit Zeichen und Buchstaben. (54) Von den Potenzen oder Dignitäten und ihren Veränderungen. (68) Die Irrationalwurzeln und eingebildete oder unmögliche Grössen. (80) Der binomische Lehrsatz. (83) Die höchste Unterschiede oder Differenzen der Potenzen und die Natur der geraden und ungeraden Zahlen. (88) Die Combinationen. (91) Von den Proportionen. (96) Von den arithmetischen Proportionen und Reyhen. (97) Die geometrische Proportionen. (101) Von den geometrischen Progreßionen oder Reyhen. (108) Von den Logarithmen. (113) Von den Gleichungen. (118) Von den quadratischen sowohl reinen als unreinen Gleichungen. (120) Von höhern Gleichungen überhaupt. (123) Von den Wurzeln der zusammengesetzten Gleichungen. (126) Die Erfindung der Wurzeln und der Divisorum einer Gleichung. (128) Die Veränderung der Gleichungen. (131) Die Bestimmung der Coefficienten bey Ausdruckungen durch unendliche Reyhen. (133) Von unbestimmten Aufgaben. (137) Drittes Hauptstück, Von der practischen Rechenkunst. (140) Erklärung. (140) Geschichte der practischen Rechenkunst. (140) Von den vier Rechnungsarten in genannten Zahlen. (145) Von der Regel Detri , sowohl directa als inversa, der zusammengesetzten Regel Detri oder Regel Quinque , Gesellschaftsrechnung, Kettenregel u. s. w. (148) Von höhern Aufgaben der practischen Rechenkunst. (155) Die geometrische Wissenschaften, oder die Elementargeometrie, die Trigonometrie, die practische Geometrie, und die höhere Geometrie. ([169]) Erstes Hauptstück, von der gemeinen oder Elementargeometrie. ([171]) Erklärung. ([171]) Geschichte der Geometrie. ([171]) Allgemeine Sätze von Linien, Winkeln und Figuren. (176) Die Verhältniß der Winkel gegen einander, nebst den daraus fliessenden Folgen (188) Die Verwandlung der Figuren. (201) Die Ausmessung geradelinigter Figuren. (211) Die Aehnlichkeit der Dreyecke und der Figuren überhaupt. (214) Von dem Cirkel, dessen Verwandlung und Ausmessung. (225) Die Lage der Linien gegen die ebene Flächen und der Flächen gegen einander. (239) Allgemeine Begriffe geometrischer Cörper, oder Einleitung in die Stereometrie. (246) Die Verwandlung der Körper. (249) Die Ausmessung der Cörper. (253) Die Kugel oder Sphäre. (256) Die Kugelschnitte. (261) Zweytes Hauptstück, Von der Trigonometrie. (265) Erklärung. (265) Geschichte der Trigonometrie. (265) Erstes Capitel, Von der ebenen Trigonometrie. (268) Allgemeine Begriffe vom Sinus, Cosinus, Tangenten, Contangenten, Secanten und Cosecanten. (269) Allgemeine Theorie der trigonometrischen Rechnung. (279) Die Erfindung der Sinus von den Summen und Differenzen der Bogen, aus den gegebenen Sinussen , und andern trigonometrischen Linien. (287) Die Erfindung der Seiten und Winkel eines Dreyecks aus drey gegebenen Stücken, eine Seite mit darunter gerechnet. (294) Anwendung der trigonometrischen Lehrsätze auf die Polygone. (299) Die Berechnung der Sinus und der Logarithme, nebst dem Gebrauch der Tafeln. (302) Zweytes Capitel, Von der sphärischen Trigonometrie. (307) Erklärung. (307) Allgemeine Betrachtung der sphärischen Dreyecke. (308) Betrachtung und Auflösung der rechtwinklichten sphärischen Dreyecke. (310) Betrachtung der Fälle, in welchen Winkel und Seiten grösser oder kleiner als 90 Grade werden. (314) Betrachtung der schiefen Dreyecke. (317) Betrachtung und Auflösung der schiefen Dreyecke, in welchen drey Seiten oder drey Winkel gegeben sind. (319) Drittes Hauptstück, Von der practischen Geometrie. (327) Erklärung. (327) Geschichte der practischen Geometrie. (328) Die Vergleichung der vornehmsten Maaße. (330) Die Messung und Verjüngung der Linien und Figuren. (333) Die Messung und Verjüngung der Flächen, oder das Aufnehmen einer Gegend. (338) Etwas von der Markscheidekunst. (339) Viertes Hauptstück, Von der höhern Geometrie. (342) Erklärung. (342) Geschichte der höhern Geometrie. (343) Allgemeine Begriffe von algebraischen und höhern Functionen. (349) Die algebraische Linien, besonders die Kegelschnitte, oder die Parabel, Ellipse und Hyperbel. (353) Allgemeine Betrachtungen der conischen Sectionen und Linien der zweyten Ordnung. (368) Von einigen andern, besonders auch transcendentischen Linien. (373) Die geometrische Oerter und die Construction der Gleichungen. (376) Allgemeine Gründe der Differentialrechnungen. (378) Die Anwendung der Differentialrechnung auf die vier Rechnungsarten, in positiven und negativen ganzen und gebrochenen Zahlen, auch Wurzeln, Potenzen und zusammengesezten Grössen. (381) Allgemeiner Beweis des Newtonischen Binomii und des Harriotischen Lehrsatzes. (387) Allgemeine Betrachtung der höhern Differentialien. (390) Die Bestimmung der Wehrte durch höhere Differentialien, und die Verwandlung der Gleichungen durch eben diese Mittel. (396) Nic. Bernoulli Methode, Alle mögliche Reyhen, durch die sich eine Gleichung auflösen läßt, und die Gestalt der Reyhen, zu finden. (397) Die Methode vom Kleinsten und Größten. (Methodus de maximis & minimis.) (400) Von den Tangenten, Subtangenten, Normal- und Subnormallinien. (403) Allgemeine Regeln der Integralrechnung, auch in Rucksicht auf die Wiederherstellung der beständigen Grössen. (407) Einige schwerere Integralformeln für zusammengesetzte Diferentialien. (409) Von der Quadratur der krummen Linien. (414) Die Rectification der krummen Linien, besonders auch der Neilischen Parabel. (417) Newtons und Leibnizens Methoden den Cirkel zu quadrirem und zu rectificiren, nebst Diff. Formeln für den Cirkel. (420) Die umgekehrte Methode der Tangenten (Methodus Tangentium inversa.) (423) Die logarithmische Differentialien, und der Unterschied der natürlichen oder hyperbolischen, und der künstlichen Logarithmen. (425) Die Exponentialrechnung nebst einigen Integralformeln für logarithmische Differentialien. (428) Joh. Bernoulli Vergleichung der Ausschnitte des Cirkels und der Hyperbel. (430) Einige andere Vergleichungen der Sinus, Cosinus, Tangenten, nach Joh. Bernoulli Methode. (434) Herrn Eulers und Clairaut Betrachtungen über die Differentiale der Functionen, die zwo und mehr veränderliche Grössen enthalten. (437) Die Lehre von der Evolution, Evoluten, und aus Evolution erzeugten Linien, den Krümmungscirkeln und Radiis, (circulis curvaturæ, radiis osculi.) (442) Tab:I. ( - ) Tab: II. ( - ) Tab: III. ( - ) Tab: IV. ( - ) Tab:V. ( - ) Tab:VI. ( - ) Tab: VII. ( - ) Tab: VIII. ( - ) Tab:IX. ( - ) Tab:X. ( - ) Die statische Wissenschaften, oder die Statik, sonst Mechanik, die Hydrostatik, die Aerometrie und die Hydraulik. ([1]) Erstes Hauptstük, von der Statik sonst Mechanik. ([3]) Erklärung. ([3]) Geschichte der Statik. (4) Allgemeine Begriffe von den in der Statik vorkommenden Wörtern, der Kraft, Last, Schwere, Direction u. s. w. (7) Allgemeine Theorie des Hebels, (Theoria Vectis.) (9) Allgemeine Theorie der Zusammensetzung der Kräfte, nebst dem Varignomischen Beweis vom Hebel. (13) Anwendung der Lehre vom Hebel auf die Erfindung des Schwerpunkts, der Gewichter, der Zeiten u. s. w. ferner die Waagen und Schnellwaagen. (18) Das Rad und die Rolle, oder Kloben; (Axis in peritrochio & trochlea). (23) Allgemeine Theorie der schiefen Fläche. (Planum inclinatum.) (29) Die Schraube und der Keil. (Cochlea & Cuneus.) (32) Das Wasserwägen. (Nivelliren) (35) Die Wasser- und Windmühlen. (38) Von den Uhrwerken, vornemlich Penduluhren, und den dazu nöthigen mechanischen Lehrsätzen, ferner von den Hindernissen der Maschinen, wie auch vom Gesez der kleinsten Wirkung. (42) Zweytes Hauptstük, Von der Hydrostatik (51) Erklärung. (51) Die Geschichte der Hydrostatik. (51) Allgemeine Begriffe und Sätze vom Druk der flüßigen Cörper. (52) Das Gleichgewicht der flüßigen Materien untereinander. (56) Das Gleichgewicht flüßiger und vester Cörper. (59) Die Archimedische Gold-und Silberprobe, oder die Probe zweyer vermischten Metalle. (62) Etwas von dem Mathematischen bey dem Münzwesen. (64) Das Schwimmen der Cörper, besonders in Ruksicht auf das Schiffwesen. (67) Drittes Hauptstük, Von der Aerometrie. (71) Erklärung. (71) Die Geschichte der Aerometrie. (71) Die Existenz der Luft, ihre Schwere und Elasticität. (74) Die angenehme Eigenschaften der Luft nebst ihren Folgen, und zwar erstlich die Akustik überhaupt. (77) Die Musik, oder das Mathematische bey der Musik. (81) Die Luftpumpe, und die durch die Luftpumpe gemachte weitere Entdeckungen. (89) Vom Druk der Atmosphäre auf die Erde, und von dem Torricellischen Vacuo. (92) Die Luftmesser, oder das Barometer, Thermometer, Hygrometer und Manometer, auch Anemometer oder Windmesser. (95) Viertes Hauptstük, Von der Hydraulik. (101) Erklärung. (101) Die Geschichte der Hydraulik. (101) Die Bewegung des Wassers durch Pumpen, Drukwerk und andere Maschinen. (103) Die Bewegung des Wassers durch Luft, und die verschiedene Gattungen der Heber, besonders auch der Wittembergische. (106) Die Springbrunnen und Wasserspritzen. (109) Die optische Wissenschaften, oder die Optik, Catoptrik, Dioptrik und Perspectiv. ([113]) Erstes Hauptstück, Von der Optik besonders. ([115]) Erklärung. ([115]) Die Geschichte der Optik besonders. (116) Die Ausbreitung der Stärke des Lichts in verschiedenen Entfernungen. (118) Betrachtung des Schattens, besonders wenn eine dunkle Kugel von einer hellen erleuchtet wird. (120) Kurze Beschreibung des Auges. (122) Betrachtung der Erscheinungen entfernter Cörper nach ihrer Grösse und Bewegung. (123) Die Farben. (126) Zweytes Hauptstük, Von der Catoprik. (129) Erklärung. (129) Die Geschichte der Catoprik. (129) Allgemeines Gesez der reflectirten Strahlen. (132) Von den ebenen Spiegeln. (133) Von den sphärischen, parabolischen und andern Spiegeln. (136) Drittes Hauptstük, Von der Dioptrik. (140) Erklärung. (140) Geschichte der Dioptrik. (140) Allgemeines Gesez der Refraction. (143) Die dioptrische Gläser und die Erfindung der Brennweite durch Zeichnung. (146) Die Erfindung der Brennweiten durch Rechnung. (150) Von den Vergrösserungsgläsern, Kleinigkeiten in der Nähe zu sehen, oder von den Microscopiis sowohl einfachen als zusammengesezten, auch von den Brillen. (160) Von einigen andern dioptrischen Instrumenten. (164) Viertes Hauptstük, Von der Perspectiv. (167) Erklärung. (167) Geschichte der Perspectiv. (168) Allgemeine Theorie der Perspectiv und ihre Fundamentalgesetze. (169) Von dem Schatten. (174) Die astronomische und von der Astronomie abhangende Wissenschaften, oder die Astronomie im eigentlichen Verstand, die Geographie, die Chronologie und die Gnomomik. ([177]) Erstes Hauptstück, Von der Astronomie. ([179]) Erklärung. ([179]) Die Geschichte der Astronomie. (180) Erstes Capitel, Von der sphärischen Astronomie. (185) Erklärung. (185) Die Kenntniß der Fixsterne, nach ihrer Lage und täglichen Bewegung. (187) Die Kenntniß der Planeten nach ihrer Lage und Bewegung. (189) Die Kenntniß der vornehmsten Cirkel am Himmel, und die darauf beruhende sphärische Rechnungen der Höhen , Abweichung, Längen, Breiten , Ascensionen, Descensionen. (193) Die Bewegung der Sonne besonders, und die dadurch entstehende Tage und Jahre, wie auch die Zeitgleichung. (æquatio temporis.) (200) Die Vorrückung der Nachtgleichen, (Præcessio æquinoctiorum) nebst ihrer Ursache. (205) Die Parallaxe. (207) Die Refraction. (211) Zweytes Capitel, Von der theorischen Astronomie. (213) Erklärung. (213) Die Copernicanische Theorie vom Sonnen- und Planetensystem. (214) Die Kepplerische Theorie von den zwey Hauptgesetzen der Bewegung der himmlischen Cörper. (218) Die Bradleyische Theorie von der Aberration der Fixsterne. (226) Die Newtonische Mondstheorie. (231) Einige Folgen aus den bisherigen Theorien, besonders auch in Ruksicht auf den Mond, und den durch ihn entstehende Finsternisse. (238) Die Theorie oder Methode der Interpolationen. (244) Etwas von der Cometen-Theorie. (250) Etwas von dem Practischen in der Astronomie. (253) Zweytes Hauptstük, Von der Geographie. (259) Erklärung. (259) Geschichte der mathematischen Geographie. (259) Die wahre Gestalt der Erde. (261) Die Unterschiede der Mittagscirkel in Zeit und Graden. (263) Von der Breite und Länge der Oerter. (265) Die Correction der Differenzen der Mittagscirkel durch Beobachtung der Finsternissen. (267) Die Berechnung der Grade in Parallelkreisen, und die verschiedenen Zonen, nebst einigen andern geographischen Rechnungen. (269) Die Loxodromie oder etwas von der Schiffarth. (271) Drittes Hauptstük, Von der Chronologie. (275) Erklärung. (275) Geschichte der Chronologie. (275) Von den Tagen, Wochen, Monathen und Jahren. (276) Von den Cyclis. (278) Von der Reduction verschiedener Jahrzahlen. (282) Von dem Calender und der Festrechnung. (285) Viertes Hauptstük, Von der Gnomonik. (289) Erklärung. (289) Geschichte der Gnomonik. (289) Die Sonnenuhren überhaupt, besonders die Aequinoctial- und Horizontaluhren, welche das Fundament der übrigen sind. (290) Die Monds- und Sternenuhren. (292) Allgemeine Theorie der Verticaluhren. (294) Die architectonische Wissenschaften, nemlich die Civilbaukunst, und die Militarbaukunst, nebst der Artillerie. ([299]) Erstes Hauptstück, Von der Civilbaukunst. (301) Erklärung. (301) Die Geschichte der Civilbaukunst. (301) Allgemeine Grundsätze, und Regeln der Baukunst, nebst den Folgen daraus. (303) Die Säulenordnungen sowol historisch, als nach einer allgemeinen Theorie betrachtet. (309) Allgemeine Theorie von den Säulenweiten, Ordnung der Balkenköpfe, Triglyphen und ihren Zwischenweiten. (311) Vom guten Geschmak in der Baukunst und von den Eigenschaften eines guten Baumeisters. (317) Zweytes Hauptstük, von der Militarbaukunst. (322) Erklärung. (322) Geschichte der Militarbaukunst. (322) Allgemeine Regeln der Fortification, und die Namen der Haupttheile. (324) Von der irregulairen Bevestigung. (333) Etwas von der Artillerie. (335) Anhang von der Naturwissenschaft, oder Kurzer Plan der Naturgeschichte und der Experimentalphysik. ([1]) Erstes Hauptstück. Von der Natur-Geschichte. ([3]) Erklärung. ([3]) Das Naturalienreich und zwar erstlich das Thierreich. (regnum Animale.) (5) Die Classen von dem Pflanzenreich. (30) Von dem Foßilien-Reich, oder die Oryctologie. (33) Kurzer Plan von der Elementen Wissenschafft oder Geschichte, und zwar erstlich von dem Wasser, oder die Hydrologie. (42) Kurzer Plan der Aerologie und Meteorologie. (46) Kurzer Plan der Pyrologie, oder vom Feuer. (48) Zweytes Hauptstück oder kurzer Plan von der Experimental-Physik. (51) Plan des Collegii selbs. (53) Die Ordnung der Experimenten. (55) Von den Statischen Experimenten: (56) Die Optische Experimente. (61) Nachlese. (63) P. II.Tab: I ( - ) P. II Tab:II ( - ) P.II:Tab.III ( - ) P. II Tab:IV. ( - ) P.II. Tab.V ( - ) P. II.TabVI. ( - ) P: II : Tab.VII ( - ) P. II : Tab.VIII ( - ) P. II TabIX ( - ) P:II Tab: X ( - ) P. II Tab:XI ( - ) P. II : TabXII ( - ) P. II TabXIII. ( - ) P: II. Tab XIV ( - ) Einband ( - ) Abschnitt ( - )

The WSU Stewart Library Annual UC-UI Symposium took place from 2001-2007. The collection consists of memorabilia from the symposium including a yearly keepsake, posters, and presentations through panel discussions or individual lectures. ; Audio Recording ; The Wattis Brothers: Spanning Distances, Spanning Eras a commemorative lecture presented at the 2007 Utah Construction/ Utah International Symposium The Beginning of an Era by Dr. Stan Layton Thursday, October 18, 2007 2 Well thank you Gene for that very gracious introduction and thanks to all of you for being here today. I'm particularly gratified to see so many of my students in the audience. I am teaching a class in Utah history this very hour. I gave my students an exam two days ago and I told them if they didn't come here to listen to the old man they'd never get their exams back. Here they are. Not long ago as I was walking towards parking lot A1 a nicely dressed middle aged couple hailed me asked me for directions to the Waters Building. I was pleased to correct their pronunciation and point them toward the Wattis Building. Once again I found myself asking why the Wattis name is not better know in our larger community. Why is it not as immediately recognized as a Huntsman, Matheson, Bamberger, Eccles or Sadler? I've got to tell you my research assistance Stephanie as she read this paper last week and we talked about it over the weekend, she read that sentence and she said, " Wouldn't say, Dee be a better name for this purpose?" I said, " Stephanie, that's a joke." Edmund O. and William H. Wattis are men of towering importance in twentieth century Utah history. They put together a construction company that in true Horatio Alger fashion expanded in size and stature to become one of the largest in the nation and left an indelible mark on the Utah, Western American, Mexican and Australian landscapes. They served as model citizens, family men, community servants and philanthropists. Their business acumen still serves as a model for today's entrepreneurs and their eventful lives continue to fascinate historians. 3 I am sure that most of us in this room have had our lives impacted in some small way by the Wattis family. They influenced the place of my birth for example. For three generation on both sides of my family, as Gene intimated, all my forbearers had been born in Layton. All of the sudden there I was as a newborn in a hospital in Puyallup Washington. Condemn throughout my childhood to try to conceal my embarrassment at having entered the world at such an awful sounding place. That angst was not eased in the least by my mothers constant telling of a joke about two boys with the unlikely name of Atle and Allup who surprised a skunk as they were walking one day. " See Atle," yelled the one. " Pew Allup," replied the other. I even thought of having my dear old mom come and tell that joke for you, but unfortunately she passed away about three weeks ago. My parents had been gone to Washington a few years earlier. Having a small child but no money or prospects they gathered up their meager belongings and headed for the construction site of the Grand Cooley Dam, where Utah Construction Company was a major subcontractor. My mother gave me this magazine just a few days before she died. I didn't know that she had it, but she and my dad always, always treasured their time in Washington. Several other Davis County families in similar circumstances were already there and had gained work, maybe Stan and Viola Layton would be so lucky. They were. Ultimately the wielding skills my dad acquired on this job and others opened up greater opportunities, including employment at the Tacoma Ship Yard which was yet another Wattis related enterprise. It was then while he and my mother lived in 4 the neighboring community of Puyallup that I was born. I like to think that my dad was the man behind the wielding hood in this photo. How might your lives have been touched by the Wattis brothers, William H. and Edmund O? Perhaps simply by taking a class over here in our Wattis Building, or maybe flipping on a light switch in a Las Vegas hotel room, or enjoying fresh apple grown in irrigated orchards of central Washington, or maybe boating on our Pineview Reservoir. Certainly as President Milliner said tens of millions of lives have been impacted, and will continued to be impacted everyday by the dams built, transportation systems constructed and mines developed by the Wattis brothers, and their Utah Construction Company, later named Utah International. How delighted I am as a Utah historian to see William and Edmund Wattis begin to receive the recognition due them and what a special treat to have been selected for a research fund, fellowship funded by the heirs of their company and administered by the Stewart Library. Very, very much appreciated. Then to have these library administrators suggest that I focus specifically on the Wattis brothers was the perfect scenario for me. I had first run across W. H. in researching my master's thesis forty years ago. These same people, Joan Hubbard and others were also generous in funding two research assistants to help me with this work. Janice LeFevre who is in class now and didn't feel that she could be here, but her husband Steven is here and Steven we appreciate the sacrifices you and the rest of the family made in support of this fellowship this 5 summer. And Stephanie Combe who is here in right in front as is helping me with the visuals today. And they were just of immeasurable assistance all summer. For purposes of this research project the term the Wattis brothers means the two older brothers only. Edmund O. and William H. this is not to minimize the importance of younger brother Warren L. who also played a significant role in the company's success. Rather it is simply a necessity of establishing realistic limits on the scope of this work. Let us begin with a short survey of Utah Construction/ Utah International. Just to get a feel for the scope, diversification and significance of its enterprises. And this will be short. You've all seen the photos, you've heard Tom Alexander's excellent presentation, you have probably I see a number of you have some of the booklets published by the library and so you don't need a long survey here of the scope of their work. Utah Construction Company evolved from a twenty year affiliation with the four Corey Brothers. They were brothers to the Wattis mother. In a number of railroad and canal construction projects in Colorado, Utah, Wyoming, Montana and Oregon the Wattis brothers bought half the stock in the newly reorganized Corey Brothers incorporated in 1886. The company thrived for several years before collapsing in the financial crash of the mid 1890' s. From its ruins Utah Construction emerged without the Coreys as you heard last hour. Incorporated in the year 1900 Utah Construction Company first undertook small scale railroading projects in Idaho, then several larger ones in Nevada and California, which included that daunting 942 mile Feather River route and then in Utah which included a portion of the Denver and Rio Grande track between 6 Soldier Summit and Helper. Then in 1915 Utah Construction made its entry into dam building. Beginning with our own East Canyon Dam which is another way in which many of us have been impacted. Without East Canyon Dam and the irrigation water impounded there Davis County would never have enjoyed the prosperity it has. Gene mentioned our farm our 100 acre family farm. Every six days this summer I was there irrigating that farm and I took pride in the prosperity of the farm and green alpha and the corn that we produced and I couldn't have done it without that East Canyon Dam. Railroad construction and dam building projects much too numerous to be detailed here were the companies bread and butter throughout the 1920' s. Then came the granddaddy of all construction projects in 1931, Hoover Dam, began in 1931. Where in Utah Construction Company joined Morrison Knudson, Bechtel, Kaiser and others to form six companies, to form Six Companies the name of that conglomerate to span the mighty Colorado River. It is a measure of the reputation enjoyed by the Wattis brothers that William, and he according to the style of the day took to his initials W. H. and so I'm going to refer to him by that term throughout the remainder of the paper, he was named president of this huge conglomerate. And Edmund O., similarly went by his initials E. O., was named second vice president and they referred to each other by their respective initials and sign their names and other documents with those initials. As fate would have it both brothers died before the dam was completed in 1935. However the reputation gained by Utah Construction during this time allowed the company to continue to shine for another generation. Gene Sessions 7 and Sterling Sessions in their outstanding business biography list eighteen major dam building projects completed during the period 1936 and 1959 after their deaths by Utah Construction, including Pineview and Wanship in our own backyard. The warriors brought contracts in ship building including at that aforementioned Tacoma Ship Yard and road construction including the famous Alcan Highway. They had an important contract for a portion of that highway. After World War II the company entered into an entirely new phase, emphasizing mining which dominated its operations into the modern era, revived its financial strength and turned it into a multinational corporation. This paper advances the thesis that although E. O. and W. H. Wattis were not particularly well positioned by birth or education to achieve the remarkable success that they did, nevertheless we can identify certain character traits, experiences and opportunities that they took full advantage of in their quest for success. Pouring through hundreds of documents this summer my research assistance and I have identified six such factors of success we've called them, which I summarize in the following pages. First, these brothers had a remarkable knack for recognizing opportunity when they saw it and making the most of it. A good example of this aptitude is visible in their very first construction experience. Grading portions of the Union Pacific track as the initial transcontinental line approached Utah in 1868 and headed right for the Wattis farm in Uintah. The younger brother William was only ten years old and too young to hire on, but he undoubtedly observed the activity with wide eyed interest knowing that his older brother was one of the workers. 8 Edmund was only thirteen and had to have help in yoking his oxen, but his diligence paid off. And at the end of several months he brought home $ 225. This seemed like a small fortune to that cash strapped family. Of the 5,000 local men, Leonard Arrington tells us 5,000 worked on that project, only a handful used the experience as a career path in heavy construction. But E. O. Wattis was one. Opportunity came right down the tracks for these brothers and they jumped aboard. I'm indebted to my research assistant Janice LeFevre for putting it that way, but I love the way she said it. Opportunities came right down the tracks for these brothers and they jumped aboard. Second, both of these men reflected traditional agrarian values of hard work and perseverance. Farm youngsters learned the importance of looking after details and of staying with a task to its completion regardless of weather conditions. They learned safety consciousness and patience with animals. And it was of no small benefit to these boys that they were skilled in working with oxen, mules and draft horses. Both grew into large men who were strong and full of grit. Oh that's an excellent photo. I could not find a single job that they ever quit on. And I was interested in that Tom Alexander pointed out that that was a trait of David Eccles as well. Particularly revealing was E. O.' s involvement with the Coreys that is two uncles and three other men in the transportation of a wagon load of whiskey from Kelton, Utah to Boise, Idaho in the year 1868. Young Wattis was only thirteen years old but proved to be one of the steadiest of the group when bad weather 9 overtook them. All except him began nipping at that whiskey and all except him suffered frost bite. Third, was the development of the self confidence to stride forward on their own. Quite likely the single most fortuitous business decision they ever made was to end their partnership with the Coreys. Even though the implosion of Corey Brothers was cause by the panic of 1893, the break up of that company must have been difficult for the Wattis's on a personal level. The Coreys after all were family, uncles and cousins and the Wattis's had worked with them or for them since childhood and incorporated with them since 1886. Nevertheless the Coreys did not have the acumen or stability to thrive as a modern company. I'm convinced that they didn't, but that was only an intuitive and deductive conclusion and I was gratified as I listened to Tom's paper last hour that he apparently moved toward that same conclusion and he had the benefit of some primary source documentations to draw his conclusions from. But I know that numerous Corey cousins plugged in and out of the company. The elder Coreys insisted on dominating the decision making even though the Wattis brothers owned fifty- one percent of the stock and were better decision makers. And the elder uncle, Warren Corey, could be petty and vindictive and I was a little worried about advancing that point of view in those words, but I'm much reassured by Tom's paper. On of the truly remarkable document in twentieth century Utah political history is Warren Corey's open letter to his nephew W. H. Wattis published in the Salt Lake Tribune in August of 1928 reeking of spite this letter chides W. H. for being an unsuccessful candidate on 10 several previous occasions. Labels him a lame duck, obviously not understanding the meaning of that term and accuses him of being a disloyal party member and I know that that was not true based on a lot of years of research and so I wondered what was the cause of that animosity. There was something else there that I was not able to see from my research and again much indebted to Tom Alexander for having enlightened me and all of the audience this morning on that. The bitter animosity of this letter speaks volumes as to the Wattis' good fortune in being rid of the irascible man. By the same token the Wattis alignment with the Ogden financiers Thomas D. Dee, David Eccles and others following the breakup of the Coreys was undoubtedly the single most fortunate occurrence in their business lives. Fourth, was a commitment to a hands- on management style. No wonder they fit so well with David Eccles. Don't you agree? These were men who maximized their time on the construction site and minimized their time in the board room, especially during their early and middling years. They were comfortable with dust in their nose, blisters on their feet, calluses on their hands and dirt under their fingernails. In 1893 on one of his last jobs with Corey Brothers W. H. Wattis then 34 and a full partner was operating a slip plow on the Portland- Astoria job site when he received a surprise visit from his new financiers David Eccles, Thomas Dee and others and on that occasion one of them gave him a cigar. " I wish it had been a twenty- five cent piece," he later recalled, " Since I hadn't eaten food for a day and a half." This was a full partner. 11 The older brother held the same commitment to tenacity and detail the Wattis brothers were managers yes, and they grasped the big picture yes, but they were also detail men who understood the need to worry about on site activity. Incidentally this was no doubt the safety record of the company was so good even though their work involved blasting, working at great heights, spanning raging rivers, operating heavy equipment and sometimes supervising hundreds of men at a time. And while Tom could tell us of some dozen or so fatalities on that Feather River job that was nothing as compared to the hundreds, maybe as many as a thousand Chinese workers who were killed on the Central Pacific construction job in those two years of building the transcontinental railroad. Fifth, both men had the good fortune to marry talented, devoted and stable wives who liked each other and got on well together. The fact that both these women were well poised and possessed of good lucks would also be counted an advantage, especially in the 1920' s as the newspaper society pages found a growing audience of readers with and insatiable curiosity for news of the upper crust. Additionally such a spouse was essential to someone like W. H. who had developed political aspirations and began a series of campaigns for election to public office. W. H. married the striking Anna Maria Dorothea Sophie Standard and she went by Marie Dee, in 1889. He was nearly thirty she was twenty- three, her senior year report card from the Sacred Heart Academy reveals that she was as talented and sophisticated as she was beautiful. And isn't she something? 12 When I first met Stephanie as a student in my 1700 class three or four years ago, I was able to learn before the semester was over that her maiden name was Standard because her brother was also in the class and his name was Standard. When I got to know Marie Dee, I asked Stephanie about the relationship and she said yes, she's my great- great- grandmother and I was able to assure Stephanie that there is enough good looks represented in that woman to serve the Standard family for a hundred generations. She received a perfect score, 100, in all categories of citizenship that Sacred Heart Academy report card. Her academic achievement was equally impressive with scores ranging from ninety to ninety- eight in the nine subjects graded. She and W. H. had four children, two of whom died in childhood with in six months of each other. But I was pleased to learn that we have a great granddaughter of his. Say again? Okay Granddaughter and a great- great, oh how about? That's wonderful. E. O. on the other hand married the petite Martha Ann Bybee from nearby Riverdale in June 1879. When he was twenty- four and she was just sixteen, sixteen and a half. Martha was described by a grandson as a little on the plump side in her later years, though Stephanie and I wonder about that. The photos we have seen of her in her later years do not suggest that at all, including this one. But the grandson described her as full of energy and quote, " Very interested in civic activities." She was active in a local charity, the Martha Society that assisted the needy. And incidentally I have concluded that the Martha Society did not bear relationship to her name, but if somebody knows differently about that I would appreciate hearing the details. She also served as president of the Utah 13 Federation of Women's Clubs and she participated in countless other civic activities and municipal clubs. Having recovered from a serious illness through the healing hand of Christen Science she became an ardent convert to that faith. She and E. O. raised eight children, although one, a son Earl preceded him in death, the victim of an automobile accident. So is this the family? Oh the Child Culture Society that she was active in. Say it out loud Stephanie, she is where? The third one from the left? From my left as I'm looking at it? This one? Over here? Okay alright. Oh, that beautiful house, oh wow. 1915 Stephanie says. In looking at the personalities and lives of these men as individuals we can not improve on Linda Sillito's insightful taxonomy of W. H. as Mr. Outside and E. O. as Mr. Inside. William was gregarious, smiling, athletics and always at ease in the glare of the public spotlight. Edmund was comfortable with people, but somewhat more reserved more paperwork and detail oriented and a bit more inclined to worry. W. H. first came to my attention when I began researching my master's thesis as I mentioned. And I peaked in on that state republican convention of 1920. There he was front runner for the gubernatorial nomination moving easily among the delegates shaking hands smiling and asking for support. By the second vote he had begun to slip and by the third he had lost by a decisive margin to the nominee Charles Mabey. Newspaper accounts of the day pointed to W. H.' s recent indictment under the Lever Act as the likely reason for his fade. The Lever Act was a war time 14 measure that sought to prevent price gouging in the marketing of food and fuel. And W. H. as an executive of the U& I Sugar Company had been targeted by federal prosecutors. The act its self was poorly drawn and ill advised and was in fact declared unconstitutional in 1921 at which time all indictments were dismissed, but the damage had been done. The fact that W. H. was a Weber County man would not have worked in his favor. The Utah Republican Party was firmly controlled by a nepotistic Salt Lake City clique during that era and they played political hardball. By decades end W. H.' s sterling reputation as a business man hammered down all such barriers and won him the gubernatorial nomination. By then he was a man of such status that LDS Church President Heber Grant could write him saying, " I tried to get you on the phone all night last night until ten p. m." and then apologizing to him that he had to leave town for a week quote, " Before we had arrived on a decision on what do to in the affairs of the Utah- Idaho Sugar Company." W. H. was so popular with the local press that the press even reported on his fishing and hunting trips. He was a person so esteemed by his peers around the nation that he was named director of the U. S. Chamber of Commerce and entrepreneur so successful that he stood as president of one of the half dozen largest construction companies in the nation, a businessman so esteemed that the president of the United States sought his feed back on speeches. The nomination simply could not be denied him. But facing a very popular incumbent George Dern in the general election of 1928 W. H. was to garner only forty- one percent of the vote. 15 After that W. H. turned back to business and did not again seek public office. After all he had been defeated twice at the polls first in the congressional race on 1918 and now in the gubernatorial race 1928 and he had been frustrated three times in the nominating convention seeking the gubernatorial nomination in 1920, as previously mentioned, and in 1924 in seeking the U. S. senatorial nomination in 1922. By 1929 he had started to develop health problems nevertheless his natural charm and good humor continued on and served him well until death in 1931. Oft quoted, I'm sure many of you have heard this before but I can't resist repeating it here, it's a capsule that comes from the hospital room upon hearing of Six Companies successful bid on the Hoover Dam project. He's quoted by Linda Sillito in one of the Stewart Library booklets, comes from Joseph Lee Stevenson and goes as follows, " At St. Frances Hospital the press core found William H. sitting up wrapped in a silk bathrobe puffing on a long black stogy. His bushy white hair had been carefully brushed in to place by his wife and he was eager to talk. News of the winning bid had lifted his spirits. He grinned broadly for the photographers then said " Now this dam is just a dam, but it's a damn big dam," and his eyes twinkling. " Otherwise it was no different that others we've thrown up in a dozen place," end of that quote. Unlike his younger brother E. O. on the other hand had no political aspirations. Out side of business his constituency was his family. The only babies he kissed were his own and when he shook hands it was often for the purpose of slipping a dollar to his grandchildren. They call it the silver dollar handshake. 16 Unlike W. H. who loved golf, played it often and was photographed in golfing attire along with such celebrities as Heber J. Grant and Reed Smoot and Tom isn't Charles Nibley in there? Does that look like Nibley? Ya second from the right, ya. But unlike W. H. in this kind of environment and W. H. is second from the left E. O. played golf mostly as a social necessity. Simply taking off a suit coat he turned his suspenders the other way around and played in his business attire. E. O.' s idea of leisure time fun was being at home with his family riding scooters with the children, romping with the family dog, picking fruit and vegetables from his orchard and garden and joining in the many socials hosted at his beautiful home on Eccles Street or in the immediate neighborhood. Due to the press of business however E. O. was denied the time at home that he coveted. Christmas time was the exception. He always made it a point to be home for the holidays. Incidentally I should tell you that the E. O. Wattis family put together a wonderful twenty minute DVD featuring a number of clips from home videos shot by E. O.' s family when he was still alive and in that beautiful home on Eccles Avenue and I have watched that DVD its available here, its just wonderfully revealing and you can just feel how important it was to him to be home when ever he could be, which wasn't often. In fact that point is made in that DVD by one of his granddaughters that there was a time, almost a year when he was gone the entire time. 17 E. O. was quite tall for that day, standing a full six feet. Unlike his younger brother W. H. he never took on that middle age spread but remained slender. His curly hair, rosy cheeks, spectacles and pipe all fit the image of a dignified business man. E. O. was a bulldog, albeit a gentle one. His hallmark was tenacity and his genius was energy. One of his grandsons noted quote " My grandfather's education consisted of two or three years of formal schooling," unquote. He said that E. O. could write, but made a lot of grammatical mistakes and that he quote, " came up through the process with a long construction history of being on the site and doing the work," end of this quote. In today's vernacular he would probably be described as a workaholic. In a letter to his sister Mary Jane written from Oroville California in 1909 he mentioned that he had lost weight was down to 155 pounds, remember that's on a six foot frame. He said. " I am getting very tired of railroad work and I don't know whether I will ever take another job or not. It is very monotonous for me to always be away from home and I think that I am needed at home about as bad as anybody. Besides that I am fifty- four years old and have always worked very hard and have never had but very little pleasure in life. I don't think I have hardly had my share. My young life was spent in poverty and hard work and I am not in the best of health. W. H. left here a few days go and should reach Ogden tonight. I want to make a trip home very bad but am so badly crowded with the part of business that it is my duty to look after that I can not get away now," end of his quote. E. O. Worries in this letter that he will become even less happy as he 18 grows older, that he did or didn't, cannot be discerned from the historical record, but his health problems continued. In a letter written as early as 1914 he commented on his rheumatism. In 1927 he described his bladder infection and pending surgery which promised a ninety- five percent success probability. Two years later in 1929 he mentioned his cough, eczema, insomnia and urinary infection, puss in the urine. So he obviously did not enjoy that ninety- five percent probability success rate, but he was rather in the five percent. And in 1932 he complained of swollen feet, swollen feet and inner ear problems. What the historical record also reveals is that E. O. never did relax his work schedule to any significant degree. At the time of his death in 1934 he was president of six companies and Hoover Dam was in the final phase of construction and as always he was busy with on site visits production schedules, costs, press relations and dozens of other executive level tasks. The heart attack that took his like was sudden and massive. In approaching the conclusion of this paper I return to the thesis and advance the sixth factor of success, you thought I'd forgotten it. It's not a factor that can be offered for general applicability in a business management class for its unique to the Wattis brothers. Simply stated they had each other. E. O. and W. H. were a perfect match as business partners. Their individual personalities, aptitudes, likes and dislikes complemented the others to a consummate degree. Equally important they like and trusted each, a family trait. " There are very few families that have as strong as long a love for each other as ours have and none have any stronger," wrote E. O. in a 1909 letter noting that quote, " there have 19 never been any quarrels between any of us nor any hard feelings," unquote. Those are truly remarkable statements aren't they? As close as these two brothers were however they usually did not work in pairs. They were not joined at the hip to use that contemporary phrase. Indeed their trust was so implicit that they were frequently apart and engaged in different types of tasks. A revealing snap shot in time comes from the summer of 1922. I had hoped in pouring through those hundreds and hundreds of pages of documents I could I find them writing letters on the same day. And I could then share with you what different kinds of tasks and different approaches they were taking. I never was able quite to do that, but I see them close together here in the summer of 1922. W. H. who was then preparing his run for the U. S. Senate was participating in number of activities at Lagoon. They included umpiring a softball game between a Salt Lake and Ogden young men's republican clubs and attending several wrestling and boxing matches. In the distinctive newspaper style of the day that were topped off by a battle royal between five members of the Ethiopian race all in the ring at the same time. Contrast this with E. O. who's hectic travel schedule had made him almost invisible even to his wife, " I was surprise your father was in Kansas City," she wrote to a daughter June 15th after spending that anniversary alone. This is not to imply that E. O. worked while W. H. played. W. H. was just a little more extroverted, more readily given to conduction business on the golf course or in other recreational settings. And who can doubt that how important that is in the modern corporate world. E. O. took a quieter but more direct approach to 20 business. Again we see Mr. Outside and Mr. Inside in perfect compliment. The brothers used that friendship and bond to span distances over four thousand miles of track alone, plus many more of road, tunnels, canals, etc. and to span eras from the pre- railroad era, from the pre- railroad frontier to the industrial era when they died. Again going back to the comment President Millner made the monuments to industry they created would span many more eras and serve the purposes of society long into the indefinite future and you can take that from a historian who's maternity bill was paid by a father whose pay check was back in part by Wattis money long ago and far away in Puyallup Washington. Thank you. © 2007 WSU Stewart Library, All rights reserved.

Part two of an interview with Settimio "Babe" Pellechia. Topics include: His children's education. The Italian traditions Babe's family tries to keep. Memories from Lincoln School. How Italians in Leominster were treated while Babe was growing up. Social clubs in the Leominster area. Babe's experience in World War II. His thoughts about September 11th. The Italian Colonial cooperative grocery store. Pride in being Italian. ; 1 SETTIMIO: … did very, very good from the hill. But no, we felt that he lacked the basic knowledge at the very beginning in schooling. The first three years were completely lost. But I think it was no fault of his. He couldn't see, and we didn't know it. We didn't know that he couldn't until one day we had an exam for some reason. He had glasses and he said, "Now I can see the blackboard now." We said, "Why didn't you say that before?" He said, "I thought everybody saw it," you know. So that could have been part of it, too, that he just didn't get it. We believe in education: my daughter had paid for her own education, my daughter went to Smith, and she got a graduate from Harvard. So education is the number one priority. We didn't have it. Isn't that something else? Going through, paying for all that education? LINDA: It is. It's remarkable. So it sounds almost as if it wasn't an option for them to work at the motel or… SETTIMIO: No, no. They had to go to school. They had, definitely. My daughter -- my son-in law -- my daughter always, because she was, she graduated out of Smith with a 3.9, so she just ate up school, and as far as I could -- she just -- I used to help her do her spelling, she insisted. You know, there are three columns of spelling and I'm supposed to bring them down. So what I would do is one night I just went in diagonal and I go back, and she said, "Dad, you missed a word." I said, "Well then, that's enough for me." The only thing that I didn't do with her, which was mean, was on math. She had to struggle for math. And one day she did her homework and she did -- everyone was wrong. 'Cause I always used to help her. So just one night I said, "I'm not going to let her get away with that." So it was all set [unintelligible - 00:02:08]. The next night she comes home crying, she said, "You made me get a zero!" I said, "No, you got the zero yourself. You didn't put anything into it." So then I would help her, but she would check. And if I knew she didn't find [unintelligible - 00:02:22], which was, I think even though that she got a zero, it helped her, I think. 2 LINDA: You were talking about Lincoln Terrace and how people had pigs and chickens and gardens. Did you and your wife do that also? SETTIMIO: My wife? LINDA: You and your wife. Did you keep gardens and chickens? SETTIMIO: With all that we had to do? No. LINDA: I could have guessed. I just wanted to know the different generation. SETTIMIO: Nope. My wife always liked that work that she did out there, and I liked what I did. You know? LINDA: Have you kept many of the traditions alive in your family? The Italian traditions? SETTIMIO: Naturally it kind of falls apart. We do a big Christmas meal. We [unintelligible - 00:03:23] children come over, or if they can't make it, because there are times they couldn't make it, [unintelligible - 00:03:29] Thanksgiving. But [unintelligible - 00:03:32] when my mother-in-law was living, we spent a lot of time with her on weekends and so forth. That was strictly all-Italian, you know. Her mom lived to be 99, and she did all the things like that. She was -- she could crochet a bedspread in one month, she'd do a whole bedspread. [Unintelligible - 00:04:00] doing her own cooking, 99 and doing her own cooking and everything. So that's it, but we've got the tradition with that. We got close to her like that. Actually, my parents were gone. You know, they died long before that. LINDA: Who was your closest friend growing up? SETTIMIO: My closest friend when? LINDA: When you were growing up in Leominster. SETTIMIO: In Lincoln Terrace we were all friends; all the guys were very friendly. We all went together. In fact, being in school, in Lincoln School, when I was in sixth grade, I had all I could do to get Cs in spelling and English and anything like that. You know, I just worked hard and I just gotta get a C. But in math I was always a straight A. So at the end of the year, when the principal would ask who was the smartest one in the class, and by all means, I wasn't the smartest, but all of Lincoln Terrace would vote for me, 3 so she got sort of mad. She said, "Now I know Settimio knows math, but we've got people smarter than him in all subjects. Now, we'll have one more vote. We will not have any election this year," she said. That's how close people were. LINDA: So you were going to school at…? SETTIMIO: Lincoln School. LINDA: So was it mostly Italians there? SETTIMIO: Yeah, that school was. LINDA: Do you remember the teachers? SETTIMIO: Mrs. Blunt was the Principal, Mrs. Taylor was the fifth grade, Mrs. Benz was special. I think the others were the younger ones: Mrs. Heinz and Mrs. Lane was there. I think they had newer ones too. But I have to say I don't think they were fair to the Italian people on different things. I like to see justice and so forth, and I don't think there was any justice in that school for the Italian people. LINDA: Can you give me an example? SETTIMIO: Hmm? LINDA: Can you give me an example? SETTIMIO: Just remarks they'd make and so forth. [Unintelligible - 00:06:25] school system. LINDA: That's right. There's a lot of Italians there. A lot of Italians were in education. So you were giving me an example, or you were about to give me an example of how you thought maybe some of the teachers weren't fair at Lincoln School? SETTIMIO: That's the feeling you'd get. Describing something now would be difficult, but in one case, even my brother, the teacher asked, "What makes a good centerpiece in every Italian home that had a bottle of wine on the table?" And he said that he got expelled for a week. They asked the question, and that was his honest answer. So that the -- that was one case that really stuck out when they did that. 4 LINDA: So it sounds as though the teachers really didn't know anything about the culture or the tradition. SETTIMIO: I don't think they cared either. LINDA: They didn't need to care until one became a principal. SETTIMIO: Like I said, I went there six years, and I'm not talking -- mostly the higher up, two old ladies were what they were by then. So old that you could just see it, remarks, much like my remarks and so forth that they… LINDA: Well, speaking about ethnic differences, did you notice anything in Leominster growing up? SETTIMIO: I noticed while we were growing up that people of Italian descent had a rough deal as far as city hall, the banks, especially. They never got a fair shake. Never during that whole time. The difference today is that almost all of our politicians are Polish or Italian, like when you see almost any principal, all but one is Italian. So that's the biggest difference that I can see that's happened. I had a banker tell me when I was billing up and the president of the bank said to me -- I wanted to get some money, to borrow some money, and he says, "You know, you can spoil a baby by giving him too much candy." I said, "I really didn't come here to get candy. I came here to get money." He said, "Well, you've done well. You should just stay where you are," and let it go like that. That's the banker telling me, so I says, "Well, I didn't come here for your opinion either." I said, "I'm still looking for money." So with that, he said, "Well you've got money in this bank." So while I'm sitting at the time, I just saw the door of the bank had gold leaf at that time, Capital, and so forth, Reserve. So I said, "Could you explain to me why the bank would need a reserve?" He said, "Well, you've got to draw," he says, you know, "on the money," he says we've gotta -- I said, "You're asking me to do something you yourself believe in? You want me to take my reserve of my savings and go with other reserves?" With that, he finally gave me the money. 5 But that's funny with banks, with banks I always find it funny you've got to have an answer for everything because they just try to talk you out of things. That's what they do. When I built the motel, that was the time when -- this is the other bank, Savings Bank -- they said, "We'd like to loan you the money. We feel you can do it, but we don't know about your wife. What would she be able to do?" I said, "My wife is able to -- I can prove to you -- my wife was all upset thinking I'd get the loan." He said, "Well, yeah." But I says I've got so much insurance policy, and the whole loan would be paid up with insurance policy. "Is that good enough, sir?" Security, and I got the money. So you had to play with them at that time, and I still think it was because of who we were. LINDA: When did you see that start to change? SETTIMIO: Hmm? LINDA: When did you see that start to change? SETTIMIO: They started dying off and the Italian population kept increasing. They all knew that group for what it is there. We've got to look at [unintelligible - 00:11:31]. I'm sorry I keep… LINDA: That's okay. SETTIMIO: In 25, 30 years we'll probably learn the same thing with the Spanish people. If they fill out the note they're going to be allowed to do what we did, and I hope they do as well as we did. LINDA: Did you see your children go through any of the hardship that you went through? SETTIMIO: No. No. They don't know what hardship is. LINDA: But they're successful anyway? SETTIMIO: Hmm? LINDA: But they are successful anyway? SETTIMIO: Yeah, yeah. They are, yeah. LINDA: Why do you think that is? SETTIMIO: Well, of course they knew they would always have whatever they need from us, and then we always ingrained in them to go out and do better and 6 keep doing things, like -- my daughter didn't take that much, she absorbs education. She was very, very good at that. My son, we had to kind of push him a little bit, but he's glad now that we did that because he notices a difference. LINDA: So did you feel it was equally important for your daughter to have an education? Did she go to Worcester Academy too? SETTIMIO: No. She didn't need it. She graduated with all these kids [unintelligible - 00:12:56] while we lived in Sterling. So, National Honors Society. She got it all as far as marks. LINDA: Would you like to tell me a little bit about the clubs that you had joined? SETTIMIO: The one was -- we mentioned the Italian Society on there. I'm somewhat disappointed it wasn't what it was supposed to be. I really thought what I wanted was a culture society, where we have -- where they teach Italian, where they have Italian plays and Italian speakers, and it didn't turn out that way. They spent a lot of money and made a big place out of it. It's almost -- which they hardly use it, but you need somebody coming in to pay for the bills. So I just call it a glorified ballroom now. So that wasn't -- I didn't like that too much. LINDA: I didn't take the information. Were there any clubs that you had joined in your younger years, or ones that your father and mother had belonged to? SETTIMIO: No, because they faded out. My father belonged to a couple of clubs but they pretty much starting fading out by the time we would be ready for that. I was really active in a lot of other things, charitable things. I've been Director of the Red Cross. I spent 22 years in a hospital as a cooperator trustee and on the executive board. I was President of the [unintelligible - 00:14:46] Club, which is a men's Rotary Club in Sterling. And then I did my bit as far as charity work and so forth. I felt someone's been very, very good to me, and that's why I got into the charitable end of it, to help out.7 LINDA: You see that continuing with this next generation? Do you see that volunteer, that commitment to give back to the community in the next generation? SETTIMIO: I really don't know. I hope they do. I know I really felt -- and I used to say I like that the hospital I fought for was doing something for the benefit of the people. I would always say so, you know. They were going to do certain things, and I said, "This would be better and cheaper." And that's all I could contribute until it started getting away -- I finally left when we got an administrator that just liked to spend money. So after 22 years I said, "You don't need to spend money. Anybody could spend money." So I resigned at that time. The Historical Society, I've been a Director there for years. I'm still on there right now. LINDA: How did -- has faith played an important part of your life? An important role in your life? SETTIMIO: What was that? LINDA: Faith? SETTIMIO: Absolutely. Absolutely. You've got to have faith, you have to be charitable, gotta be fair to one another. That's all really, really important, I feel. LINDA: Think that's an Italian cultural …? SETTIMIO: I've always thought of it that way, yep. See, but oftentimes you take some of the older people, I say that they probably could have done even better, but because they had to work to get to where they were, they just didn't have time for some of those things. So I think they would have been a lot better off, a lot better. I know that. Yeah. LINDA: Another question: getting back to the banks and maybe how they weren't fair enough, did the Leominster Credit Union play a big part in our helping, let's say, Italians in Leominster? SETTIMIO: Italians in Leominster? They were sympathetic to the Italian calling I'd say, but whether they helped or not I don't know that part. Credit-wise, I know they didn't help us in the building. Nobody had the opportunity to 8 sell them anything. And I said this to [Seth] at the time. He was [unintelligible - 00:17:46] he called me up, said, "Some people want to see you. You've got to make money." So the last time I said, "Do you even realize, Seth, that the only way that people will give you money is they've got to earn it?" He had taken me to this bank in New Haven. Not once did they even entertain taking in a bid from me. I said, "You won't be able to get money anymore." The Credit Union did this. I was a little bitter. But they had the opportunity, which I didn't like. I didn't think that was fair; that was -- probably that's one of the things that bothers me most about as long as you belong to when all our lives you got the big jobs. You work hard to get it. I know that my father, it never bothered him how much time he spent figuring jobs as long as he had the opportunity to bid on it. But when they didn't even give you that opportunity, and if you're high you just say "We can get it done cheaper," and that's the end of it. But don't just ignore them. Or even at the hospital, one time we got some bids for some work and a friend of mine asked, he wanted to bid the job. I said, okay, so I talked to the board, I said, "This, also, would like to bid the job." I says, "He's a low bidder. You'll want to give a job." He became the lone bidder and they didn't give him a job. You know, that night, I told them at the meeting, I said, "I don't think this -- I've done this all my life and I don't believe in it. You shouldn't have had him bid if you didn't want to give him the job, because it takes time and money to do that bid. It just isn't fair." LINDA: Just two more things: what was your hardest experience in your life? SETTIMIO: Three years in World War II. That was quite difficult. LINDA: Would you like to explain a little bit? SETTIMIO: Huh? LINDA: Would you like to explain a little bit or share a story? SETTIMIO: No, we're always a family in our own home, and to be away like that. And then under the conditions that you had to live in that you would think you 9 did. But you said the worst thing, that's doing that, although it turned out, I came back, no problems. But even then I worked -- I had to fight to get -- to the top. Now, I was in heavy artillery and, my job was handling 96-pound shells, and of course I just felt that there were better things in life than handling 96-pound shells. There was no future in it. So I hung out with the boys in the survey section, there were eight of them. They did the computing, running the transits, computing for these -- because we had this survey, anything you did on it. And I learned anything that there was to learn on it, and when OCS came, that's officer's training, they get anybody to go that likes to go, and of course the survey is supposedly the brains of the battalion, there's six of them that left for OCS. So I asked permission from -- through the first sergeant and my captain that I'd like to get on survey. And he was nice to me, real nice. He took me a bunch of papers like this here, and they had all these on all circled around, and then they put parts between them. And he said, "I'm going to shake this, and all the cards that fall out, if your name's in there, you can get on survey." My name didn't fall out. And he said, "Now let's see why." Ninth grade -- you have to be a minimum of a high school graduate to get on it, because it required trigonometry and you don't get trigonometry in the ninth grade. You get algebra but you don't get trig. So I said, "But I can do it." He said, "I can't promise you nothing." He said, "You stay with your shells." I still kept there, I started doing it, and I became the -- I became the chief computer -- the [unintelligible - 00:22:24] operator, which wasn't all too good with all the shell people in back now that I'm on the front-line. If we can see the enemy, they can see us. So the payoff. LINDA: I just want you to end with asking you about how you feel about September 11th, what's happening in the country now. SETTIMIO: Terrible, the whole thing is real, real uncalled for. I don't know why you'd have to do something like that. You know, it's murder -- it just gets 10 me that they, that they [unintelligible - 00:23:05] for the world and shelling them and killing civilians. What did they do? Kill 10 people, there's a big [unintelligible - 00:23:16] about it. They killed almost 6,000, let alone the damage. The damage can always be fixed, but lives -- life is gone, you know. Once it's gone, it's gone. So I don't know what the -- what's going to happen. We got to do something to -- somewhere along the line though we've changed. We used to -- every year, immigrants had to register at the post office. Why did they discontinue that in this country? I don't know if you remember that, do you? Every year you had to go to the post office if you were an immigrant, your address, what you're doing and so forth. So they actually were [unintelligible - 00:23:59] they knew where all -- if they still had that, they would know that these guys, number one, that their visas had gone past and so forth. LINDA: I often wonder what the veterans of let's say World War II feel about the men going to fight now, because at least you knew who the enemy was. SETTIMIO: You don't know who the enemy is in this. This is what they -- you have to fight their game, which isn't -- there again, it's not fair. [Unintelligible - 00:24:37] we fought the Germans. We knew what they did. They were in front of us, we were on one side, you knew what you were doing. But to have somebody you can -- somebody in your home and you got terrorists and just get information, the next day you could be gone. LINDA: Anything else you'd like to share? SETTIMIO: Huh? LINDA: Is there anything else you'd like to share with us? SETTIMIO: One of the other things I thought is -- you see that package right there? That little one right there? You organize this; you're at the grocery store. He closed his grocery store so the Italian Colonial could start. LINDA: What was the Italian Colonial? SETTIMIO: Huh?11 LINDA: I don't -- what was the Italian Colonial? SETTIMIO: A grocery store. LINDA: A grocery store? SETTIMIO: [Unintelligible - 00:25:28] be one up there and they became a cooperative. They all bought shares, and he moved his grocery store right next to the other one with all the stuff that we had, you know. We wanted to leave once they start that. LINDA: Well… SPEAKER 3: They were all Italians that got together and formed this cooperative, Colonial -- SETTIMIO: [Unintelligible - 00:25:54]. SPEAKER 3: And when they finally disbanded, they all formed their own little corner stores [unintelligible - 00:26:03]. LINDA: So what was they -- where did they get -- would they be growing their own produce and bring it in, and… SPEAKER 3: Some of them did that. SETTIMIO: Oh no, they bought it. They bought everything, like a legitimate store [unintelligible - 00:26:20] -- I keep moving this don't I? LINDA: That's okay though, that's not important. SETTIMIO: Yes it is, or you wouldn't have it. LINDA: Or I wouldn't touch it. You're right. SETTIMIO: No, but the -- he was very instrumental in helping on getting this Italian Colonial, because he -- number one, if he can close his store, [unintelligible - 00:26:40] but… and then the other thing was bringing the Italian Colonial, you know, the Lincoln Hall in Leominster, which is now Saint Anne's Church, they started the Lincoln Hall, I believe, when -- in 1926, I believe it was. And it was -- the main purpose of it was to naturalize as many Italians as they could. They wanted to move their building because at that time all the different Italians that come from different parts -- Italy was not unified at that time. 12 It wasn't unified until I think in 1961, '56 or something like that, but all these people -- if one club was running the hall, the other clubs wouldn't go. One of those things that they -- that's why the Lincoln Hall failed, contrary to what their remarks they made in the book in the office at Saint Anne's. They said they foreclosed on them -- they foreclosed because none of them would join it. They shouldn't have lost that, you know. LINDA: So why is it they wouldn't join? SPEAKER 3: Parts of Italy, [Forgia, Saladini, Graphinio] had their own [unintelligible - 00:28:05]. SETTIMIO: You could almost [unintelligible - 00:28:08] Boston and then New York and then somebody in Chicago. If the guy in Chicago is on the organization we don't want nothing to do with it, and New York we don't if we're doing it, they don't want to, and that's what happened to that Lincoln Hall, which we can't -- that was one of the bad things the Italian Colonial let go. We don't -- otherwise we wouldn't have Saint Anne's now. So everything turned out pretty well. LINDA: Like who was Lincoln Hall -- who was affiliated with Lincoln Hall, which group? SETTIMIO: All the Italians. LINDA: Oh, so it was a mixture. SPEAKER 3: The functions they would hold there, if one little group was holding a dance or a social event, the other groups stayed away. SETTIMIO: [Unintelligible - 00:28:51]. This is a letter that was written in 1929, as much of it is in Italian, I don't know if you can understand it. But what it is that unless the people joined and paid their dues, they're going to lose the hall. They didn't do it, so… SPEAKER 3: Sounds like your brother, your brother. SETTIMIO: [Unintelligible - 00:29:24]. LINDA: So you said they were trying to naturalize as many Italians as they could. So Italians from any region? SETTIMIO: [Unintelligible - 00:29:34].13 LINDA: In Leominster or any region? SPEAKER 3: Yes. Danny [Cato]? SETTIMIO: Huh? SPEAKER 3: Danny Cato was on this Italian American [unintelligible - 00:29:45]. SETTIMIO: This is the bleeding Italian Americans in Massachusetts. LINDA: Oh, that's an honor. That's your father, right? SPEAKER 3: Mm-hmm. LINDA: So Ann, do you have anything to add? Can you think of anything? SPEAKER 3: Oh, you were speaking about that cooperative grocery store. Is that where some of the people, when they sold out, they would open up their own store like Chet's Grocery, [unintelligible - 00:30:24], all those little stores? SETTIMIO: Nemo had a little store too. SPEAKER 3: Who did? SETTIMIO: Nemo also. SPEAKER 3: Nemo? SETTIMIO: Yeah, it was very lucrative. You hear [unintelligible - 00:30:35]. I'll just tell you a little story about that. My father wanted to get it going good and at the time [unintelligible - 00:30:43] made cash registers, and he had six-drawer cash registers, so each clerk would have to punch their own if they bought it. So my father suggested that the salesmen should go there and sell it, and maybe it would keep them honest, you know, they'd have their own cash box. So at the last minute, my father told the salesman the night of the meeting, he says, "Now don't get alarmed, I'm going to vote against it." He says, "You called me, and now you're going to vote against it?" He said, "If I vote for it, they won't buy it." They bought it, they never used it. LINDA: So the coop -- did different people sell different things? SETTIMIO: Oh no, it was all -- it was a regular store but it was just owned by a cooperative. SPEAKER 3: It was owned by all of them.14 SETTIMIO: This is interesting too, nothing to do with Leominster, but [unintelligible - 00:31:33] they had in Boston in 1492 when Columbus -- it was unbelievable what they did [unintelligible - 00:31:43] try and list it on that. But you see where they -- just the parade and all -- look the way they decorated their buildings. LINDA: Wow, this is to celebrate Columbus Day? SETTIMIO: Yeah, it's unbelievable. It's all parades and all that. There's a state house. It's so unusual. There were no Italians -- I went through this. I couldn't find an Italian name, but it was a big deal for Columbus. Now, in 1992, nothing was done. LINDA: Wow. I know with my children in school, nowadays there's a big discussion whether or not you should even celebrate Columbus Day. SETTIMIO: [Unintelligible - 00:32:28], mm-hmm. SPEAKER 3: But October is the Italian Heritage Month and they have functions going on almost every day, either here or in Boston or some other place where there are Italians. LINDA: That brings up something interesting though. Did you -- when growing up, did you feel proud of Christopher Columbus and that he was an Italian? Do you remember? SETTIMIO: We felt proud of anyone that was Italian. [Unintelligible - 00:33:00] proud of any American that's done unusual things. I don't feel too proud when they name a building for some politician that got paid all his life and had to -- 15, 20, 30 years they name a building after him. What did he contribute actually as far as for the benefit of the people? But we still keep doing that, you know. SPEAKER 3: There are a lot of things -- there are a lot of Italians that have contributed to the world as we see it today, as we know it today, in the arts and the music, and… SETTIMIO: Did you read the one that I had -- the Italian [unintelligible - 00:33:45]? Did you ever see that one? Yeah? LINDA: No, no… where did this come from? From an Italian American?15 SPEAKER 3: I think I saw this on the board at the Italian Center in Leominster. LINDA: Do your children consider themselves Italian American? SPEAKER 3: Oh yeah. SETTIMIO: I hope so. I know my daughter; she spent more time in Italy than she does here now. Sabbaticals and so forth. In fact she's going there for -- she just got a grant to go there with the grade eight students, give a lecture over there. [Unintelligible - 00:34:30] also, you know, different parts of Rome and Florence and [unintelligible - 00:34:36]. SPEAKER 3: She has a doctorate in Italian. She has a doctorate in Italian History. SETTIMIO: She can read even the old script Italian. She's really -- she spent a lot of time there. She spent six years in Florence, so she can really -- in fact my daughter's very thin and so forth. We went up to visit her one day and went to the grocery store, and I saw my daughter do something that she never did. She literally, with her little frame, pushed a big Italian lady in the line. I said, "Linda, where did you learn that?" She said, "Dad, I'll be at the end of the line all day if I didn't do that." That's what they do. So she learned she's got to get in there. SPEAKER 3: Make her way. LINDA: Where does she teach? SETTIMIO: University of Delaware. LINDA: Oh. SETTIMIO: Yeah. LINDA: Have you -- you ever gone back to Italy? SETTIMIO: Oh yeah. I've been there three times. My wife keeps going, but she goes a little more than I do, because women like to travel more than men. My wife likes to travel. She's been to Jerusalem three times. She's been to Kenya; we both went to South America. LINDA: Did you ever go back to the village of your father? SETTIMIO: Went back up to where my mother was born and where my father was, and also where she was born. You know that. LINDA: Well, thank you.16 SETTIMIO: That's all? We're done? LINDA: It was a long time, two hours. Aren't you tired? It's tiring. SETTIMIO: I just tried to accept what I'm going to do every year what my father did from 19-, from when he came here up until he passed away. I want to make it complete. [Unintelligible - 00:36:47] yeah. That's one project I got to do. The other project I got to do is I got a lot of movie pictures that I took, and I want to put those on VHS and break them down. I got the floods of '38, and I got parades and all that sort of stuff, and I got also Saint Anne's -- the opening of Saint Anne's dedication. SPEAKER 3: Very good history. SETTIMIO: I have a library, and I'm a collector [unintelligible - 00:37:23] stuff. I'm proud of a lot of it too. I got all the directories going back -- that's why it was so easy to do this. I have all these downstairs, these books. I also have it on Fitchburg, I go back Fitchburg 1880, and I keep buying local history, whatever I can get, or anything that originally was made in Leominster, so forth. [Unintelligible - 00:37:51] LINDA: It's interesting. SETTIMIO: The only thing is time is running out. LINDA: Oh, it seems like you come from a long line. It seems like people live a long time in your family. SETTIMIO: Well, they try to do it. Whether they make it or not, I don't know. Time will tell. LINDA: Well, don't give up. SPEAKER 3: Don't give up. SETTIMIO: Oh, no. SPEAKER 3: You have a lot of good work here. SETTIMIO: Huh? SPEAKER 3: You have a lot of good things here. LINDA: Did you mention to me that you had your mother's -- maybe your grandmother's wedding dress? SETTIMIO: Yes, I have it.17 SPEAKER 3: Your mother's or your grandmother's? SETTIMIO: My mother's. SPEAKER 3: Your mother's wedding dress. LINDA: Wow. SPEAKER 3: That was 19 -- what? What year? SETTIMIO: They got married what would be the year 1902, I think, or something like that. LINDA: Wow. SETTIMIO: Would you like to see it? LINDA: I'd like to. SETTIMIO: I think it's in the closet. LINDA: Okay, hold on. This is the end of the interview. /AT/pa/rjh/es

Diary 47 begins on November 4, 1897. According to his diary, Joseph arrived back in Baghdad from his journey to Europe with his son Alexander, his wife Eliza, and the outgoing British Consul Col. Mockler on October 14. He quickly settled back in to his normal life, traveling up and down the Tigris River from Baghdad to Basra and back, aboard the steamers of the Lynch company. Typically, Joseph was clerk aboard the H. Blosse Lynch, though on occasion his services were required aboard her newer sister ship, the Mejidieh. At home in Baghdad, Joseph corresponded with his son by mail?Alexander had begun studying several subjects in school, including German. Joseph also noted in his diary that he had paid a carpenter for four days worth of work while he was away at Basra, part of an ongoing series of improvements to his home in Baghdad. (4 November 1897, 2-3) Evidently, Eliza had returned to Iraq separately from Joseph, she had recently arrived at Basra in the SS Arabistan, one of several British steamers which made a regular run from Europe, through the Red Sea and Persian Gulf before traveling on to India. On Monday, November 8, Joseph met Eliza at Basra. Upon meeting her again, he wrote in his diary: ?I could not keep myself from the tears on seeing her without my son Alexander.? (8 Nov. 1897, 9) The news that she brought was just as bad. She complained that in Paris, their family friend Ibrahim Gejou had treated them quite poorly. He was unprepared for their arrival and charged them extra for her to stay in the same room with Alexander. To make matters worse, Eliza believed that Alexander should not remain in Paris because he spent too much money too quickly and made a habit of selling his postage stamps instead of using them to write home. The whole conversation left Joseph ?so very sorry & broken hearted that [he] lost all the pleasure of talking with her about anything else.? That night, he could not sleep well on account of the excessive mosquitoes and his wife?s story of his son?s life in Paris. (8 Nov. 1897, 10) Upon their return to Baghdad together, the rest of the family was glad to see Joseph and Eliza once again. Throughout November, Joseph often noted that the weather was unusually cold and calm, recording morning temperatures in the low thirties Fahrenheit, and overnight temperatures that sometimes dipped as low as the mid-twenties. On Tuesday the 16th, Joseph took the time to call on the new British Consul General, Colonel Lock, who had replaced the outgoing Col. Mockler. Lock, it seems, was rather interested in performing archaological expeditions in the surrounding desert. An avid amateur archaeologist himself, Joseph recommended that Lock visit the site of Sippar at Tell Abu Habbah, southwest of Baghdad. Joseph then went to meet the new French Vice Consul M. Ron?, and engineer M. Jacquer?s. (16 Nov. 1897, 17-18) After visiting with some family on November 17th, tending to some home business, and receiving another letter from his son, Joseph embarked for Basra again on the 19th. Throughout the journey, Joseph continually complained of the cold weather and its ill effects on his health.? At Basra, they took on an important cargo: the body of Sheikh Mezel of the Mahomerah tribe. Mezel had been murdered by his brother Khazal, and the body was being transported to the Shi?a holy city of Karbala for burial. On this journey, Joseph listed among the notable passengers: the new Inspector for the Quarantine of Baghdad dispatched by Constantinople, Dr. Z. Yeronimakus; Dr. Malakis of the Basra Quarantine and his clerk Solon Calothi, coming for an unspecified political affair, as well as Ezra Daniel the Jew Apothecary. (23-4 Nov. 1897, 27-9) On November 28, Joseph learned of the death of Yousif Sayegh, a relative of his wife Eliza?s late husband Fathallah. Joseph and his brother-in-law Antone Marine attended a wake at the Sayegh family home in Baghdad, where Yousif had lived as the last resident after his remaining brothers in the clergy moved north to Mosul. Later that afternoon, Joseph, Antone Marine, and their friend Yousif Korkis Tessy accompanied the body from the Sayegh home to the Armenian Church near the ancient citadel in the northwest corner of Baghdad, where funeral services were held. The Baghdadi Christian community turned out in droves to pay their respects, including the Russian consul Mr. Mashkow. Following the funeral, the body was taken by mourning carriage to the Christian cemetery complex on the eastern outskirts of the city, where it was interred. (28 Nov. 1897, 34-5) Aside from unusually rainy and gloomy weather, the late autumn and early winter of 1897 was a relatively uneventful time. The work on the Svoboda family home continued, he noted in his diary that he painted the pillars and railings in his home yellow and green. (30 Nov. 1897, 37) In December, Joseph continued to correspond with Alexander, who complained of the bitterly cold winter in Paris, the like of which he had rarely experienced??temperature always at zero, or freezing point.? (16 Dec. 1897, 53) Once, on a journey from Baghdad to Basra, Joseph noted that some of his passengers were the former administrators of the Basra Quarantine, ?Dr. Lubiez and Dr. Malakis. They, along with their entire staff, had been dismissed from their positions for reasons that Joseph was not aware of, and were returning to Istanbul via the Suez Canal in the steamer Alphonse Parran. (17 Dec. 1897, 55) On the same trip to Basra, Joseph gave Rezooki Sayegh three Arabic language manuscripts to send to Alexander via Bombay so that they could be sold in Paris. Joseph also sent four Rumelian Railway lottery bonds (purchased at a price of 28 Turkish Lira) for Alexander to sell in exchange for some of the Paris Exhibition Lottery bonds for 1900 for 1 Napoleon apiece. (21 December 1897, 59-60) On Christmas Day, Joseph noted that they passed the Ottoman steamers Mossul and Ressafah near Bughela carrying Ottoman soldiers to Kuwait to settle a disturbance, as he put it, ?between the followers of the Sheikh of Kweit Moobarak el Subah and his brother?s sons, as his brother Mahomed was Killed by the former 2 years ago, the Arabs have split in two parts.? Later, the crew celebrated Christmas aboard the Blosse Lynch with a caked baked by Captain Cowley?s butler Francis. (25 December 1897, 64-5) Upon arriving back at Baghdad, Joseph wrote that the Damascus Post, the key mail line going over land through the Ottoman Empire, was delayed by more than four days, meaning he and Eliza had no letters from Alexander for Christmas. (26 December 1897, 66) It arrived the following day, the driver having been found dead in the desert between Hit and Saglawyeh east of the Euphrates. (27 December 1897, 68) Several days later, Joseph mailed Alexander a cheque for 200 francs from his uncle Yousif Marine as a Christmas gift. (30 December 1897, 71) The first of the New Year brought an unexpected surprise. On a trip down to Basra, with morning temperatures hovering around freezing, Joseph notes a particularly uncommon weather phenomenon: ?It begun to Snow after midnight, a phenomena for this part of the world and a great rarity, I never saw it like this but once some 25 years ago; the whole desert, banks of the river and brush wood are covered with it so white and picturesque.? (1 January 1898, 74) Though recording wonder at the rarity and beauty of the event, Joseph complains of the cold for several days.?It seems the threat of Ottoman military force successfully settled the troubles in Gulf, at least temporarily, as the Blosse Lynch passed the same contingent of Turkish soldiers now encamped at Lebany on the banks of the Tigris. Evidently, the Sheikh of Qatar (Kater in Joseph?s rendering) Jassim el Thani had submitted to Ottoman authority. (4 January 1898, 79) The month of January 1898 saw three anniversaries that each occasioned great celebration in Baghdad. On January 6, the Father Superior of the Latin Church, Marie Joseph, was feted for his 40th anniversary at the Church in Baghdad. The French Vice Consul, Mons. Ronet, presented the priest with the Palmes d?Officier d?Acad?mie, one of the highest awards for the expansion of French culture abroad. January 9th, 1898 corresponded to the 16th of Sha?aban in the Islamic hijri calendar, and was celebrated as the Coronation Day of Sultan Abdulhamid II. According to Joseph, all of the foreign consuls in Baghdad paid their respects to the Governor of Baghdad Vali Atta-allah Pasha and Mushir Rejeb Pasha, Commander in Chief of the Ottoman 6th Army. (9 Jan 1898, 85-6) On January 27, late in the evening on account of the Ramadan fast, the German consulate hosted a reception in honor of Kaiser Wilhelm?s birthday. Joseph attended, along with most of the European diplomatic community and the Ottoman provincial administrators. There was a dance, and guests were entertained by the Ottoman military band. (27 January 1898, 111-3)? On January 10, Joseph received an urgent telegram from his son asking permission to travel to Cairo to work for the international commission overseeing the management of Egyptian public debt. He wrote in his diary ?I was astonished to see such a message, how could I possibly let him accept such a situation without first knowing what condition and how and who has asked him, or if he has been applying for it?? He attempted to send a telegram ordering Alexander to wait, but it was delayed by a cut telegraph line, an all-too common occurrence. In the mean time, his brother-in-law Anton Marine advised him to allow Alexander to pursue the opportunity. Joseph resolved to wait until his son sent more details by mail. (10 January 1898, 87-8) Upon receiving Joseph?s telegram, Alexander replied by wire that he would wait until the end of February. Joseph wrote: ?All here advise me to let him go after I receive the full particulars of this situation in Cairo if advantageous; I was so restless all the night thinking about Alexander?s project of wishing to go to Cairo.? (18 January 1898, 99)?A week later, Joseph received two letters from Alexander from the end of December, more thoroughly explaining his motivations. Through Sherif Beg, the son of a Moossa Kadem Pasha, he met the unnamed son of a Serkis Pasha, who in turn promised to introduce Alexander to Nubar Pasha, the former Egyptian Prime Minister that had retired to Paris. (24 January 1898, 107-8) Throughout the later months of winter, Joseph continued to correspond frequently with Alexander. On Sunday February 6, he received an inexplicable telegram from his which simply read: ?Grammaire, 100 francs repondez.? In his diary, Joseph puzzled over the meaning of the message. He went to the German consulate to gather and copy the necessary documents for Alexander to renew his Austrian passport through their family friend Mr. B?hm in Vienna. After a few days, Joseph finally surmised that, by ?grammaire,? Alexander must have meant the Arabic manuscripts he had sent to him in December. He replied telling Alexander to suspend the sale, as 100 francs was far too low a price. He then sent Alexander a longer letter via the Damascus Post to telling providing the details of a trip to Vienna and telling him that he ?must give up the idea of the job in Egypt for the present." (6-10 February 1898, 124-30)?On February 19, Joseph received two letters from Alexander from a month earlier, explaining that he had been quite unwell, but that he had given up the thought of going to Cairo and would instead go to Vienna come spring. (19 February 1898, 142-3) Glad to hear that his son had come to his senses, Joseph wrote to Alexander to tell him that if he was short of money he could draw 500 francs from Rezooki Korkis for his travels. (23 February 1898, 146)? For the most part, the winter of 1897-1898 was cold and dry. In late February Joseph noted with relief that rain had finally come. The drought had pushed grain prices to historic highs. According to Joseph: ?wheat had risen to 500 piasters per Wazna of 78 Constantinople Oke; a thing which has never yet occurred before.? (25 Feb. 1898, 149) The bad weather had also killed off livestock and destroyed much of the vegetable crop. Bad pasturage from the cold meant that young lambs were killed early for their skins rather than their meat or wool. (1 March 1898, 155) Joseph recorded in his diary upon returning to Baghdad from Basra in early March: ?There is a great scarcity and dearnes of provision in town; which is worth noting, it is caused by the scarcity of rain & the severe cold of this winter which killed all of the vegetation & pasturage for sheep & cattle & the price rose steadily, although there are a great quantity of Grain stowed away by the dealers in hopes of getting the price up & therefore making a good profit, the Government do not seem to take any steps to avoid this, & force the people & the sellers to dispose of the provision at a reasonable price, every kind of food rose accordingly.? (4 March 1898, 158-9) Joseph wrote that the spike in food prices precipitated unrest and banditry amongst the tribal Arabs outside the city: ?Lots of theft & plunder are taking place in the town & outside, the Arabs are plundering Keleks & caravans; & theives robbing houses & shops on account of the scarcity.? (5 February 1898, 160) On March 5th, at the invitation of Eliahoo Denoos, the Seraf of the Residency, Joseph, his wife Eliza, Antone Marine and his family, Yousif Asfar and Philip Chiha went together to the wedding of his brother Noonoo Denoos. Joseph was not pleased by the nights? festivities. He complained to his diary: ?there were hundreds of people Jews and Mahomedans, with the Jews band, and the Native music?the ladies were separated from us in other rooms, I did not like this entertainment at all, there is no taste in it, neither head or tale. We left at 11 1/2 and came to our houses. But I lost my sleep and could not do so all the rest of the night.? (6 March 1898, 160-2) The following morning, Joseph sent a telegram to Alexander authorizing him to sell the Arabic manuscript for 100 francs and the Rumelian Railway Lotteries for 105 Francs each. He lamented that he had paid 140 francs for each of them initially. (7-10 March 1898, 162-7) He later sent a more detailed letter to Alexander laying out his financial situation. Joseph allowed Alexander to keep the proceeds from the manuscript sale (100 francs) and the Rumelian lottery sale (225 Francs, less the cost of 10 shares of the 1900 Paris Exhibition lottery for various family members), plus 500 francs apiece from N. Sayegh and Rezooki Korkis, and a 300 franc bank note from Joseph, giving Alexander more than 1600 francs. Joseph thought this was an ample sum to get Alexander through to Vienna. That evening, he received a letter from Alexander informing him that he had sold the Rumelian lotteries for 104 Francs each, minus 14 francs for stamp duties and commissions. Joseph noted that the whole transaction had come at a loss to him of 158 francs. Alexander also told his father that he was planning to leave for Vienna around April 10. (10 March 1898, 166-7) As he often did, Joseph complained about government corruption on the occasion of the dismissal of the Vali of Basra, Arif Pasha, in mid-March. Joseph noted that he had been appointed in November of 1896, a scant 16 months earlier. He wrote that the Vali left ?with a nice fortune made of nearly 30,000 TLiras, it is the largest sum of that any former Governor had been able to squeeze out from the sheikhs and merchants and other bribery.? The Lynches transported Arif Pasha back to Baghdad aboard the Blosse Lynch, breaching normal diplomatic protocol by not flying the Turkish flag, as neither they nor the dismissed Vali had one. The following day the ship?s crew rectified this oversight by running up a makeshift Turkish flag in the rigging. (14-5 March 1898, 172-6) Joseph also made a habit of recording various business intrigues and company gossip. In late March, he noted that Mr. Hatfield, the Blosse Lynch?s second mate was reprimanded and dismissed by Mr. Bottomley, Stephen Lynch?s agent in Baghdad. The unfortunate Hatfiled was immediately pulled from service and given a one-way ticket to Karachi, the nearest British port. His dismissal came as the result of various derelictions of duty: once failing to pick up the mails for India, once leaving the ship without permission on account of an alleged illness, and bringing numerous prostitutes onto the steamer into his cabin??in excess,? as Joseph put it. Nevertheless, Joseph did not seem to believe that Hatfield?s behavior was too out of line, writing: ?Otherwise he is sober and of good and mild temper he certainly has followed what other officers are doing in both steamers. (24 March 1898, 185-6) As the Mesopotamian winter transitioned into spring, and the cold gave way to heat, humidity, and insects, life continued apace for Joseph. April 15 marked a year since he had departed for Europe with Alexander and Eliza. The same day, he received a letter from Alexander asking for permission to return home from Vienna via the overland route at Aleppo, as he disliked traveling by sea. At the same time, he also asked permission to take an alternate route to Vienna, via Lyon, Milan, and Venice. ?(15 April 1898, 216-7) Meanwhile, the renovations to Joseph?s continued. He noted in his diary ?I had masons today in repairing the wall on the narrow street, and also in my small house behind. (19 April 1898, 223) On 27 April, Joseph complained to his diary of a new flare up of his persistent stomach ulcer: ?I took a dose of Castor Oil this morning early at 4 1/2 as I have felt bilious and bowels out of order, I had not taken it for a year? (27 April 1898, 233) In late April, the Chaldean Patriarch from Mosul, Aleed Ishoh came to Baghdad to oversee the completion of a new Chaldean church. Construction on this church had begun some five years earlier, but it had been halted due to lack of sufficient funds. Joseph recorded of him: ?He is an old man of 75 and very clever, speaking several European languages he has the decoration of the Mejidieh Class? I found him a nice person very talketive and amusing.? (29 April-1 May 1898, 237-39) The Patriarch?s visit was of some local social importance, he was called on by the Atta-allah Pasha the Vali and Rejeb Pasha the Mushir of the Ottoman 6th Army. In May, some two months after Arif Pasha?s dismissal as Vali of Basra, Joseph recorded that Anis Pasha had been permanently appointed in his place. This appointment proved controversial among Anis Pasha was the former Governor of Diyarbak?r and helped order the massacres of Armenians during the Hamidian pogroms of 1894-96. Joseph writes: ?This is the same Anis Pasha who was Governor of Diarbekir 2 years ago, during the Armenian Massacre there, encouraged by him and he remained inactive, and the French Consul there wired to the French Ambassador Mons. Cambon, the latter went immediately to the Sultan and complained very strongly and demanded the immediate dismissal of Anis Pasha to stop the massacre, which he did, and there was no further bloodshed; Now he has been appointed to Basreh, but the English and French protested strongly to the Sultan regarding his being appointed Wali at Basreh.? (2 May 1898, 240-2) Despite the protestations of European diplomats, Anis Pasha arrived in Basra aboard the Ottoman steamer Ressafah. He was met with great fanfare from the local officials and nobility amidst an honor guard of Ottoman soldiers. (9 May 1898, 252-3) In mid-May, Joseph received a telegram from Alexander told his father to rest assured that he would depart Paris for Vienna soon, but that he needed to be sent an additional 500 francs. Joseph confided to his diary: ?I suppose he wants the money for the Bycicle which he must have bought; I had written to him not to buy one now as I had arranged with Johny, my nephew to get two out from London one for himself, I did not know what to do, and not having money just now to advance him so I had to satisfy his wishes.? Joseph arranged for Rezooki Korkis to advance Alexander 20?. (13 May 1898, 259) Meanwhile, the renovations to Joseph?s home continued. On May 18th, he recorded in his diary: ?I have carpenters at home for the last 30 days working in making me a new railings on top of the house made of Jawi wood.? Later that day, Joseph received a telegram from Alexander dated the previous night informing him that he had arrived safely in Vienna. Joseph speculated that Alexander must have left Paris on the 10th and travelled by Milan, Turin, and Venice to reach Vienna on the 17th. (18 May 1898, 264-5) Late May brought severe weather. On the night of May 24th, Joseph observed lightning and thunder on the southern horizon while the Blosse Lynch took on coal and offloaded cargo and passengers at Amara. Joseph watched with apprehension as the storm seemed to move up to the north and west, with ?thick black clouds like a range of high mountains.? A sudden shift in the wind brought the ominous clouds above them at Amara. Joseph later wrote: ?it gave us no time to furl the awnings when it begun to blow a terrific squall such as I never witnessed; With thick dust and rain and the strong lightning, the Wind is blowing from the opposite side and played havoc with the upper deck riggings, all the awnings were torn away, stretchers broke and stancheons bent and were rattling on the deck like so many sounds of cannons, the passengers Kit flew on shore and most of it were picked away by Arabs; the passengers came down yelling and crying; the thick dust blinded us, the incessant lightning and thunder was a sight like a hurricane at sea.? The squall lasted for a half an hour, intruding into the cabins and causing small leaks below deck. However, the damage to the Blosse Lynch was minimal. The crew finished taking on six tons of coal and a shipment of ghi, and she got underway again after just a few hours. (24 May 1898, 275-6) In June, Joseph noted a major dispute between the Arab tribes. He records: ?About a month ago, a great quarrel had taken place between the tribes of Hassan ibn Jendeel of the Beni Laam tribe and Magasis located from Coot and downward on the West bank and both lost about 20 or 30 Men Killed; and now all the Governors of the surrounding districts have gathered at S. Saad to arrange the Matter and collected the Sheikhs to oblige them to give a Guarantee for their future Good behaviour.? The mutasarr?fs of Amara and Nasryeh(?), and the Kaymakam of Kut Jaffer Beg, as well as Ottoman officials came with a company of soldiers to mediate the dispute. (17 June 1898, 307-8) Later that month, Joseph received a few letters from Alexander about his stay in Vienna. He recorded in his diary with pride that Alexander ?is very well, taking his German lesson from Dr. Bayer, and goes to a large merchants office, a very extensive export firm he is very glad of this place and the Director is very satisfied of him, he was recommended to this large house by Mr. B?hm, who also writes to me a very nice letter and telling me how he is looking after Alexander.? (24 June 1898, 320) At the same time, he received a telegram from Alexander stating ?Require 500 hastily advise Korkis.? Knowing that the expense of the journey from Paris and his emergency visit to the doctor were quite high, Joseph confided to his diary ?I could not possibly avoid sending him as he may be in great need.? Joseph went to Yousif Korkis and had him wire his brother Rezooki for 20? Sterling for Alexander. (24 June 1898, 321) However, Alexander?s stay in Vienna was destined to be a short one. On July 8th, Joseph wrote to Alexander and provided details about his impending journey home over land, including a list of stations from Alexandretta (?skenderun) to Deir ez-Zor in the Syrian desert. (2 July 1898, 330)?But, In order for Alexander to return home, Joseph had to engage in some subterfuge. In early July, Alexander his Ottoman passport back to Joseph for renewal. Mr. B?hm, the Svoboda family friend in Vienna, could not obtain an Austrian passport for Alexander. Having just turned 20, Alexander was still liable for mandatory conscription into the Austrian army, and if the authorities knew of his presence there, he would be drafted in September. Thus, Alexander would have to travel back to Istanbul on an Ottoman passport. (8 July 1898, 338) On the same day, Joseph recorded that the Mushir of the Ottoman 6th Army, Recep Pasha, had been transferred to Tripoli in North Africa by order from Istanbul. Joseph wrote: ?It is to the regret of everybody here Christians, Mahomedans and Jews because he is one of the best man in the Turkish service, a very honest streight forward man, a just and wise administrator, he belongs to the New School and a liberal and open hearted.? Evidently, the Vali was jealous of Recep Pasha?s popularity: ?The present Waly here Atta-Allah Pasha who is a very old man, very fanatic and lazy, and does no good to the welfare of the people and the country, hated by everybody, but has a great influence and being a relative of the Sheikh ul-Islam and hates the Mushir in his internal feelings, being jealous of him because every body likes the latter, and has been undermining him and, the Sultan hates every person in his services who has such influence and liberality with the nation; and frightened by false rumor bing represented to him, that if the Mushire is allowed to be left in Baghdad where his popularity is gaining ground, he might eventually gain his independence by having all the Army Corps siding with him as well as the population, and it might end by the dismemberment of Irak Arabia from the Turkish dominion.?(8 July 1898, 338-40) The Mushir was popular with the local citizens of Baghdad. A group of concerned residents telegrammed to Istanbul begging the Porte to retain him, but according to Joseph their appeals had the opposite of the intended effect. Instead, they inflamed the Atta-allah Pasha and Sultan Abdulhamid II?s fears that Recep Pasha?s popularity might one day lead to rebellion. Instead, the Mushir of Yemen was called in to take Recep Pasha?s place. The next several days were ?fearfully warm,? as Joseph put it, with afternoon temperatures hovering in the mid-110s. The pace of business slowed considerably?the Blosse Lynch remained docked at the Customs House for some time offloading cargo. Joseph took advantage of time to catch up on correspondence and visitation. On July 9th, he received a new telegram from Alexander stating: ?Advantageous Affaire in hand, require thousand florins? This sum was equal to about 90? Sterling. Joseph had Rezooki Korkis wire Alexander the money, believing it to be for the purchase of items in Europe that could be resold at a better price in Baghdad. (9 July 1898, 343) On the 11th, Joseph called on the Agha Muhammad at his home on the outskirts of Baghdad, and the following afternoon he went to visit Mushir Recep Pasha to bid him goodbye. On the 13th, Joseph sent Alexander a lengthy letter?six sheets?arranging accommodations for him in Istanbul at the Mostapha Pasha Han. He sent along a letter of recommendation from his friend Georgis Antone to Antone?s friend Nazaret Kasparyan, who ran the han, to provide Alexander 30 Turkish Liras on his arrival. The package also included Alexander?s Ottoman passport. (13 July 1898, 349) Throughout the summer, tensions between the local Ottoman authorities and the Arab tribes of the lower Tigris continued. Joseph wrote in mid-July that ?there has been a disturbance lately caused by the Motserrif of Amara Mostapha Pasha who came here to fill his pocket from Sheikh Seyhood (the runaway brigand who had attacked the Khalifah, and now made Sheikh and reinstated by the Turks and farmed lands here and the Motserrif wanted to exact more money from him and his sons Faleh, Kathem, etc, the Motserrif having taken one of the sons and put him in prison, and the father Seyhood came and attacked the village and fired shots from the opposite side on the telegraph office where the Motserrif was sitting.? Both of the active Lynch steamers?the Khalifa and the Blosse Lynch?were given contingents of zaptyehs to guard against attack from Arab gunners. (16 July 1898, 354-5) On July 22nd, Joseph received two letters from Alexander complaining about the strangeness of Vienna. Alexander wrote that Mr. B?hm had departed Vienna to stay in the countryside for the summer, leaving him alone. He also informed his father that he had used one of the payments of 500 francs to buy 100 pairs of European shoes, presumably to bring back to Baghdad to sell. (22 July 1898, 368) On July 25, Joseph received an urgent telegram from Alexander in Paris dated July 22, informing him that he was in Paris for an important purpose, and that he would sent a letter soon explaining why. Joseph was astonished at his sudden departure and feared that Alexander had fled because someone had tipped off the authorities to his presence, making him liable for conscription. Joseph wrote in his diary: ?I suspect the sons of Isak Lurion either Faust or Edward, they saw that he was in the office of Olloi Schweizer the General Export merchant and did this out of spite." Joseph immediately telegramed Ibrahim Gejou in Paris asking for an explantion. (25 July 1898, 370-1) He tried to contact Mr. B?hm at his summer home to ask about the situation. (27 July 1898, 374) On the morning of July 28th, Joseph set out for Basra aboard the Blosse Lynch, not knowing Alexander?s fate. He spoke to Mr. Julietti at the Baghdad telegraph office and made arrangements for any telegrams addressed to him at Baghdad to be forwarded to him at Amara or Basra. Yet, when they anchored at Amara on the 30th, there was still no word from Alexander. Being left in such a state of ignorance took a heavy toll on Joseph?s mental well-being: ??I could no longer write and was getting mad and feel so weak that I do not know what to do and where to go, my heart fails me and I am so sorry and out of temper on account of Alexander.? (31 July 1898, 380) Upon landing at Basra, Joseph received a package of three urgent telegrams, one from Ibrahim Gejou and two from his wife Eliza. In the first, Gejou informed Joseph that Alexander was indeed in Paris, seemingly to be married. In the second, Eliza exhorted Alexander to telegraph the Austrian consul in Baghdad to inform the Ambassador in Paris to put a stop to the marriage, this was followed by one from two hours later, in which Eliza stated that she had corresponded with Monseigneur Altmayer, the Archbishop of Baghdad, who advised that involving the Austrian ambassador could be a risky proposition. Alexander had, after all, been preparing to depart Vienna so that he could avoid conscription into the Austrian army. Joseph sarcastically recorded in his diary: ?This is a fine thing Alexander is doing if what Ibrahim says is true; I am at a loss to find out the reality of this news; but if it is true Alexander must have been doing a great fault and foolishness; unless Ibrahim has been working at it all the time before he went to Vienna.? He discussed the matter with his friends and relations in Basra and resolved to telegram back to Paris to both Ibrahim Gejou and Alexander to discover what was behind Alexander?s seemingly erratic behavior. Joseph was unable to sleep that night. On the morning of August 1, after he had sent off his telegrams to Alexander and Ibrahim, Joseph boarded the Blosse Lynch to return to Baghdad. In one of the final entries in Diary 47, he wrote: ?This news has stunned me and made me quite sick pulled down as it is a thing that I never expected it to come from my only son that I hold so dear and precious on earth, my affection to him has no limit and I have been expecting to see him soon and am sacrificing everything for him even my health and existence.? That evening the Blosse Lynch set sail, with Joseph still awaiting a response from his son and an answer to his worries. (31 July-1 August 1898, 380-6) ; NELC, Simpson Center for the Humanities

This paper will first define the words and terms applicable to the topic of light infantry that appear in eighteenth-century literature so that there is an understanding of how an eighteenth-century soldier conceived of warfare. After establishing this connection, this paper will follow a chronological chain of events that focuses on the creation of regular light infantry in European armies in Europe and North America from the War of the Austrian Succession (1740-1748) until the beginning of the Revolutionary War (1740-1775), how those events influenced Washington, the first use of light troops during the Revolutionary War, and how the Continental light infantry developed through the war. This paper will not delve into the intricacies of battles because historians have well-examined the few notable battles involving the Continental light infantry. However, this paper will draw from battles the tactics that highlight the regular and irregular methods used by the light infantry and highlight details from campaigns and battles that depict how Washington and other leaders employed the light infantry. This paper argues that Washington recognized that trained, properly equipped, and competently led light infantry was more effective against regular and irregular enemies, rather than other American irregular light troops that often proved ineffective against those same enemies. Washington based his decision first, by drawing from his military experiences on the North American frontier, and second from European theory and practical application of regular light infantry forces in European armies. ; Master of Arts in Military History ; "The Picked Corps of the American Army": The Light Infantry of the Continental ArmyBrian K. GerringA paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for theMaster of Arts in Military HistoryNorwich UniversityMH 562D Capstone PaperDr. John RocheAugust 23, 2020 Gerring 1This position is only twenty miles from New York island; and was accordingly occupied by the van guard, consisting of light infantry; that is to say, the picked corps of the American army.—Marquis de Chastellux, Travels in North-AmericaThe history of the War of American Independence is replete with studies of military campaigns, leaders, weapons, and tactics. Historians frequently focus on particularmilitary units that have becomeingrained into American folklore concerning the war, such as the minutemenmilitia or Daniel Morgan's riflemen. Even the broadtopicof the Continental Army receives an adequate amount of scholarly consideration. However, one element within the army's structure that does not receive significant attention is the light infantry. Writing in 1900, Henry Johnston noted this absence of research concerning the Continental light infantry, concluding that "our books contain little about them."1In 1926, John Wrightsimilarly noted that the Continental light infantry suffered from scholarly neglect.2There has been minimal scholarly research into the Continental light infantry nearly a century later. When scholars do mention the Continental light infantry, they relegate those forces to a paragraph or two containing some form of exposition.This paper will begin to fill that scholarly voidby providing abroad overview of the history of the Continental light infantry.The inattention from historians towards theContinental light infantry likely stems from the seemingly insignificant role these forces played in the Revolutionary War's overall outcome.While onlybriefly touching on that topic, this paper arguesthat the Continental light infantry did fulfill a unique role for the army during the war. The Continental light infantry wasso unique that John Wright assessed them asthe first elite unit created within the regular American army 1Henry P. Johnston, The Storming of Stony Point (New York: James T. White, 1900), 68.2John W. Wright, "The Corps of Light Infantry in the Continental Army," The American Historical Review31, no. 3 (1926): 461. Gerring 52perception proved that the regular light infantry wassuddenly the preeminentelite force within the Continental Army.Wayne also advocated for a distinct uniform for the light infantry, which again indicatestheir status as elite troops. Contemporary troops considered as elite wore something unique, either headgear or uniforms—the most notable examples were the tall grenadier caps covered in bear fur and leather helmets of the British dragoons and light infantry.252Wayne wrote to Washington,expressing that as the commander of the corps, he should "have it in our power to Introduce Uniformity among the Light Corps belonging to the Respective States, andInfuse a Laudable pride and Emulation into the Whole."253He further concluded that the light infantry should have:an Elegant Uniform & Soldierly appearance—so much so that I would much rather risque my life and Reputation at the Head of the same men in an attack Clothed & Appointed as I could wish, with a Single Charge of Amunition—than to take them as they appear in Common with Sixty Rounds of Cartridges.254However, Washington opposed the outfitting of the light infantry with distinctive uniforms, noting that "the Light Infantry being only considered as detachments from the line ought to bear the uniform of the Regiments from which they are taken."255Despite this, Wayne did order the light infantry under his command to adorn their caps with hair, which was not a regular standard for the army's headgear.256252Cuthbertson's suggestion that light infantry should wear "jackets made from old coats . . . and snug little caps composed from old hats, and the pairing of the coat skirts" is evident in the British light infantry uniforms during the Revolutionary War. Bennett Cuthbertson, Cuthbertson's System for Management for the Complete Interior of a Battalion of Infantry, rev. ed. (Bristol: Rouths and Nelson, 1776), 190-191.253"From Brigadier General Anthony Wayne," July 4, 1779, Fort Montgomery, in PGW, https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/GEWN-03-21-02-0289[accessed 28 Jun 2020].254Ibid. 255"To Brigadier General Anthony Wayne," September 14, 1779, West Point, in PGW, https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/GEWN-03-22-02-0353[accessed 28 Jun 2020].256Robert Gamble, "The Orderly Book of Captain Robert Gamble[. . .]," in Collections of the Virginia Historical and Philosophical Society[. . .] (Richmond: T. W. White, 1833), 256. Gerring 53Congruent with the light infantry under Wayne in the main army was the light infantry operating with MajorGeneral John Sullivan. Washington tasked Sullivan to engage and destroy most of the Indians of the Six Nations, including any Tory allies and any British troops,in western New Yorkin late spring of 1779. Washington originally devised that a quarter of the troops participating in this campaign would "harrass and distract the enemy, and create diversions, in favor of the principal operation," which are known aspects of lapetite guerre.257However, Washington's later conception of the campaign involved Sullivan operating in the irregular tactics of the Indians, coupled with regular tactics. Washington suggested to Sullivan:as general rules ought to govern your operations—to make rather than receive attacks attended with as much impetuosity, shouting and noise as possible, and to make the troops act in a loose and dispersed a way as is consistent with a proper degree of government concert and mutual support—It should be previously impressed on the upon the minds of the men when ever they have an opportunity, to rush on with the warhoop and fixed bayonet—Nothing will disconcert the Indians more than this.258This reflects that Washington relied on his experiences because he understood howto engage and defeat Indians using proven combat-tested methods. Sullivan began his campaign on June 18, 1779 after months of extensive preparations. During Sullivan's Expedition, there was a designated light corps composed of various troops under the command of BrigadierGeneral Edward Hand.259Some of these troops were regular light infantry companies. Captain Leonard Bleeker—the Major of the Brigade for BrigadierGeneral James Clinton—records that each of the four regular regiments in Clinton's brigadehad 257"To Major General Horatio Gates," March 6, 1779, Middlebrook, in PGW, https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/GEWN-03-19-02-0391[accessed 07Jun 2020].258"To Major General John Sullivan," May 31, 1779, Middlebrook, in PGW, https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/GEWN-03-20-02-0661[accessed 07Jun 2020].259Dearborn, Journals of Henry Dearborn,164; Adam Hubley to Hand, June 22, 1779, Sunbury, in Linn and Egle, Pennsylvania in the War, 2:11. Gerring 54light infantry companies.260Bleeker notes that these light infantry companies operated in conjunction with riflemen under Hand.261Therefore, these light infantry soldiers operated more in-line with the light troops at Saratoga, which were a combination of riflemen and designated light infantry troops. It is unlikely these light infantry troops receivedthe same training as Wayne's troops because the two bodies of troops were separate from each otherand Wayne was actively conducting operationsduring Sullivan's Expedition. Despite this, Hand's corps did containsome troops with experiencein light operations, such as some remnants of Morgan's Regiment.262During movement, Hand's light corps acted as the forward element, staying a mile in front of Sullivan's troops.263If attacked on the move, the light corps acted as a maneuver element to either surround the enemy or move through the regular troop formation to form a rear-guard.264The light corps routinely operated well in advance and detached from the main force.265Due to their ability to move quickly, Hand's light corps also operated as a quick reaction force.266On one occasion after Sullivan's troops repelled an ambush, the light infantry chased the fleeing Indians three miles.267On August 13, Hand led a portion of the light infantry in advance of the armyoutside the village of Chemung; Indians ambushed this force, and the light 260Leonard Bleeker, The Order Book of Captain Leonard Bleeker, Major of Brigade[. . .] (New York: Joseph Sabin, 1865), 104-105, 128. The Major of the Brigade was the Brigade Inspector, which operated under the auspice of the Continental Army's Inspector General, see Bleeker, Order Book,11-12. The four regiments under Clinton were the 3rd, 4th, 5th New York, and the 7th Massachusetts, see Dearborn, Journals of Henry Dearborn,165n28. 261Bleeker, Order Book, 128.262Richard B. LaCrosse, Revolutionary Rangers: Daniel Morgan's Riflemen and Their Role on the Northern Frontier, 1778-1783(Westminster, MD: Heritage Books, 2007), 46-48, 119.263Dearborn, Journals of Henry Dearborn,165.264Ibid., 166-168.265Linn and Egle, Pennsylvania in the War, 2:17.266Dearborn, Journals of Henry Dearborn,186; Adam Hubley, "Journal of Lieutenant-Colonel Adam Hubley," in Journals of the Military Expedition of Major General John Sullivan, ed. Frederick Cook (Auburn, NY: Knapp, Peck, Thomson, 1887), 150.267Ibid., 178. Gerring 75Martin, James Kirby and Mark Edward Lender. 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This is a special chapter of the Asia Small and Medium-Sized Enterprise Monitor (ASM) focusing on the impact of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) on micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) in developing Asia. The study is based on findings from rapid MSME surveys conducted from March to May 2020 in Indonesia, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, the Philippines, and Thailand. The ASM is a knowledge-sharing product series developed as a key resource for MSME development policies in Asia and the Pacific.

This paper estimates slum residents willingness to pay for formalized land tenure in Pune, India. In so doing, it offers evidence that the legal assurance of slum residents occupancy of their lands could benefit them. Previous studies have discussed legal and non-legal factors that substantially influence the tenure security of residents in informal settlements. However, it remains unclear to what extent, and how, the assignment of legal property rights through the formalization of land tenure improves the tenure security of residents in informal settlements and living conditions, even in the presence of other legal and non-legal factors that also contribute to their tenure security. To address the question, this study focuses on the city of Pune, India, where government agencies have formalized slums by legally ensuring the occupancy of the residents under slum declaration. Applying a hedonic price model to an original household survey, this paper investigates how slum residents evaluate formalized land tenure. A spatial econometrics method is also applied to account for spatially autocorrelated unobserved errors. The spatial hedonic analysis finds that the premium of slum declaration is worth 19 percent of the average housing rent in slums. The associated marginal willingness to pay is equivalent to 6 percent of the average household expenditure, although it is heterogeneous depending on a households caste and other legal conditions. This finding suggests that the assurance of occupancy rights is a vital component of land-tenure formalization policy even if it does not directly provide full property rights.

This report on adaptation to climate variability and change draws together the conclusions of a series of comparative case studies undertaken for the Area-Based Development and Climate Change (ABDCC) project of the Social Development Department of the World Bank. The report contributes to a better understanding of pro-poor adaptation by addressing the growing need for systematic analyses of existing rural adaptation strategies in the face of climate variability. The study shows: 1) how different types of climate phenomena affect households that are already vulnerable owing to their political-economic and social circumstances, 2) the ways in which households cope with and adapt to climate hazards, and 3) the role of rural organizations and institutions in helping vulnerable households cope with climate impacts and other sources of vulnerability more effectively. The study also complements other macro-level analyses in which the focus is primarily on government policies in the context of adaptation. The ABDCC study relied on four strategies for its implementation, data collection, and capacity building efforts: 1) review of secondary information and the selection of study sites; 2) data collection through household, focus group, and expert interviews; 3) data analysis and identification of feasible policy options; and 4) capacity building and dissemination of results. The study generated data both from secondary sources as well as primary research. The data was used to prepare country reports and policy notes but has also been analyzed using basic statistical methods to understand the relationship between institutions, adaptation strategies, and social groups within communities and territories.