Der Artikel analysiert Studien und Forschungsergebnisse aus dem Bereich der internationalen Beziehungen, die an internationalen Forschungsinstituten erarbeitet wurden. Frühe Studien waren stark problemorientiert an den Problemen der Nachkriegswelt. Erst zu Beginn der 80er Jahre begann mit Studien über internationale Regime und funktionalistische Theorien ein wesentlich progressiveres Forschungsprogramm an Forschungsinstituten. Einen weiteren Forschungsschwerpunkt bildet zunehmend die Analyse der Innenpolitik eines jeweiligen Landes (SWP-Drh)
The study of power is one of the defining features of International Relations. Thus, every generation of IR scholars undertakes a reconsideration of the concept of power in an attempt to place its own definitive stamp on one of the oldest conversations in world affairs. What distinguishes current engagements with the consideration of power is that they are happening in the context of a power transition. It is in this setting that the three books included in this review both reflect and address the different puzzles attendant in the current re-articulations of the notion and practices of power in IR. Jiang Qing addresses the 'what' of power through a novel assessment of previously overlooked Confucian insights. Marjo Koivisto engages the 'when' of power by drawing attention to the strategic impact of normative state action in world affairs. Alexander Cooley explores the 'how' of power through a parallel assessment of the strategic competition for influence between the US, Russia and China in Central Asia. Jiang, Q. (2013). A Confucian Constitutional Order: How China's Ancient Past Can Shape Its Political Future. Trans. E. Ryden. Ed. D. A. Bell and R. Fan. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Koivisto, M. (2012) Normative State Power in International Relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Cooley, A. (2013). Great Games, Local Rules: The New Great Power Contest in Central Asia. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
A bloc system has superimposed itself upon national legislatures. Although their members are elected on a definite territorial basis, they associate themselves together in response to interests in their constituencies which have little relation to their electoral districts. Thus, in the United States, a foreign word has come into use to designate the organized agricultural interests which constitute the farm bloc.More or less definite aggregations of this kind have been formed throughout parliamentary history. Some of these have been the result of particular manufacturing or commercial interests; other groupings have followed religious or social-class lines of cleavage; nevertheless, the basis of representation, in the popularly elected chambers, has remained territorial. Since 1919, however, an international assembly has been built up on a new political pattern. This is the Conference of the International Labor Organization, which convened for its tenth session at Geneva, in May, 1927, and in the following October completed the eighth year of its history. Notwithstanding the fact that structurally this body has a national basis, in that the delegates are sent by different member states, the conferences derive their character and mode of operation, not so much from the member states as from the three component groups in which national differences are more or less subordinate. These groups represent, respectively, the governments, the employers, and the workers of the several countries.
An overview of central banks -- Bank of England -- European Union and European Central Bank -- Bank of Japan -- Bank of Canada -- Reserve bank of Australia -- People's Bank of China -- An overview of international economic indicators -- European indicators: Eurostat and National Statistics -- UK indicators -- Japanese indicators -- Canadian indicators -- Australian indicators -- Chinese indicators.
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International audience ; Le Venezuela a été confronté en 2018 à d'importants problèmes intérieurs et extérieurs. L'aggravation de la crise économique, l'intensification de l'émigration et la disqualification du régime par les acteurs internationaux (gouvernements, organismes multilatéraux, ONG, médias, réseaux sociaux) ont engendré une situation explosive qui menace constamment la stabilité du régime.
International audience ; Le Venezuela a été confronté en 2018 à d'importants problèmes intérieurs et extérieurs. L'aggravation de la crise économique, l'intensification de l'émigration et la disqualification du régime par les acteurs internationaux (gouvernements, organismes multilatéraux, ONG, médias, réseaux sociaux) ont engendré une situation explosive qui menace constamment la stabilité du régime.
International audience ; Le Venezuela a été confronté en 2018 à d'importants problèmes intérieurs et extérieurs. L'aggravation de la crise économique, l'intensification de l'émigration et la disqualification du régime par les acteurs internationaux (gouvernements, organismes multilatéraux, ONG, médias, réseaux sociaux) ont engendré une situation explosive qui menace constamment la stabilité du régime.
"Whether by accident or design, oil pollution is a statistical certainty that will exist as long as oil is moved by sea." The truth of this observation, certainly as far as accidents are concerned, has been illustrated in the recent spate of oil tanker incidents. The North American continent, the Canadian coastline included, has not been spared from such incidents.An examination of the circumstances of tanker accidents over the years reveals certain recurring factors. In many instances the accidents are due to human error. In other instances subsequent examination has revealed faulty equipment despite examination and certification by reputable classification societies. Another element which complicates matters is the pressures under which masters operate in meeting schedules or in deciding whether to call in salvors, at great expense to shipowners, when confronted with breakdown of vital equipment.
If countries are to engage in international environmental cooperation, they must bargain over the distribution of gains. When future bargaining over pollution abatement is expected, how should a country decide on public technology investments to reduce the domestic cost of pollution abatement? I find that while countries tend to underinvest because they fail to internalize the global benefits of new technology, the magnitude of the problem depends on a country's bargaining power. Powerful countries underinvest less frequently, because they expect to reap most of the global benefits from new technology in the international negotiations. I also investigate the effectiveness of a simple reciprocal technology agreement. I find that it can help solve the underinvestment problem, and this beneficial effect is particularly pronounced in the case of powerful countries. These findings imply that changing the bargaining protocol on climate change to the benefit of powerful countries may help secure the necessary technology investments. Adapted from the source document.
