Suchergebnisse

Le suivi de l'utilisation des terres par télédétection a récemment connu un essor important. Cela s'explique par une accessibilité accrue et souvent gratuite des images à (très) haute résolution ainsi que par le développement d'applications web destinées au suivi de l'utilisation des terres. L'accès à ces applications reste cependant soumis à l'existence d'une connexion Internet fiable faisant encore défaut dans certaines régions du globe. Dans ce contexte, la présente étude décrit une méthode permettant de produire des statistiques sur l'évolution de l'occupation du sol en réalisant une photo-interprétation par point sur des images en couleurs vraies à très haute résolution produites par mini-drone. La méthode utilise une application (PINT pour Photo-INTerprétation) intégrée dans le logiciel open source QGIS. Les surfaces de différentes occupations du sol sont dérivées des estimations des proportions de points affectées à chaque classe à partir d'une grille systématique. Pour illustrer l'intérêt de l'outil, l'étude considère les statistiques d'occupation du sol au sein de deux terroirs villageois du Complexe d'aires protégées de la Garamba, en République démocratique du Congo. Les résultats obtenus sont comparés avec ceux d'une cartographie de référence basée sur une photo-interprétation exhaustive après segmentation des images. Les écarts entre surfaces estimées par échantillonnage et surfaces de référence varient entre 0,2 % et 6,1 % pour les principales occupations du sol (forêts et savanes, défriches, jachères, implantations humaines et cultures). Des différences plus importantes (17,4 % et 13,4 %) sont enregistrées pour la classe « arbres isolés ». Le temps global de mise en œuvre de la méthode est de l'ordre de 60 ha par heure d'opérateur. L'utilisation du plugin PINT avec des images « drone » constitue une solution pertinente pour estimer des statistiques d'occupation du sol dans des régions web-isolées et pour des sites d'étendues de quelques (dizaines de) km². ; Land use monitoring by remote sensing techniques has been developing rapidly, thanks to much easier access, often free of charge, to (very) high-resolution images, and to the development of specific Web applications for land use monitoring.However, access to these applications depends on the existence of a reliable internet connection, which is still lacking in some regions of the world. This study describes a land-use monitoring method based on point-by-point photo-interpretation of very high-resolution images acquired by small drones. The method requires the integration of an application (PINT, for Photo-INTerpretation) into QGIS Open source software. The areas occupied by different land uses are derived from the estimated proportions of the points allocated to each land-use class, based on a systematic grid. To illustrate the advantages of the tool, this study investigated the land-use statistics for two villages in the Greater Garamba Complex of protected areas, in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The results obtained were compared with those of a reference map, on the basis of exhaustive photo-interpretation after segmentation of the images. The differences between the areas estimated by sampling and the reference areas vary from 0.2% to 6.1% for the main land uses (forests and savannas, clearings, fallows, human settlements and crops). Larger differences (17.4% and 13.4%) were recorded for the "isolated trees" class. Implementing the method takes about 1 hour per operator for 60 ha. Using the PINT plugin with drone images appears to be a relevant solution to estimate land-use statistics in Web-isolated regions, for areas of a few to a few dozen km². ; Peer reviewed

Reconstruction has been based on several plans of Akkerman city and fortress. The urban structures were characterized by chaotic planning with distinguished three-four local districts shaped around the squares. External fortifications (themoat and the wall) enveloped the trading quarters by a rough curve. Urban development becomes more dense closer to the fortress. The fortress also housed a few public buildings. The territory of the defensive ensemble is divided into several quarters. The highest density of buildings is seen in the northeastern, coastal part of the trading quarters, near modern streets Popova and Shabskaya. The Greek church still preserved here is dated by the second half of 15th century, and Armenian church dates to early 17th century.The archaic planning is still present at places (outlines of streets and a square in the quarter between the current streets Shabskaya, Kutuzova, Popova and Shevchenko are the same). It was the district with one of the three exits from the city, towards Katarja village and the sea quay (on the cape, between Shabolat and Dniester estuaries), known from 1419. North-east of the city gate, on the external side of the city fortifications, there was a big cemetery (Christian, most likely). Two other exits from the city were located in the south-western part of the external defense line (road to Tatarbunar and Bender). They are also accompanied by a cemetery, this time located within the city line. It is the Muslim mazar, whose surface matched the four modern quarters within the streets SverdlovaDzerzhinskogo and Kirova-Shevchenko. Localization of the cemetery is confirmed by stray finds of burials in this urban district, as well as marble grave -stones with epitaphs in the old Ottoman language (with one dated by 1743). East of Tatarbunar gate there is a garden adjoining the defense line in quarters between Pervomaiskaya and Kirova streets. Another garden was located outside the urban boundary, on the lower coastal terrace of the estuary, south-west of Bender gate.A few small cemeteries were found inside the urban buildings. Almost all of them were related to churches or mosques. Thus, at the corner of Kalinina and Ushakova streets, historical plans localize a mosque with a small cemetery west of it (near modern school no. 1). Another Muslim cemetery of 16th—18th century was found near the fortress, south-east of towers no. 1—3 of the Military Court. The Armenian and Greek churches also had their own graveyards. A few dozens of preTurkish burials were documented in the Civil Court, west of the Orthodox church, during archaeological excavations led by G. Mezentseva. After seizure of Belgorod by the Turks (1484), the church was replaced by Bayazed Veli's Mosque (?). Kauffer's plan marks it as Sultan Mosque. Another 15th century small Christian graveyard inside the fortress was documented by Gr. Avakian's digs at the eastern wall of the Citadel, where some graves were revealed under a window of apse of the Citadel's church. There were at least seven mosques in the fortress in the second half of 18th century. ; Реконструкция исторической топографии Аккермана основана на нескольких планах города и крепости второй половины XVIII в. Городская застройка характеризовалась хаотичной планировкой с тремя-четырьмя локальными районами, сформировавшимися вокруг площадей. Внешние укрепления (ров и стены) охватывали посад неровной дугой. Городская застройка становится более плотной по мере приближения к крепости. В самой крепости также размещались некоторые общественные здания. Территория оборонительного ансамбля делится на несколько кварталов. Самая высокая плотность застройки наблюдается в северо- восточной, прибрежной части торговых кварталов, в пределах современных улиц Попова и Шабской. До сих пор сохранились здесь Греческая церковь, которая датируется второй половиной 15-го века и Армянская церковь (начало 17-го века). Архаичная планировка по-прежнему прослеживается в некоторых местах (направления улиц и контуры площади в квартале между нынешними улицами Шабской, Кутузова, Попова и Шевченко). В этом районе располагался один из трех выездов из города, в сторону деревни Катаржа и морской пристани (на мысу, между Шаболатским и Днестровским лиманами), которая известна с 1419 г. К северо-востоку от городских ворот, с внешней стороны городских укреплений, располагалось обширное кладбище (скорее всего, христианское). Два других выхода из города были расположены в юго-западной части внешней линии обороны (дороги к Татарбунарам и Бендерам). С ними также соотносится кладбище, но на этот раз, расположенное в городской черте. Это мусульманский мазар, территория которого соответствовала четырем современным кварталам в пределах ул. Свердлова-Дзержинского и ул. Кирова- Шевченко. Локализация кладбища подтверждается случайными находками погребений в этом городском районе, а также мраморных надгробий с эпитафиями на старо-османском языке (одно датировано 1743 г.). К востоку от Татарбунарских ворот располагался сад, примыкающий к линии обороны в пределах кварталов между Первомайской и улицей Кирова. Другой сад был расположен за пределами городской черты, на нижней прибрежной террасе лимана, к юго-западу от Бендерских ворот. Несколько маленьких кладбищ находились внутри городских кварталов. Почти все они были связаны с церквями или мечетями. На углу улиц Калинина и Ушакова, согласно историческим планам, локализована мечеть с небольшим кладбищем к западу от него (вблизи современной школы № 1). Другое мусульманское кладбище XVI-XVIII-го вв. было зафиксировано недалеко от крепости, к юго-востоку от башен № 1-3 Военного двора. Армянская и Греческая церкви также имели свои собственные кладбища. Несколько десятков захоронений доосманской эпохи были зафиксированы в Гражданском дворе, к западу от христианской церкви, во время археологических раскопок под руководством Г. Мезенцевой. После захвата Белгорода турками (1484 г.), на месте церкви появилась мечеть Баязеда Второго (?). На план Ф. Кауффера 1793 г. она отмечена как Султанская мечеть. Еще одно небольшое христианское кладбище XV в. внутри крепости был зафиксировано Гр. Авакяном во время раскопок у восточной стены цитадели, где единичные могилы были выявлены под окном апсиды церкви цитадели. Во второй половине XVIII в. в крепости насчитывалось как минимум семь мечетей. ; Реконструкція історичної топографії Аккермана спирається на декілька планів міста і фортеці другої половини XVIII ст. Міська забудова характеризувалася хаотичним плануванням з трьома-чотирма локальними районами, сформованими навколо площ. Зовнішні укріплення (рів та стіни) охоплювали посад нерівною дугою. Міська забудова стає щільнішою в міру наближення до фортеці. У самій фортеці також розміщувалися деякі громадські будівлі. Територія оборонного ансамблю поділяється на декілька кварталів. Найвища щільність забудови спостерігається в північно-східній, прибережній частині торгових кварталів, в межах сучасних вулиць Попова та Шабській. До цих пір тут збереглися Грецька церква, яка датується другою половиною 15-го століття, та Вірменська церква (початок 17-го століття). Архаїчне планування простежується в деяких місцях сучасного міста (збігаються напрямки вулиць та контури площі в кварталі між нинішніми вулицями Шабська, Кутузова, Попова і Шевченка). У цьому районі розташовувався один з трьох виїздів з міста, в бік села Катаржа та морської пристані (на мисі, між Шаболатським та Дністровським лиманами), яка відома з 1419 р. На північний схід від цих міських воріт, із зовнішнього боку міських укріплень, розташовувався великий цвинтар (швидше за все, християнський). Два інших виїзди з міста були розташовані в південно- західній частині зовнішньої лінії оборони (дороги до Татарбунар та Бендер). З ними також співвідноситься кладовище, але на цей раз, воно розташоване в межах міста. Це мусульманський мазар, територія якого відповідала чотирьом сучасним кварталам в межах вул. Свердлова-Дзержинського та вул. Кірова-Шевченка. Локалізація кладовища підтверджується випадковими знахідками поховань в цьому міському районі, а також мармурових надмогильних плит з епітафіями старо-османською мовою (одне датоване 1743 р.). На схід від Татарбунарських воріт розташовувався сад, що примикав до лінії оборони в межах кварталів між Першотравневою та вулицею Кірова. Інший сад був розташований за межами міста, на нижній прибережній терасі лиману, на північний захід від Бендерських воріт. Декілька маленьких кладовищ знаходилось всередині міських кварталів. Майже всі вони були пов'язані з церквами або мечетями. Так, на розі вулиць Калініна та Ушакова, згідно з історичними планами, локалізована мечеть з невеликим кладовищем на захід від неї (поблизу сучасної школи № 1). Інше мусульманське кладовище XVI-XVIII ст. було зафіксовано неподалік від фортеці, на південний схід від веж № 1-3 Військового двору. Вірменська та Грецька церкви також мали свої власні кладовища. Кілька десятків поховань до османських часів були зафіксовані в Цивільному дворі, на захід від християнської церкви, під час археологічних розкопок під керівництвом Г. Мезенцевої. Після захоплення Білгорода турками (1484 р.), на місці церкви з'явилася мечеть Баязеда Другого (?). На план Ф. Кауффера 1793 р. вона позначена як Султанська мечеть. Ще одне невелике християнське кладовище XV ст. всередині фортеці було зафіксовано Гр. Авакяном під час розкопок біля східної стіни цитаделі, де поодинокі могили були виявлені ним під вікном апсиди церкви цитаделі. У другій половині XVIII ст. у фортеці налічувалося як мінімум сім мечетей.

Reconstruction has been based on several plans of Akkerman city and fortress. The urban structures were characterized by chaotic planning with distinguished three-four local districts shaped around the squares. External fortifications (themoat and the wall) enveloped the trading quarters by a rough curve. Urban development becomes more dense closer to the fortress. The fortress also housed a few public buildings. The territory of the defensive ensemble is divided into several quarters. The highest density of buildings is seen in the northeastern, coastal part of the trading quarters, near modern streets Popova and Shabskaya. The Greek church still preserved here is dated by the second half of 15th century, and Armenian church dates to early 17th century.The archaic planning is still present at places (outlines of streets and a square in the quarter between the current streets Shabskaya, Kutuzova, Popova and Shevchenko are the same). It was the district with one of the three exits from the city, towards Katarja village and the sea quay (on the cape, between Shabolat and Dniester estuaries), known from 1419. North-east of the city gate, on the external side of the city fortifications, there was a big cemetery (Christian, most likely). Two other exits from the city were located in the south-western part of the external defense line (road to Tatarbunar and Bender). They are also accompanied by a cemetery, this time located within the city line. It is the Muslim mazar, whose surface matched the four modern quarters within the streets SverdlovaDzerzhinskogo and Kirova-Shevchenko. Localization of the cemetery is confirmed by stray finds of burials in this urban district, as well as marble grave -stones with epitaphs in the old Ottoman language (with one dated by 1743). East of Tatarbunar gate there is a garden adjoining the defense line in quarters between Pervomaiskaya and Kirova streets. Another garden was located outside the urban boundary, on the lower coastal terrace of the estuary, south-west of Bender gate.A few small cemeteries were found inside the urban buildings. Almost all of them were related to churches or mosques. Thus, at the corner of Kalinina and Ushakova streets, historical plans localize a mosque with a small cemetery west of it (near modern school no. 1). Another Muslim cemetery of 16th—18th century was found near the fortress, south-east of towers no. 1—3 of the Military Court. The Armenian and Greek churches also had their own graveyards. A few dozens of preTurkish burials were documented in the Civil Court, west of the Orthodox church, during archaeological excavations led by G. Mezentseva. After seizure of Belgorod by the Turks (1484), the church was replaced by Bayazed Veli's Mosque (?). Kauffer's plan marks it as Sultan Mosque. Another 15th century small Christian graveyard inside the fortress was documented by Gr. Avakian's digs at the eastern wall of the Citadel, where some graves were revealed under a window of apse of the Citadel's church. There were at least seven mosques in the fortress in the second half of 18th century. ; Реконструкция исторической топографии Аккермана основана на нескольких планах города и крепости второй половины XVIII в. Городская застройка характеризовалась хаотичной планировкой с тремя-четырьмя локальными районами, сформировавшимися вокруг площадей. Внешние укрепления (ров и стены) охватывали посад неровной дугой. Городская застройка становится более плотной по мере приближения к крепости. В самой крепости также размещались некоторые общественные здания. Территория оборонительного ансамбля делится на несколько кварталов. Самая высокая плотность застройки наблюдается в северо- восточной, прибрежной части торговых кварталов, в пределах современных улиц Попова и Шабской. До сих пор сохранились здесь Греческая церковь, которая датируется второй половиной 15-го века и Армянская церковь (начало 17-го века). Архаичная планировка по-прежнему прослеживается в некоторых местах (направления улиц и контуры площади в квартале между нынешними улицами Шабской, Кутузова, Попова и Шевченко). В этом районе располагался один из трех выездов из города, в сторону деревни Катаржа и морской пристани (на мысу, между Шаболатским и Днестровским лиманами), которая известна с 1419 г. К северо-востоку от городских ворот, с внешней стороны городских укреплений, располагалось обширное кладбище (скорее всего, христианское). Два других выхода из города были расположены в юго-западной части внешней линии обороны (дороги к Татарбунарам и Бендерам). С ними также соотносится кладбище, но на этот раз, расположенное в городской черте. Это мусульманский мазар, территория которого соответствовала четырем современным кварталам в пределах ул. Свердлова-Дзержинского и ул. Кирова- Шевченко. Локализация кладбища подтверждается случайными находками погребений в этом городском районе, а также мраморных надгробий с эпитафиями на старо-османском языке (одно датировано 1743 г.). К востоку от Татарбунарских ворот располагался сад, примыкающий к линии обороны в пределах кварталов между Первомайской и улицей Кирова. Другой сад был расположен за пределами городской черты, на нижней прибрежной террасе лимана, к юго-западу от Бендерских ворот. Несколько маленьких кладбищ находились внутри городских кварталов. Почти все они были связаны с церквями или мечетями. На углу улиц Калинина и Ушакова, согласно историческим планам, локализована мечеть с небольшим кладбищем к западу от него (вблизи современной школы № 1). Другое мусульманское кладбище XVI-XVIII-го вв. было зафиксировано недалеко от крепости, к юго-востоку от башен № 1-3 Военного двора. Армянская и Греческая церкви также имели свои собственные кладбища. Несколько десятков захоронений доосманской эпохи были зафиксированы в Гражданском дворе, к западу от христианской церкви, во время археологических раскопок под руководством Г. Мезенцевой. После захвата Белгорода турками (1484 г.), на месте церкви появилась мечеть Баязеда Второго (?). На план Ф. Кауффера 1793 г. она отмечена как Султанская мечеть. Еще одно небольшое христианское кладбище XV в. внутри крепости был зафиксировано Гр. Авакяном во время раскопок у восточной стены цитадели, где единичные могилы были выявлены под окном апсиды церкви цитадели. Во второй половине XVIII в. в крепости насчитывалось как минимум семь мечетей. ; Реконструкція історичної топографії Аккермана спирається на декілька планів міста і фортеці другої половини XVIII ст. Міська забудова характеризувалася хаотичним плануванням з трьома-чотирма локальними районами, сформованими навколо площ. Зовнішні укріплення (рів та стіни) охоплювали посад нерівною дугою. Міська забудова стає щільнішою в міру наближення до фортеці. У самій фортеці також розміщувалися деякі громадські будівлі. Територія оборонного ансамблю поділяється на декілька кварталів. Найвища щільність забудови спостерігається в північно-східній, прибережній частині торгових кварталів, в межах сучасних вулиць Попова та Шабській. До цих пір тут збереглися Грецька церква, яка датується другою половиною 15-го століття, та Вірменська церква (початок 17-го століття). Архаїчне планування простежується в деяких місцях сучасного міста (збігаються напрямки вулиць та контури площі в кварталі між нинішніми вулицями Шабська, Кутузова, Попова і Шевченка). У цьому районі розташовувався один з трьох виїздів з міста, в бік села Катаржа та морської пристані (на мисі, між Шаболатським та Дністровським лиманами), яка відома з 1419 р. На північний схід від цих міських воріт, із зовнішнього боку міських укріплень, розташовувався великий цвинтар (швидше за все, християнський). Два інших виїзди з міста були розташовані в південно- західній частині зовнішньої лінії оборони (дороги до Татарбунар та Бендер). З ними також співвідноситься кладовище, але на цей раз, воно розташоване в межах міста. Це мусульманський мазар, територія якого відповідала чотирьом сучасним кварталам в межах вул. Свердлова-Дзержинського та вул. Кірова-Шевченка. Локалізація кладовища підтверджується випадковими знахідками поховань в цьому міському районі, а також мармурових надмогильних плит з епітафіями старо-османською мовою (одне датоване 1743 р.). На схід від Татарбунарських воріт розташовувався сад, що примикав до лінії оборони в межах кварталів між Першотравневою та вулицею Кірова. Інший сад був розташований за межами міста, на нижній прибережній терасі лиману, на північний захід від Бендерських воріт. Декілька маленьких кладовищ знаходилось всередині міських кварталів. Майже всі вони були пов'язані з церквами або мечетями. Так, на розі вулиць Калініна та Ушакова, згідно з історичними планами, локалізована мечеть з невеликим кладовищем на захід від неї (поблизу сучасної школи № 1). Інше мусульманське кладовище XVI-XVIII ст. було зафіксовано неподалік від фортеці, на південний схід від веж № 1-3 Військового двору. Вірменська та Грецька церкви також мали свої власні кладовища. Кілька десятків поховань до османських часів були зафіксовані в Цивільному дворі, на захід від християнської церкви, під час археологічних розкопок під керівництвом Г. Мезенцевої. Після захоплення Білгорода турками (1484 р.), на місці церкви з'явилася мечеть Баязеда Другого (?). На план Ф. Кауффера 1793 р. вона позначена як Султанська мечеть. Ще одне невелике християнське кладовище XV ст. всередині фортеці було зафіксовано Гр. Авакяном під час розкопок біля східної стіни цитаделі, де поодинокі могили були виявлені ним під вікном апсиди церкви цитаделі. У другій половині XVIII ст. у фортеці налічувалося як мінімум сім мечетей.

The development of Education systems in Sub-Saharan Africa as a whole and specially in Burkina Faso, Congo, Senegal shows ups and downs due to their low development, despite commitments made by the international community in 1990 at Jomtien in Thailand. The Dakar Forum in 2000, while recognizing progress recorded since independence for African countries,highlighted the need for States to undertake deep reforms with regard to education systems. Actually, since independence, the will shown by States to grant priority to education - as they are convinced that education has a positive impact on development of nations - was undermined by a number of uncertainties, including Structural Adjustment Programs in the 1990's, which have been limiting factors in education systems development. Consequently, education systems weremaintained through a number of strategies aiming at increasing education opportunities in situations where there was almost no financial investment. Recommendations from the Dakar Forum targeting the adoption of education development policies helped to address the most important expenditure line in education budget, i.e. the wage bill. Therefore, appealing to new types of teachers or Non-Government teachers is becoming widespread and is emerging as a standard, thereby deregulating the teaching profession formerly built. After reviewing developments in education system within three countries, from independences to the 2000's, we analyzed the background in which new types of teachers emerged before showing their contribution to education systems development, both in terms of quantity and quality. This analysis was conducted following a methodology consisting in reviewing documents and using several databases of the Education Systems Analysis Program of CONFEMEN (PASEC), the Evaluation of Learning Achievement (EAS) and the Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring Education Quality (SACMEQ). At the end of our research, we have reached the conclusion that new types of teachers or contractual teachers or Non-Government teachers contributed to achieving significant development in terms of education opportunities and they were not less performing than their Government counterparts. It was also noted, based on country experiences, some policy convergence towards stabilizingsuch new jobs by professionalizing them. ; Le développement des systèmes éducatifs en Afrique subsaharienne en général et au Burkina Faso, au Congo et au Sénégal en particulier, connaît beaucoup de péripéties du fait de leur faible développement malgré les engagements pris par la communauté internationale en 1990 à Jomtien en Thaïlande. Le forum de Dakar, en 2000, tout en reconnaissant les progrès enregistrés depuis les indépendances par les pays africains, a mis en évidence la nécessité pour les États d'engager des réformes profondes des systèmes éducatifs. En effet, depuis les indépendances, la volonté manifestée par les États de faire de l'éducation une priorité parce que convaincus de son impact positif sur le développement des nations, s'est heurtée à un certain nombre d'aléas dont les programmes d'ajustement structurel dans les années 1990 qui ont limité fortement le développement des systèmes éducatifs. Dès lors, les systèmes éducatifs se sont maintenus à travers un certain nombre de stratégies visant à accroître l'offre dans des situations où l'investissement financier est pratiquement nul. Les recommandations issues du forum de Dakar visant à adopter des politiques de développement de l'éducation, ont ainsi conduit à s'attaquer au poste de dépenses le plus important dans le budget de l'éducation, qu'est la masse salariale. Dès lors, le recours à de nouveaux types d'enseignants ou enseignants non fonctionnaires va se généraliser et apparaître comme une norme, dérégulant ainsi la fonction enseignante anciennement construite. Après avoir passé en revue l'évolution du système éducatif dans les trois pays, des indépendances aux années 2000, nous avons analysé le contexte d'émergence des nouveaux types d'enseignants avant d'indiquer leur apport tant au plan quantitatif que qualitatif au développement des systèmes éducatifs. Cette analyse a été possible grâce à une méthodologie basée sur une revue documentaire et l'exploitation de plusieurs bases de données du Programme d'analyse des systèmes éducatifs de la CONFEMEN (PASEC), de l'évaluation des acquis scolaires (EAS) et du Consortium de l'Afrique Australe et Orientale pour le pilotage de la qualité de l'éducation (SACMEQ). Au terme de notre recherche, nous pouvons conclure que les nouveaux types d'enseignants ou enseignants contractuels ou non fonctionnaires ont contribué à un développement appréciable au niveau de l'offre éducative sans être moins performants que leurs collègues fonctionnaires. Il ressort également suivant les expériences des pays, une certaine convergence des politiques vers la stabilisation de ces nouveaux emplois à travers leur professionnalisation.

This paper analyzes the transfer and spread of laparoscopy in Korea in the 1970–80s and its impact on Korean society from a historical perspective. It raises three questions: first, what was the reason that laparoscopy was introduced and spread in Korea, even though other contraceptive technologies were already in use? Second, what was the impact of laparoscopy on the Family Planning Program in Korea? Third, what subsequent effect did laparoscopy have on obstetricians in Korea? To clarify these points, this study examines government documents, NGO reports, and medical research papers produced in Korea and the United States of America (USA). There were three main reasons due to which laparoscopy was introduced and spread in Korea. Firstly, it was the necessity and the possibility of new contraceptive technology. The limitations of existing contraceptive technology led to the need for tubal sterilization. Intrauterine devices and oral contraceptives caused many side effects due to defects in the technology itself and baseless target amount; additionally, they were a substantial economic burden due to their long-term costs. Vasectomy and artificial abortion were suggested as alternatives, but the limitations were obvious; vasectomy could not overcome the psychological resistance among males, while artificial abortion was vulnerable to the ethical condemnation of sacrificing life. As intrauterine devices, oral contraceptives, vasectomy, and artificial abortion exposed several limitations, tubal sterilization, which had not been discussed as an alternative, began to emerge as a viable method. The Hospital Family Planning Program and the introduction of laparoscopy realized and expanded the possibilities of tubal sterilization, which until the early 1970s had been a difficult surgery, only available at hospital-level institutions. This constraint was resolved with the implementation of the Hospital Family Planning Program in response to the rise of the urban population problem. As hospitals, concentrated in cities, emerged as new centers of family planning, the technological limitations blocking the spread of tubal sterilization were naturally solved; further, laparoscopic surgery, introduced in the mid-1970s, expanded possibilities of tubal sterilization. With the introduction of laparoscopy, tubal sterilization changed from a complicated surgery requiring hospital-level institutions to a simple surgery available at clinic-level institutions. With both necessity and possibility in place, tubal sterilization became a key means of the Family Planning Program. The second reason is that laparoscopy met the interests of the governments and medical professionals of both the USA and Korea. In the late 1960s, the governments of both countries sought new means to replace the existing contraceptive technologies. As mentioned above, intrauterine devices and oral contraceptives caused frequent side effects and were quite expensive. Under these circumstances, laparoscopy emerged as a groundbreaking technology for popularizing tubal sterilization, decreasing the difficulty of the operation and increasing its safety. Although the problem of its high initial cost remained, a single surgery could have a permanent contraceptive effect, thus, it seemed to be an economical option. For both governments, laparoscopy was an excellent technical solution to overcome the technological and economic limitations of existing contraceptive technologies. Laparoscopy also met the interests of medical practitioners in both countries. Obstetricians in developed countries, leading the development and diffusion of contraceptive technology, were able to secure huge amounts of clinical cases through worldwide population control projects. Proving the effectiveness of new medical technologies required a sufficient number of cases; however, this was not an easy task in developed countries, where population problems were not prominent. The solution was the 'extension of the operating room.' If the surgical procedure could be standardized and the results could be reported in a systemized format, cases could be collected easily from various countries. Medical professionals in Korea also saw their benefits. Based on the network between Korea and the USA through the standardization of laparoscopic surgery, obstetricians in the former country received technology transfer and exerted authority as experienced surgeons. Behind the Johns Hopkins Program for International Education in Gynecology and Obstetrics lay the overlapping interests of the governments and medical professionals of both countries. Lastly, laparoscopy was technically improved to suit the situation of developing countries. When first used for tubal sterilization, laparoscopy was not an appropriate technique to be used in developing countries as it was neither safe nor cheap. Laparoscopic surgeries sometimes caused complications, such as perforation of the small intestine; furthermore, in developing countries, where medical personnel and facilities were scarce, such complications could threaten the lives of the patients. The lack of safety was a major flaw preventing the spread of laparoscopic sterilization, as it could not be implemented at the expense of people's lives. The complexity and low economic efficiency of laparoscopy were also problematic. Although it was simple and inexpensive compared to open surgery, it was still complex and too expensive to be widely used in developing countries. To solve these problems, public and private organizations such as the United States Agency for International Development and the Ford Foundation, and several medical professionals dove into the improvement of laparoscopy; consequently, laparoscopy became affordable and safe enough for developing countries. With three conditions in place, the necessity and the possibility for tubal sterilization, overlapping of the interests in technology transfer, and technological improvement to suit the environment of the developing countries, laparoscopy could be transferred and spread rapidly. After laparoscopy was introduced in Korea, laparoscopic tubal sterilization quickly matched other contraceptive techniques and finally outpaced them in the early 1980s. The second and third questions correspond to the influence of laparoscopy on Korean society. Regarding the impact on the Family Planning Program, laparoscopy solidified and deepened the male-dominant gender order. The Family Planning Program had always targeted women. It was the result of the consensus of the two major powers, namely, government officials and doctors; most government officials viewed family planning as the job of a 'housewife,' and doctors also focused mostly on female contraception. It is no exaggeration to state that the Family Planning Program was a project to spread female contraceptive technologies. The budget was focused on the dissemination of intrauterine devices and oral contraceptives rather than vasectomy; in turn, it became evidence proving the effectiveness of targeting women, fixing them the subject of the program. Laparoscopy consolidated this flow. The side effects of intrauterine devices and oral contraceptives, ironically, could resolve gender inequality in family planning strategies. As the sustainability of the program became uncertain, a group of bureaucrats and doctors who had shifted all responsibility to women began to reorient the plan toward vasectomy. With the introduction of laparoscopy, however, the plan focused on women again. As laparoscopy popularized tubal sterilization, political will toward vasectomy decreased accordingly. In the circular logic by which the availability of technology determined the direction of the policy, and such policy proved the value of technology, women became the set target of the Family Planning Program, and laparoscopy became a driving force to maintain this vicious circle. The same was true for the initiative of the Family Planning Program. The program was designed and implemented by male doctors and policy-makers from the beginning. The women's birth control movement, which existed until the end of the 1950s, came to an end with the military coup. The military regime excluded female organizations from the program, and the international organizations represented by the International Planned Parenthood Federation focused on population control projects under the order of Cold War rather than women's right to control childbirth according to their will. Given the change of circumstances, the initiative of the plan was transferred to a group of male doctors who had acquired knowledge of preventive medicine, population theory, and had become proficient in English by studying abroad; they emerged as a point of contact between the international order and Korea. Furthermore, they took over key posts in the public and private sectors. The introduction of laparoscopy strengthened the male dominance of the program. In the 1960s, although a group of male doctors led the plan's design and supervision, it was the women who were tasked with its implementation in the field. Family planning agents were in charge of inserting the intrauterine devices and providing guidance on the usage of oral contraceptives as well as promoting and enlightening the program. The situation changed with the popularization of laparoscopic tubal sterilization. As the program was reorganized to focus on laparoscopic surgery, the role of female agents was reduced to promoting the new technology, while obstetricians—predominantly male—emerged as the main actors intervening in women's bodies. Thus, laparoscopy was a technology that reproduced and reinforced gender inequality in terms of the plan's targets and initiatives. Laparoscopy also had an impact on the Korean obstetrician community. In short, it was the basis of technological catch-up. Elite obstetricians in Korea who joined the international trends of obstetrics continued to face new technologies, such as surgical microscopes used for microsurgery (e.g., tubal reanastomosis) and in vitro fertilization (IVF). Encouraged by the introduction of laparoscopy, obstetricians in Korea once again tried to keep up with the trends in global obstetrics and attained some success. This was because laparoscopy created the necessity and the possibility of technological catch-up. The popularization of laparoscopic tubal sterilization meant an increase in the demand to restore fertility. Although the proportion of those who wanted reversal surgery was not significantly high, the absolute number was not small because sterilization was performed on hundreds of thousands of people every year. This resulted in the demand for tubal reanastomosis and IVF. Laparoscopy created the possibility of introducing new reproductive technologies also. Microscopic tubal reversal was transferred to Korea through the same network by which laparoscopic tubal sterilization had been introduced. The main agents of technical education and financial support, and the operation of the training programs, were identical. The case of IVF was slightly different. In the case of IVF, universities and laboratories were competing to achieve success first. In this competitive structure, nobody wanted to disclose their technology; therefore, it was not easy for medical professionals of developing countries to go abroad to learn new skills. However, the human network established during the introduction of laparoscopy enabled many Korean obstetricians to seek training overseas, thereby introducing IVF technology to Korea. In conclusion, laparoscopy was developed and spread through the unique social structures of the time, whilst reproducing and strengthening them at the same time. First, in the political order of the Cold War, laparoscopy was rediscovered and improved as a means of intervening in the population of developing countries and then became the basis for the continuation of population control projects. Second, in the patriarchal setup of Korea, laparoscopy was introduced through the Family Planning Program assuming women as the main target of the program; further, the spread of laparoscopic sterilization circularly strengthened this assumption and the dominance of male doctors. Finally, in the context of the aspirations to high technologies of medical professionals in Korea, laparoscopy could defeat competing technologies and spread quickly; moreover, it functioned as a basis for technological catch-up. In short, laparoscopy was a technology that mediated and reinforced the multilayered structures of the Cold War, gender politics, and technological aspirations. 이 논문은 1970년대와 1980년대 한국에서 복강경 기술이 도입되고 확산하는 과정과 그것이 한국 사회에 미친 영향을 역사적으로 분석하였다. 문제의식은 다음의 세 가지였다. 첫 번째, 이미 다른 피임 기술이 보급되어 있던 상황에서, 복강경 기술이 한국으로 도입되고 확산할 수 있었던 까닭은 무엇인가. 두 번째, 이렇게 도입되고 확산한 복강경 기술은 한국 가족계획 사업에 어떤 영향을 주었는가. 세 번째, 복강경 기술은 이후 한국의 산부인과학계에 어떠한 영향을 주었는가. 이를 밝히기 위해 1970년대와 1980년대 당시 한국과 미국에서 생산된 여러 정부 문건과 비정부기구 보고서, 의학 연구 논문 등을 살펴보았으며, 그러한 탐구의 결과 다음과 같은 결론을 내릴 수 있었다. 먼저 복강경 기술이 한국으로 도입되고 확산할 수 있었던 이유는 크게 세 가지였다. 첫 번째는 난관 불임 수술이라는 새로운 피임 기술의 필요성과 가능성이 갖추어졌기 때문이다. 1970년대에 들어서면서 기존에 사용되던 자궁내장치와 경구피임약, 정관 불임 수술 등의 방법은 기술 자체의 결함과 근거 없는 목표량 설정에 따른 잦은 부작용, 심리적 저항 등의 한계를 노출했다. 이에 따라 많은 의학자와 인구학자는 난관 불임 수술이라는 대안 기술에 주목했다. 물론 난관 불임 수술은 수술실과 입원실이라는 물적 조건을 갖춘 병원에서만 시행 가능한 까다로운 기술이었다. 하지만 한국의 경우 도시 가족계획 사업의 시행으로 병원이 사업의 새로운 중심으로 부상하고, 여기에 1970년대 중반에 도입된 복강경이 수술의 물적 조건을 완화하면서, 이러한 한계는 상당 부분 극복될 수 있었다. 두 번째는 복강경 기술이 미국과 한국 양국 정부와 의학자의 이해관계에 고루 부합하였기 때문이다. 기존의 피임 기술이 한계를 노출하는 상황 속에서, 미국 정부와 한국 정부는 복강경 난관 불임 수술을 시행함으로써 인구 조절 사업을 통한 자유 진영의 수호와 경제 개발 계획을 지속할 수 있었다. 복강경 기술은 양국 의학자의 이해에도 합치하였다. 피임 기술의 개발과 확산을 주도하던 선진국의 여러 의학자는 수술법을 표준화하여 보급하고 규격화된 양식으로 결과를 보고받는 '수술실의 확장'을 통해 막대한 양의 임상례를 확보할 수 있었다. 한국의 의학자 역시 복강경 수술의 표준화로 이어진 양국의 연결망을 바탕으로 선진국의 기술을 이전받는 동시에, 다량의 임상례를 생산하는 자로서의 권위를 누릴 수 있었다. 마지막은 복강경이 개발도상국의 상황에 맞게 개량되었기 때문이다. 난관 불임 수술에 사용되기 시작한 초기만 해도, 복강경은 개발도상국의 환경에 적합한 기술이 아니었다. 복강경은 기대만큼 안전하지도, 기대만큼 저렴하지도 못했다. 이를 해결하기 위하여, 국제개발처와 포드 재단 등의 관민 기관과 여러 의학자가 복강경의 개량에 뛰어들었다. 복잡한 부품은 간단한 부품으로 교체되었고, 위험한 방식은 안전한 방식으로 대체되었다. 이렇게 난관 불임 수술의 필요성과 가능성이 갖추어지고, 기술 이전을 향한 이해관계가 중첩되는 동시에, 이전 대상국의 환경에 따라 복강경이 개량됨에 따라, 복강경은 급속도로 이전되고 확산할 수 있었다. 한국에 복강경 기술이 이전된 이후 복강경을 이용한 난관 불임 수술은 다른 피임 기술을 빠르게 추격하였고, 마침내 1980년대 초반에 이르러 수위(首位)를 차지했다. 두 번째와 세 번째 문제의식은 복강경 기술이 한국 사회에 미친 영향에 해당한다. 먼저 가족계획 사업에 끼친 영향이다. 요컨대 복강경은 남성으로 치우친 사업의 젠더 질서를 고착화하고 심화하였다. 복강경은 사업의 대상을 여성으로 고정하는 결과를 가져왔다. 사업을 주도하던 양대 세력인 정부 관료와 의사 집단은 사업의 초기부터 줄곧 여성을 대상으로 삼았다. 자궁내장치와 경구피임약의 확산이 정체하면서 정관 불임 수술이 대안으로 떠올랐지만, 복강경의 도입과 함께 사업은 다시 여성으로 집중되었다. 사업의 주도권 역시 마찬가지였다. 남성 의사 집단이 사업의 설계와 감독을 주도하였지만, 복강경이 도입되기 전까지만 해도 현장에서의 실행만큼은 여성의 몫이었다. 그러나 사업이 복강경을 중심으로 재편되며 여성 요원의 역할은 새로운 기술을 홍보하고 안내하는 수준으로 축소되었고, 남성이 다수이던 산부인과 의사가 여성의 신체에 개입하는 주요 행위자가 되었다. 이렇게 복강경은 사업의 대상과 주도권의 측면에서, 젠더 불평등을 재생산하고 확대하였다. 다음은 복강경 기술이 한국 산부인과학계에 미친 영향이다. 복강경을 계기로 산부인과학의 국제적 조류에 합류한 한국의 엘리트 산부인과 의사는 계속해서 수술 현미경이나 체외수정과 같은 새로운 기술을 도입하였다. 이는 복강경이 기술 추격의 필요성과 가능성을 만들어낸 결과였다. 먼저 복강경은 신기술이 도입되어야 할 필요성을 창출했다. 복강경의 확산에 따른 난관 불임 수술의 보급은 다시 생식능력을 복원하려는 수요의 성장으로 이어졌다. 복강경은 새로운 기술이 도입되는 가능성이기도 했다. 현미경을 이용한 난관 복원 수술은 복강경 난관 불임 수술을 도입하던 연결망을 통해 한국으로 이전되었고, 체외 수정 역시 복강경 기술의 이전 과정에서 생성된 인적 연결망을 바탕으로 도입될 수 있었다. 이처럼 복강경은 당대의 고유한 사회 구조를 매개로 만들어지고 퍼져 나갔고, 동시에 이러한 구조를 재생산하고 강화하였다. 먼저 오래된 기술인 복강경은 냉전의 정치 상황 속에서 개발도상국의 인구에 개입하는 수단으로 재조명되며 비로소 개량될 수 있었고, 이렇게 개량되어 보급됨으로써 다시 인구 조절 사업을 이어나가는 바탕이 되었다. 또한 남성으로 치우친 한국의 젠더 질서 속에서 복강경은 여성을 사업의 주요 대상으로 상정하는 사업 기조를 매개로 한국에 도입되어, 다시금 여성을 사업의 대상으로 고정하는 동시에, 남성 의사의 주도권을 강화하기도 했다. 마지막으로 복강경은 선진국을 향한 여러 엘리트 의학자의 열망에 힘입어 빠르게 이전되고 확산하였으며, 이는 이후 수술 현미경과 체외수정 기술을 추격하는 기반으로 작동하였다. 요컨대 복강경은 냉전과 젠더 불평등, 그리고 선진 기술을 향한 선망이라는 당대의 구조를 매개하고 강화하는 기술이었다. ; open ; 박사

The position of close connection between the concepts of «national identity» and the concept of «sovereignty» is defended. Emphasis is placed on the fact that in Ukraine the issue of national identity is often related to its ethnic and cultural component. After all, the basis for the formation of national identity after the collapse of the USSR was ethnic identity, mainly due to the fact that in the days of the Soviet state there was no fully developed civil society. But since for a modern nation that integrates into the European community, the civic component of national identity is no less important than ethnic, the next step in its crystallization should be the «cultivation» of a mature civil society. It is articulated that the latter consists of sovereign, educated individuals on whom social (people's) sovereignty depends, which in democratic countries is essentially and procedurally provided by the rule of law and, ultimately, creates the subjectivity and sovereignty of the latter. It is noted that one of the important functions of a sovereign state is the ability to recreate its own national identity. And for a democratic state, it is important to provide everyone with the opportunity to make a conscious and free choice of his identity. After all, when there is a possibility of conscious choice, then a mature civil society is formed, ready to defend its own national identity, as the latter will be formed in its own coordinate system of citizens, rather than under duress, which is more typical of authoritarian and totalitarian states. Which, ultimately, will ensure the stability, subjectivity and sovereignty of the state at both the domestic and foreign policy levels. Emphasis is placed on the fact that the nation is a natural community, and the natural community does not have the ability to articulate the problem of the sovereignty of the individual, which is based on the concept of natural rights. The implementation of the latter can be ensured only by the rule of law under the influence of civil society. The implementation of the latter can be ensured only by the rule of law under the influence of civil society. Therefore, the modern national identity in Ukraine can be formed in the context of European traditions, if the full implementation of both ethnic and civic components. ; Відстоюється позиція тісного зв'язку понять «національна ідентичність» із поняттям «суверенітет». Акцентується увага на тому, що в Україні проблематика національної ідентичності часто пов'язана з її етнічною і культурною складовою. Адже, підґрунтям для формування національної ідентичності після розпаду СРСР стала етнічна ідентичність переважно через те, що за часи радянської держави не існувало в повній мірі розвиненого громадянського суспільства. Але оскільки для модерної нації, яка інтегрується в європейську спільноту, громадянська складова національної ідентичності є не менш важливою, ніж етнічна, наступним кроком у її кристалізації повинно стати «вирощування» зрілого громадянського суспільства. Артикулюється, що останнє складається зі суверенних, освічених індивідів, від яких залежить суспільний (народний) суверенітет, що у демократичних країнах сутнісно та процедурно забезпечується правовою державою і, у підсумку, створює суб'єктність і суверенітет останньої. Зазначається, що однією з важливих функцій суверенної держави є здатність відтворювати власну національну ідентичність. А для демократичної держави важливо забезпечити кожній людині можливість усвідомленого й вільного вибору її ідентичності. Адже, коли є можливість усвідомленого вибору, тоді формується зріле громадянське суспільство, готове захищати власну національну ідентичність, оскільки остання буде сформована у власній системі координат громадян, а не під примусом, що більш характерно для авторитарних та тоталітарних держав. Це в кінцевому рахунку забезпечить стабільність, суб'єктність і суверенітет держави як на внутрішньополітичному, так і на зовнішньополітичному рівнях. Акцентується увага на тому, що нація – спільнота природного походження, а природній спільноті не притаманно артикулювати проблему суверенітету окремої людини, підґрунтям якого стала концепція природних прав. Реалізацію останньої може забезпечити лише правова держава під впливом громадянського суспільства. Тому сучасна національна ідентичність в Україні може бути сформована у контексті європейських традицій, якщо в повній мірі буде забезпечена реалізація як етнічної, так і громадянської складової.

The objective of the article is to analyze the requirements, that were put forward to the adoptive candidates according to the legislation of Ukraine and the Republic of Turkey. Particularly, were analyzed the norms of the Family Code of Ukraine and the Civil Code of the Republic of Turkey, points of view of some Ukrainian and Turkish scientists who have devoted their works to the studying of various legal aspects of adoption in Ukraine and the world, including the analysis of the requirements applicable to the adopting candidates. Taking into account the principle of the best interests of the child enshrined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which was ratified by Ukraine and the Republic of Turkey, the article separately focused on the application of the principle of the best interests of the child in the laws of both countries. As a result of the research, it has been proved that, while imposing such high requirements on the adoptive parents, the legislators of Ukraine and Turkey are primarily guided by the principle of the best interests of the child. The next thing that deserves attention is the minimum age for adoptive candidates. First of all, it was found that the minimum age at which a person can be an adopter, according to the rules of Turkish law, is slightly different from that is set up by Ukrainian law, namely, the minimum age insignificantly, but higher. Secondly, was analyzed the difference in age between adoptive parent and adopted child. As a result, in Turkish law such a difference is higher and additional requirements are placed to the adoptive candidates. In the course of the study, it was determined that family education matches the best interests of the child in Ukraine and Turkey, therefore, priority in adoption is given to spouses. With regard to the adoption of one from spouses, it was found that the Turkish Civil Code places such requirements, which are based on the absence of the other spouse in the life of the child and as a result of not taking part in its education. Therefore, the purpose of the article was achieved, namely, was conducted a research and a comparative legal characterization of the requirements to the adoptive candidates according to the legislation of Ukraine and Turkey. ; Стаття присвячена порівняльно-правовій характеристиці вимог, які висуваються до кандидатів в усиновлювачі за сімейним законодавством України та Турецької Республіки. Зокрема, у статті були проаналізовані норми Сімейного кодексу України та Цивільного кодексу Турецької Республіки, точки зору деяких українських і турецьких науковців, які присвятили свої праці питанням вивчення різноманітних правових аспектів здійснення усиновлення в Україні та світі, в тому числі аналізу вимог, які висуваються до кандидатів в усиновлювачі. Беручи до уваги принцип якнайкращого забезпечення інтересів дитини, закріплений у Конвенції про права дитини, яка була ратифікована Україною та Турецькою Республікою, у статті окремо було приділено увагу застосуванню цього принципу в законодавствах обох країн. У результаті дослідження було доведено, що законодавці України та Туреччини, висуваючи до кандидатів в усиновлювачі такі високі вимоги, насамперед керуються принципом якнайкращого забезпечення інтересів дитини. Наступне, що заслуговувало на увагу, – це вік для кандидатів в усиновлювачі. По-перше, було виявлено, що мінімальний вік, в якому особа може стати усиновлювачем, згідно з нормами турецького законодавства дещо відрізняється від тих, які висуваються українським, а саме за турецьким законодавством мінімальний вік не суттєво, але вище. По-друге, було проаналізовано різницю у віці між усиновленим та усиновителем. Як результат, у турецькому законодавстві така різниця вище та висуваються додаткові вимоги до кандидата в усиновлювачі. Було визначено, що в Україні та Туреччині якнайкращим інтересам дитини відповідає сімейне виховання, тому пріоритет в усиновленні віддається подружжю. Щодо усиновлення одним із подружжя було з'ясовано, що в Цивільному кодексі Туреччини висуваються такі вимоги, в основі яких дійсно лежить відсутність другого із подружжя в житті дитини, і як результат не прийняття участі в її вихованні. Отже, мету статті було досягнуто, а саме було проведене дослідження та порівняльно-правова характеристика вимог, які висуваються до кандидатів в усиновлювачі за законодавством України та Турецької Республіки.

On the 6th of January in 2019 the Orthodox Church of Ukraine got the Tomos granting an ecclesiastical status of autocephaly to the Orthodox Church in Ukraine. Consequently, the constituting of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine happened. In fact, the bestowal of autocephaly means the Ukrainian Orthodox Church's rising status, its equality with other autocephalous Orthodox churches. The acquiring of Tomos and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church formation is an epochal event not only for a religious and church life, but also for a state formation process.The article deals with a retrospective review of Tomos acquiring process in a chronological order: from 2016 - to 2019. The dominants of a terminological apparatus (locality, autocephaly, tomos) have been accentuated for understanding the processes of Ukrainian Orthodox Church constituting. An autocephalous right question leaves rather complicated and controversial because of the lack of confession rules and canons. The rules of autocephaly granting and its deprivation are lacked in Orthodox canons. We use a spelling form «tomos» when a common name of the document is mentioned. A spelling form «Tomos» is used as an equivalent of a concrete document in order to avoid the duplication of a full name and for citation. Changes taking place in Ukraine during 2018-2019 in a church life became a crucial political event, a nation-building element.The legitimization of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine is of great geopolitical importance. The Constitution of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine creates new opportunities for the integration of Ukraine into European and worldcivilizations as an integral part of them. The position of the Synod of the Ecumenical Patriarchate on granting Thomas the autocephaly of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine is, in fact, on par with the conclusion of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU, as well as the adoption of NATO's Comprehensive Plan for Assistance to Ukraine in the Attack of Russia.The granting of Tomos became a factor influencing all subjects of a religious situation. The reformatting of Ukrainian Orthodox landscape and the intensification of an interdenominational dialogue were activated. Tomos granting autocephaly sped the weakening of a Russian religious influence, which became a real geopolitical challenge for Russia. The constituting of church and the legitimization of Ukrainian Orthodox Church have a considerable geopolitical significance. The constituting of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine creates new opportunities for the integration of Ukraine into European and world civilizations as its integral part. Granting Tomos of the OCU autocephaly also catalysed certain processes in Universal Orthodoxy. Therefore, this event caused quite controversial social resonance.The context and main events on the way to the acquiring of Tomos for the Orthodox Church of Ukraine have been consistently described by the author. ; 6 січня 2019 року Православна церква України отримала Томос про надання автокефального церковного устрою Православнiй церквi в Україні. Відтак відбулося конституювання Православої церкви України. Фактично набуття автокефалії означає піднесення статусу Православної церкви України, рівність її з іншими автокефальними православними церквами. Отримання Томосу й утворення Православної церкви України – епохальна подія не лише релігійно-церковного життя, а процесу державотворення.У статті запропоновано ретроспективний огляд процесу отримання томосу Православною церквою України в хронологічному діапазоні 2016-2019 рр. Для усвідомлення процесів конституювання Православної церкви України акцентовано домінанти понятійного апарату (помісність, автокефалія, томос). Зміни, що відбулися в Україні на помежів'ї 2018-2019 рр. в церковному житті, водночас стали масштабною політичною подією, елементом творення нації. Надання Томосу про автокефалію Православної церкви в Україні постало фактором впливу на всіх суб'єктів релігійної ситуації. Активізувалося переформатування православного ландшафту України та інтенсифікація міжконфесійного діалогу. Дарування Томосу про автокефалію значно динамізувало послаблення російського релігійного впливу, що стало реальним геополітичним викликом для Росії. Конституювання помісної церкви та надання Томосу про автокефалію ПЦУ також каталізувало певні процеси у Вселенському православ'ї. Водночас суспільний резонанс на цю подію доволі неоднозначний.Автором послідовно відтворено контекст та основні події на шляху до набуття Томосу для Православної церкви України.

On the 6th of January in 2019 the Orthodox Church of Ukraine got the Tomos granting an ecclesiastical status of autocephaly to the Orthodox Church in Ukraine. Consequently, the constituting of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine happened. In fact, the bestowal of autocephaly means the Ukrainian Orthodox Church's rising status, its equality with other autocephalous Orthodox churches. The acquiring of Tomos and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church formation is an epochal event not only for a religious and church life, but also for a state formation process.The article deals with a retrospective review of Tomos acquiring process in a chronological order: from 2016 - to 2019. The dominants of a terminological apparatus (locality, autocephaly, tomos) have been accentuated for understanding the processes of Ukrainian Orthodox Church constituting. An autocephalous right question leaves rather complicated and controversial because of the lack of confession rules and canons. The rules of autocephaly granting and its deprivation are lacked in Orthodox canons. We use a spelling form «tomos» when a common name of the document is mentioned. A spelling form «Tomos» is used as an equivalent of a concrete document in order to avoid the duplication of a full name and for citation. Changes taking place in Ukraine during 2018-2019 in a church life became a crucial political event, a nation-building element.The legitimization of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine is of great geopolitical importance. The Constitution of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine creates new opportunities for the integration of Ukraine into European and worldcivilizations as an integral part of them. The position of the Synod of the Ecumenical Patriarchate on granting Thomas the autocephaly of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine is, in fact, on par with the conclusion of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU, as well as the adoption of NATO's Comprehensive Plan for Assistance to Ukraine in the Attack of Russia.The granting of Tomos became a factor influencing all subjects of a religious situation. The reformatting of Ukrainian Orthodox landscape and the intensification of an interdenominational dialogue were activated. Tomos granting autocephaly sped the weakening of a Russian religious influence, which became a real geopolitical challenge for Russia. The constituting of church and the legitimization of Ukrainian Orthodox Church have a considerable geopolitical significance. The constituting of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine creates new opportunities for the integration of Ukraine into European and world civilizations as its integral part. Granting Tomos of the OCU autocephaly also catalysed certain processes in Universal Orthodoxy. Therefore, this event caused quite controversial social resonance.The context and main events on the way to the acquiring of Tomos for the Orthodox Church of Ukraine have been consistently described by the author. ; 6 січня 2019 року Православна церква України отримала Томос про надання автокефального церковного устрою Православнiй церквi в Україні. Відтак відбулося конституювання Православої церкви України. Фактично набуття автокефалії означає піднесення статусу Православної церкви України, рівність її з іншими автокефальними православними церквами. Отримання Томосу й утворення Православної церкви України – епохальна подія не лише релігійно-церковного життя, а процесу державотворення.У статті запропоновано ретроспективний огляд процесу отримання томосу Православною церквою України в хронологічному діапазоні 2016-2019 рр. Для усвідомлення процесів конституювання Православної церкви України акцентовано домінанти понятійного апарату (помісність, автокефалія, томос). Зміни, що відбулися в Україні на помежів'ї 2018-2019 рр. в церковному житті, водночас стали масштабною політичною подією, елементом творення нації. Надання Томосу про автокефалію Православної церкви в Україні постало фактором впливу на всіх суб'єктів релігійної ситуації. Активізувалося переформатування православного ландшафту України та інтенсифікація міжконфесійного діалогу. Дарування Томосу про автокефалію значно динамізувало послаблення російського релігійного впливу, що стало реальним геополітичним викликом для Росії. Конституювання помісної церкви та надання Томосу про автокефалію ПЦУ також каталізувало певні процеси у Вселенському православ'ї. Водночас суспільний резонанс на цю подію доволі неоднозначний.Автором послідовно відтворено контекст та основні події на шляху до набуття Томосу для Православної церкви України.

Причины возрождения мировой юстиции напрямую соотносятся с назначением мировой юстиции, однако в действующем федеральном законодательстве указание на них отсутствует. В статье проанализирован социальный и институциональный аспекты назначения мировой юстиции. Сделан вывод о том, что институциональный аспект доступа к правосудию обеспечивается единством судебной системы и практики на всей территории РФ и способствует централизации судебной системы, обеспечивая тем самым большую эффективность самой судебной системы. Вместе с тем социальная функция мировой юстиции по обеспечению доступа к правосудию пока в большей мере остается декларативной, чем реализованной, так как ее реализация напрямую зависит от субъектов РФ. Рассмотрены следующие аспекты доступа к правосудию, которые не могут быть решены без активного регулирования со стороны субъектов РФ: обеспечение доступа к бесплатной юридической помощи и физическая доступность судебных участков мировых судей. В целях эффективности института мировой юстиции в рамках единой судебной системы РФ высказаны предложения о необходимости законодательного закрепления на федеральном уровне назначения мировой юстиции, с указанием на институциональную и социальную функции мировой юстиции. Указано на необходимость гармонизировать федеральное и региональное законодательство, более четко определив обязанности субъектов РФ по организации эффективной системы бесплатной юридической помощи, по организации физически доступных участков мировых судей, а также созданию и развитию различных форм примирительных процедур, скоординированных с работой мировых судей. При этом каждый субъект РФ вправе при решении названных социальных задач учитывать свои территориальные, природно-климатические, демографические, экономические, религиозные, экологические и другие особенности. Такой подход будет способствовать развитию российского судебного федерализма, особенностью которого должно стать единство судоустройственного и процессуального законодательства и единство судебной практики, при организационной свободе субъектов РФ в создании инфраструктуры как самой мировой юстиции, так и помогающих систем бесплатной юридической помощи и служб примирения. ; The reasons for the revival of global justice are directly correlated with the assignment of global justice, however in the current federal legislation the reference to them is missing. The article analyzes the social and institutional aspects of the assignment of justice. It is concluded that the institutional aspect of access to justice is ensured by unity of the judicial system and practice throughout the territory of the Russian Federation, and contributes to the centralization of the judicial system, thus ensuring greater efficiency of the judicial system. At the same time, the social function of global justice to ensure access to justice nowadays is mostly declarative than implemented, as its implementation depends on the subjects of the Russian Federation. The article considers the following aspects of access to justice that can not be solved without the active regulation by the subjects of the Russian Federation: access to free legal aid and physical availability of judicial sites of justices of peace. For the effectiveness of the Institute of World Justice within a unified judicial system of the Russian Federation the author presents suggestions on the need of legislative consolidation of the assignment of justice at the federal level, specifying the institutional and social functions of global justice. The need to harmonize federal and regional legislation, define more clearly the responsibilities of the Russian Federation on the organization of an efficient system of free legal assistance for the organization, on the organization of physically available sites of justices of peace, as well as the creation and development of various forms of conciliation procedures, coordinated with the work of justices of peace. In addition, each subject of the Russian Federation shall have the right when solving these social problems to take into account its territorial, climatic, demographic, economic, religious, environmental and other features. This approach will contribute to the development of the Russian judicial federalism, a special feature of which should be the unity of judicial and procedural legislation and the unity of jurisprudence, with the organizational freedom of subjects of the Russian Federation in creating the infrastructure of both the global justice and help systems free legal aid and reconciliation services.

The articles published by Ludwig Philippson, Gustav Karpeles, Isidore Cahen and Hippolyte Prague inthe Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums and the Archives Israélites between 1848 and 1914 show a constant concern for politics. Their writings deal with such topics as equal rights for – and discrimination against – Jews, the relationship between politics and religion, the new political movements of the 19th century like nationalism, socialism or zionism. The purpose of this doctoral dissertation is to study the political discourse that manifests itself in the articles these journalists published in these journals. The political thought of Jewish minorities in 19thcentury Germany and France has been at the center of many scholarly works. Some of them adopt a national perspective, others – like the present study – chose a comparative framework approach, focusing essentially on the differences between the two Jewish communities' points of view. These works are based on the assumption that Germany and France show basic structural differences, particularly with regards to the conception of nation, the role of religion and subsequently the emancipation model adopted for Jews, inferring that the same is true for the Jewish communities, their way of thinking, feeling and acting. While not denying the influence of thenational context on the way the journalists see the world, this dissertation rests on the conviction that it should not prevent us from seeing how their political discourses share a common logic. Its claim is that the political discourses of German and French Jews, far from being disconnected or opposed, did meet and influence one another to form a largely transnational discourse. The mere existence of these journals created contacts between the journalists that could, among other factors, explain the parallels and similarities in their political approaches ; Les textes de Ludwig Philippson, Gustav Karpeles, Isidore Cahen, Hippolyte Prague, publiés dans l'Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums et dans les Archives Israélites entre 1848 et 1914, témoignent d'un incessant souci politique. De l'égalité politique des minorités juives et de leur discrimination à la réflexion sur les relations entre politique et religion, en passant par les nouveaux courants politiques du XIXe siècle, tels le nationalisme, le socialisme ou encore le sionisme, nombreux sont les thèmes liés à la politique qu'ils abordent dans leurs articles. C'est le discours politique tel qu'il se donne à voir dans leurs articles qu'il s'agit d'étudierdans cette thèse. La pensée politique des minorités juives en Allemagne et en France au XIXe siècle a déjà fait l'objet de diverses études. Certaines abordent la thématique dans une perspective nationale, d'autres adoptent, comme nous, une approche comparée, en soulignant essentiellement les différences de points de vue entre les deux collectivités juives. Ces recherches partent du principe que l'Allemagne et la France sont structurées différemment, notamment en ce qui concerne les conceptions de la nation, les rôles joués par la religion et, partant, le mode d'émancipation des juifs, pour en déduire que la réalité des minorités juives et leur façon de penser, de sentir et d'agir l'est aussi. S'il ne s'agit pas de nier une certaine influence du contexte national sur lafaçon dont les journalistes voient le monde, la conviction qui anime le présent travail est que les contextes nationaux apparemment différents ne doivent pas nous empêcher de voir que leurs discours politiques obéissent à une logique commune. La thèse que nous nous proposons de démontrer dans cette étude consiste à dire que les discours politiques des juifs allemands et français, loin de former deux discours disjoints et opposés, se sont mutuellement rencontrés et fertilisés pour former un discours largement transnational. Grâce à leurs revues, il existait en effet de nombreux contacts entre les journalistes qui pourraient expliquer, entre autres, les parallèles et ressemblances dans leur manière d'aborder certaines questions politiques

The articles published by Ludwig Philippson, Gustav Karpeles, Isidore Cahen and Hippolyte Prague inthe Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums and the Archives Israélites between 1848 and 1914 show a constant concern for politics. Their writings deal with such topics as equal rights for – and discrimination against – Jews, the relationship between politics and religion, the new political movements of the 19th century like nationalism, socialism or zionism. The purpose of this doctoral dissertation is to study the political discourse that manifests itself in the articles these journalists published in these journals. The political thought of Jewish minorities in 19thcentury Germany and France has been at the center of many scholarly works. Some of them adopt a national perspective, others – like the present study – chose a comparative framework approach, focusing essentially on the differences between the two Jewish communities' points of view. These works are based on the assumption that Germany and France show basic structural differences, particularly with regards to the conception of nation, the role of religion and subsequently the emancipation model adopted for Jews, inferring that the same is true for the Jewish communities, their way of thinking, feeling and acting. While not denying the influence of thenational context on the way the journalists see the world, this dissertation rests on the conviction that it should not prevent us from seeing how their political discourses share a common logic. Its claim is that the political discourses of German and French Jews, far from being disconnected or opposed, did meet and influence one another to form a largely transnational discourse. The mere existence of these journals created contacts between the journalists that could, among other factors, explain the parallels and similarities in their political approaches ; Les textes de Ludwig Philippson, Gustav Karpeles, Isidore Cahen, Hippolyte Prague, publiés dans l'Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums et dans les Archives Israélites entre 1848 et 1914, témoignent d'un incessant souci politique. De l'égalité politique des minorités juives et de leur discrimination à la réflexion sur les relations entre politique et religion, en passant par les nouveaux courants politiques du XIXe siècle, tels le nationalisme, le socialisme ou encore le sionisme, nombreux sont les thèmes liés à la politique qu'ils abordent dans leurs articles. C'est le discours politique tel qu'il se donne à voir dans leurs articles qu'il s'agit d'étudierdans cette thèse. La pensée politique des minorités juives en Allemagne et en France au XIXe siècle a déjà fait l'objet de diverses études. Certaines abordent la thématique dans une perspective nationale, d'autres adoptent, comme nous, une approche comparée, en soulignant essentiellement les différences de points de vue entre les deux collectivités juives. Ces recherches partent du principe que l'Allemagne et la France sont structurées différemment, notamment en ce qui concerne les conceptions de la nation, les rôles joués par la religion et, partant, le mode d'émancipation des juifs, pour en déduire que la réalité des minorités juives et leur façon de penser, de sentir et d'agir l'est aussi. S'il ne s'agit pas de nier une certaine influence du contexte national sur lafaçon dont les journalistes voient le monde, la conviction qui anime le présent travail est que les contextes nationaux apparemment différents ne doivent pas nous empêcher de voir que leurs discours politiques obéissent à une logique commune. La thèse que nous nous proposons de démontrer dans cette étude consiste à dire que les discours politiques des juifs allemands et français, loin de former deux discours disjoints et opposés, se sont mutuellement rencontrés et fertilisés pour former un discours largement transnational. Grâce à leurs revues, il existait en effet de nombreux contacts entre les journalistes qui pourraient expliquer, entre autres, les parallèles et ressemblances dans leur manière d'aborder certaines questions politiques

In recent years, philosophy of history has somewhat outgrown the two fields of interests often prescribed to that branch of philosophy: historiosophy and historics. Ordinarily, this outgrowth is inspired by efforts to reflect new forms of historiography (such as microhistory or history of daily life). However, such a move is also employed in attempting to explain non-professional, pre-theoretical or even pre-thematic relation to historical past. A daily historical consciousness – a notion that has became possible only in the latest philosophy of history – is investigated here as a phenomenon of tradition. As is the case with all concepts, sense of the concept of tradition is flexible, given its history, development and future tendencies. In view of the usage of the word "tradition" in contemporary practical and theoretical contexts, it is clear that this concept enjoys few open means of further development. It can be radicalized, i.e., made into a fetish or almost into a slogan; on the contrary, it can be demonized. It can also be seen as the name of a phenomenon experienced in all lives, irrespective of the time and culture in which they are lived. Of course, levels and intensities of these experiences are different. In all senses, the term tradition denotes a human way to understand a social dimension of time, and to act in that time. From the philosophical point of view, tradition is an aspect of the intersubjectivity of consciousness, and as such possesses its own dynamics. Philosophical observations of the phenomenon of tradition are possible in several branches of philosophy: philosophy of history, social philosophy, philosophy of culture, and ethics. Social philosophy and sociology seem to be the scientific areas, in which the term "tradition" is used more often than anywhere else. It is exactly in these contexts that the typical use of this term is established: tradition is understood as the background of various processes of modernity. The opposition between tradition and modernity fully correlates with the more abstract opposition between statics and dynamics. This situation is a result of the long development of several notions, which is observed in the first part of the dissertation. At the moment, it is necessary to emphasize that the concept of tradition does not belong solely to social philosophy. The phenomenon of tradition can hardly be researched by means of one branch or even one discipline. Phenomenology and narratology may be called interdisciplinary methods for investigating questions about the human mind. Both of these methodological orientations reach the same topic of tradition from quite different perspectives. Phenomenologists analyze the dynamics of tradition as a subject conterminous to such topics as intersubjective time experiences, an order of life-world, and formations and reformations of communities. Narratology deals with the topic of tradition as following from discussions about dynamics of narrative, narration as a social act, and the specifics of a narrative (traditional) type of knowledge. Phenomenological and narratological perspectives sustain one another in observations of such problems as the experience of historical time, collective memory, the formation of narrative identity, etc. Tradition as a time experience can therefore be observed most consistently in the intersection of these two perspectives From the start, one relationship between narrative theory and philosophy of history is very evident: historical research results most commonly in narrative texts. But this evidence can sometimes be misleading; it would be wrong to judge that narratology can be useful for the philosophy of history solely as a basis of textological analysis. The concept of narrative refers to a broader notional field than a mere written articulation of some speeches. In the widest sense, narrative means a peculiar structure of understanding of processes, and (at the same time) a structure of processual understanding of reality. In short, narratological analysis is the most evident alternative for a theory of knowledge based on a concept of representation. Narrative theory quarrels with a static theory of narration and reception of narratives. It disagrees primarily with such a view of narration, which presents this act as the creation of representations of reality, as well as with such a view of the reception of a narrative, which explains the understanding of narratives as a recreation of some representatives of reality. Resisting a simplification of the dynamics of narrative structure, the narrative theory offers some possibilities for the discussion of the temporality of sense-building, in which three modes of a time experience can be linked together: flow (change), permanence, and repetition. Such understanding of a temporality has much in common with phenomenological explanations of the reception of an ideal sense (as in theory of E. Husserl), or with a theory of the reception of an artwork (given, for example, by R. Ingarden), or with a phenomenological investigation of a sociality of the mind (as in A. Schutz). The narrative way of sense building, in which static and dynamic states of mind are equally relevant and interconnected, is a product of community; conversely, a community is always a product of such means of narrative activity. So narrative is a mode of cognition and communication, rather than an order of fixated compositions of written or spoken texts. Narrative, as an intersubjective way to give sense to a life-world, may serve as a model for investigations of the dynamics of tradition. Strictly speaking, when we look at the process of narrative as an interconnection of senses, and when we see this process in the largest scale, we can call it a tradition. The intersection of narrative theory and the theory of intersubjectivity are therefore especially suitable to reflect some questions about tradition as an experience of time. Initially, it would be a question about pre-theoretical forms and orders in relation to the historical (public and personal) past. The following research areass are related to the topic: tradition as a source of identity, the role of tradition in various social confrontations, the relation between tradition(s) and community, conscious formations and transformations of traditions and communities, political and social manipulations on the topic of tradition, and logics of renovation or rejection of traditions. This dissertation is not able to embrace all of the above-mentioned questions. Philosophical observations of that phenomenon have their methodic borders. Accordingly, the dissertation is directed to give the most abstract ground for the conceptualization of tradition.

In recent years, philosophy of history has somewhat outgrown the two fields of interests often prescribed to that branch of philosophy: historiosophy and historics. Ordinarily, this outgrowth is inspired by efforts to reflect new forms of historiography (such as microhistory or history of daily life). However, such a move is also employed in attempting to explain non-professional, pre-theoretical or even pre-thematic relation to historical past. A daily historical consciousness – a notion that has became possible only in the latest philosophy of history – is investigated here as a phenomenon of tradition. As is the case with all concepts, sense of the concept of tradition is flexible, given its history, development and future tendencies. In view of the usage of the word "tradition" in contemporary practical and theoretical contexts, it is clear that this concept enjoys few open means of further development. It can be radicalized, i.e., made into a fetish or almost into a slogan; on the contrary, it can be demonized. It can also be seen as the name of a phenomenon experienced in all lives, irrespective of the time and culture in which they are lived. Of course, levels and intensities of these experiences are different. In all senses, the term tradition denotes a human way to understand a social dimension of time, and to act in that time. From the philosophical point of view, tradition is an aspect of the intersubjectivity of consciousness, and as such possesses its own dynamics. Philosophical observations of the phenomenon of tradition are possible in several branches of philosophy: philosophy of history, social philosophy, philosophy of culture, and ethics. Social philosophy and sociology seem to be the scientific areas, in which the term "tradition" is used more often than anywhere else. It is exactly in these contexts that the typical use of this term is established: tradition is understood as the background of various processes of modernity. The opposition between tradition and modernity fully correlates with the more abstract opposition between statics and dynamics. This situation is a result of the long development of several notions, which is observed in the first part of the dissertation. At the moment, it is necessary to emphasize that the concept of tradition does not belong solely to social philosophy. The phenomenon of tradition can hardly be researched by means of one branch or even one discipline. Phenomenology and narratology may be called interdisciplinary methods for investigating questions about the human mind. Both of these methodological orientations reach the same topic of tradition from quite different perspectives. Phenomenologists analyze the dynamics of tradition as a subject conterminous to such topics as intersubjective time experiences, an order of life-world, and formations and reformations of communities. Narratology deals with the topic of tradition as following from discussions about dynamics of narrative, narration as a social act, and the specifics of a narrative (traditional) type of knowledge. Phenomenological and narratological perspectives sustain one another in observations of such problems as the experience of historical time, collective memory, the formation of narrative identity, etc. Tradition as a time experience can therefore be observed most consistently in the intersection of these two perspectives From the start, one relationship between narrative theory and philosophy of history is very evident: historical research results most commonly in narrative texts. But this evidence can sometimes be misleading; it would be wrong to judge that narratology can be useful for the philosophy of history solely as a basis of textological analysis. The concept of narrative refers to a broader notional field than a mere written articulation of some speeches. In the widest sense, narrative means a peculiar structure of understanding of processes, and (at the same time) a structure of processual understanding of reality. In short, narratological analysis is the most evident alternative for a theory of knowledge based on a concept of representation. Narrative theory quarrels with a static theory of narration and reception of narratives. It disagrees primarily with such a view of narration, which presents this act as the creation of representations of reality, as well as with such a view of the reception of a narrative, which explains the understanding of narratives as a recreation of some representatives of reality. Resisting a simplification of the dynamics of narrative structure, the narrative theory offers some possibilities for the discussion of the temporality of sense-building, in which three modes of a time experience can be linked together: flow (change), permanence, and repetition. Such understanding of a temporality has much in common with phenomenological explanations of the reception of an ideal sense (as in theory of E. Husserl), or with a theory of the reception of an artwork (given, for example, by R. Ingarden), or with a phenomenological investigation of a sociality of the mind (as in A. Schutz). The narrative way of sense building, in which static and dynamic states of mind are equally relevant and interconnected, is a product of community; conversely, a community is always a product of such means of narrative activity. So narrative is a mode of cognition and communication, rather than an order of fixated compositions of written or spoken texts. Narrative, as an intersubjective way to give sense to a life-world, may serve as a model for investigations of the dynamics of tradition. Strictly speaking, when we look at the process of narrative as an interconnection of senses, and when we see this process in the largest scale, we can call it a tradition. The intersection of narrative theory and the theory of intersubjectivity are therefore especially suitable to reflect some questions about tradition as an experience of time. Initially, it would be a question about pre-theoretical forms and orders in relation to the historical (public and personal) past. The following research areass are related to the topic: tradition as a source of identity, the role of tradition in various social confrontations, the relation between tradition(s) and community, conscious formations and transformations of traditions and communities, political and social manipulations on the topic of tradition, and logics of renovation or rejection of traditions. This dissertation is not able to embrace all of the above-mentioned questions. Philosophical observations of that phenomenon have their methodic borders. Accordingly, the dissertation is directed to give the most abstract ground for the conceptualization of tradition.

In recent years, philosophy of history has somewhat outgrown the two fields of interests often prescribed to that branch of philosophy: historiosophy and historics. Ordinarily, this outgrowth is inspired by efforts to reflect new forms of historiography (such as microhistory or history of daily life). However, such a move is also employed in attempting to explain non-professional, pre-theoretical or even pre-thematic relation to historical past. A daily historical consciousness – a notion that has became possible only in the latest philosophy of history – is investigated here as a phenomenon of tradition. As is the case with all concepts, sense of the concept of tradition is flexible, given its history, development and future tendencies. In view of the usage of the word "tradition" in contemporary practical and theoretical contexts, it is clear that this concept enjoys few open means of further development. It can be radicalized, i.e., made into a fetish or almost into a slogan; on the contrary, it can be demonized. It can also be seen as the name of a phenomenon experienced in all lives, irrespective of the time and culture in which they are lived. Of course, levels and intensities of these experiences are different. In all senses, the term tradition denotes a human way to understand a social dimension of time, and to act in that time. From the philosophical point of view, tradition is an aspect of the intersubjectivity of consciousness, and as such possesses its own dynamics. Philosophical observations of the phenomenon of tradition are possible in several branches of philosophy: philosophy of history, social philosophy, philosophy of culture, and ethics. Social philosophy and sociology seem to be the scientific areas, in which the term "tradition" is used more often than anywhere else. It is exactly in these contexts that the typical use of this term is established: tradition is understood as the background of various processes of modernity. The opposition between tradition and modernity fully correlates with the more abstract opposition between statics and dynamics. This situation is a result of the long development of several notions, which is observed in the first part of the dissertation. At the moment, it is necessary to emphasize that the concept of tradition does not belong solely to social philosophy. The phenomenon of tradition can hardly be researched by means of one branch or even one discipline. Phenomenology and narratology may be called interdisciplinary methods for investigating questions about the human mind. Both of these methodological orientations reach the same topic of tradition from quite different perspectives. Phenomenologists analyze the dynamics of tradition as a subject conterminous to such topics as intersubjective time experiences, an order of life-world, and formations and reformations of communities. Narratology deals with the topic of tradition as following from discussions about dynamics of narrative, narration as a social act, and the specifics of a narrative (traditional) type of knowledge. Phenomenological and narratological perspectives sustain one another in observations of such problems as the experience of historical time, collective memory, the formation of narrative identity, etc. Tradition as a time experience can therefore be observed most consistently in the intersection of these two perspectives From the start, one relationship between narrative theory and philosophy of history is very evident: historical research results most commonly in narrative texts. But this evidence can sometimes be misleading; it would be wrong to judge that narratology can be useful for the philosophy of history solely as a basis of textological analysis. The concept of narrative refers to a broader notional field than a mere written articulation of some speeches. In the widest sense, narrative means a peculiar structure of understanding of processes, and (at the same time) a structure of processual understanding of reality. In short, narratological analysis is the most evident alternative for a theory of knowledge based on a concept of representation. Narrative theory quarrels with a static theory of narration and reception of narratives. It disagrees primarily with such a view of narration, which presents this act as the creation of representations of reality, as well as with such a view of the reception of a narrative, which explains the understanding of narratives as a recreation of some representatives of reality. Resisting a simplification of the dynamics of narrative structure, the narrative theory offers some possibilities for the discussion of the temporality of sense-building, in which three modes of a time experience can be linked together: flow (change), permanence, and repetition. Such understanding of a temporality has much in common with phenomenological explanations of the reception of an ideal sense (as in theory of E. Husserl), or with a theory of the reception of an artwork (given, for example, by R. Ingarden), or with a phenomenological investigation of a sociality of the mind (as in A. Schutz). The narrative way of sense building, in which static and dynamic states of mind are equally relevant and interconnected, is a product of community; conversely, a community is always a product of such means of narrative activity. So narrative is a mode of cognition and communication, rather than an order of fixated compositions of written or spoken texts. Narrative, as an intersubjective way to give sense to a life-world, may serve as a model for investigations of the dynamics of tradition. Strictly speaking, when we look at the process of narrative as an interconnection of senses, and when we see this process in the largest scale, we can call it a tradition. The intersection of narrative theory and the theory of intersubjectivity are therefore especially suitable to reflect some questions about tradition as an experience of time. Initially, it would be a question about pre-theoretical forms and orders in relation to the historical (public and personal) past. The following research areass are related to the topic: tradition as a source of identity, the role of tradition in various social confrontations, the relation between tradition(s) and community, conscious formations and transformations of traditions and communities, political and social manipulations on the topic of tradition, and logics of renovation or rejection of traditions. This dissertation is not able to embrace all of the above-mentioned questions. Philosophical observations of that phenomenon have their methodic borders. Accordingly, the dissertation is directed to give the most abstract ground for the conceptualization of tradition.