Suchergebnisse

Anna Kuliscioff (1854-1925) is no unknown figure, especially to the Italian historiography and the experts on the international socialist movement. Considered as the muse of the Italian reformist socialism, she has been the object of diverse analyses since her death and still remains today a multi-claimed figure. This thesis intends to offer one, or rather, several new readings of the complex path followed by this Russian rebel, born Mikhailovna Rozenstein. In order to do so, it uses new sources and takes into account the whole of A.K.'s writings; the French translation of which is inserted in the appendix (for the most important texts, at least). In addition, the thesis introduces some questioning regarding the political identities and the affiliations and solidarity networks. More generally, it uses a gender approach in which the private is political, the relationships between feminism and socialism are analysed, and the tensions within the socialist camp concerning the women's cause are scrutinized.The first part recounts A.K.'s training years to highlight the impact that nihilism had on her political trajectory, to question the role that her relationship to Jewishness played in it, as well as to take into consideration the experiences she lived as a doctor and a woman – what is more, as a single mother. Then, equally attentive to the unveiling of affiliations and solidarity networks as the previous one, the second part explores the Italian paths followed by the activist, who was also a relay for Marxism and co-founder of the Italian Socialist Party. It particularly analyses A.K.'s connections to the feminism of her time and the fights that she led for the women within her political family itself. Finally, a third part looks into A.K.'s multiform posterity. ; Anna Kuliscioff (1854-1925) n'est pas une figure inconnue, notamment de l'historiographie italienne et des spécialistes du mouvement socialiste international. Egérie du socialisme réformiste italien, elle est depuis sa mort l'objet d'analyses diverses et ...

Entroncant amb el recent diàleg sobre el paper dels mitjans de comunicació en la Transició, s'estudien les primeres representacions d'homosexuals al cinema democràtic, centrant-se en la importància de l'educació, de gran rellevància per a l'activisme de l'època. S'utilitzen diferents fonts teòriques, des de rellevants estudis de la teoria queer i de gènere fins a material d'arxiu de grups pro-gais del tardofranquismo. S'estudia com l'interès per desmentir mites entorn de l'homosexualitat i convèncer a la nova societat democràtica de la importància de l'acceptació de la diversitat sexual va orientar el primer activisme, que va recórrer a l'estratègia del «cavall de Troia» per introduir en la societat, a través dels mitjans de comunicació, missatges educatius. Es pren com a exemple Els plaers ocults (1976), per indagar en les dificultats plantejades per l'ús de les narratives fílmiques amb intencions pedagògiques, i entendre els primers passos en la creació d'uns discursos d'escassa tradició en la cultura espanyola. ; Following the recent and vivid dialogue around the relevant role of the media in the Spanish transition to democracy, this article studies the first representations of homosexual characters in the democratic cinema, focusing on the importance of the question of education, of great significance for the LGTB activism of the time. It refers to different theoretical sources, including significant works of queer and gender theorists and archival material of the gay activism of the late Francoism. It studies how the first activism aimed to prove wrong old myths around homosexuality and to convince the new democratic society of the importance of the acceptance of sexual diversity, and how the so-called strategy of the «Trojan horse» was used in order to introduce, making use of the media, educational messages. The film Los placeres ocultos is taken as a case study to examine the legacy of the connection between education and LGTB liberation in cinema; the analysis is helpful to explore the difficulties of the use of film narratives with educational intentions, as well as to understand the first steps in the creation of innovative discourses of little tradition in Spanish culture. ; Entroncando con el reciente diálogo sobre el papel de los medios de comunicación en la Transición, se estudian las primeras representaciones de homosexuales en el cine democrático, centrándose en la importancia de la educación, de gran relevancia para el activismo de la época. Se utilizan distintas fuentes teóricas, desde relevantes estudios de la teoría queer y de género hasta material de archivo de grupos pro-gays del tardofranquismo. Se estudia cómo el interés por desmentir mitos en torno a la homosexualidad y convencer a la nueva sociedad democrática de la importancia de la aceptación de la diversidad sexual orientó el primer activismo, que recurrió a la estrategia del «caballo de Troya» para introducir en la sociedad, a través de los medios de comunicación, mensajes educativos. Se toma como ejemplo Los placeres ocultos (1976), para indagar en las dificultades planteadas por el uso de las narrativas fílmicas con intenciones pedagógicas, y entender los primeros pasos en la creación de unos discursos de escasa tradición en la cultura española.

This thesis examines and seeks to resolve some paradoxes in feminist conceptions of education. Dominant paradigms in first- and second-wave French feminism conceptualize education in ways that discount one of its fundamental aspects: either its social or its individual nature. While first-wave liberal feminism tends to promote a form of educational individualism, second-wave materialist feminism only considers education through the lens of socialization. Both paradigms fall prey to substantialism because they reify either the individual or society, and thus forget that the two stand in relation to each other. Contemporary Anglo-Saxon feminist pedagogies avoid these symmetrical pitfalls thanks to a relational conceptualization of education. Starting from a definition of consciousness as relation, these theories conceptualize "consciousness raising" as a dialectics between individual consciousness and collective consciousness. In this perspective, the feminist subject is neither the individual woman as rights-bearer nor the social class of women as produced by domination. Instead, the feminist political subject is defined by a specific relation to the condition of women. Nevertheless, subjectivist tendencies within feminist pedagogies reveal that building this relation requires rethinking educational institutions; otherwise feminist pedagogy can become a depoliticized practice. Because educational institutions contribute to producing the hierarchical division between productive and reproductive labor, they must be radically transformed. Such work can be done through a political project of care at the institutional level. ; Les principaux paradigmes qui se déploient dans l'histoire de la pensée féministe française portent une conceptualisation de l'éducation qui se fait aux dépens de l'un ou l'autre des deux termes que sont l'individuel et le social. Qu'il s'agisse du féminisme libéral « première vague » avec sa grille de lecture individualiste ou du féminisme matérialiste « deuxième vague » avec son constructivisme social radical, chaque modèle semble, à sa façon, succomber à une forme de substantialisme – de l'individuel ou du social, occultant la relation qui existe entre eux – ce qui fait obstacle à une pensée proprement politique de l'éducation. Les pédagogies féministes anglo-saxonnes contemporaines échappent à ces écueils symétriques car elles redéfinissent la forme même de l'éducation d'un point de vue relationnel. À partir d'une définition de la conscience comme relation, elles visent une dialectique entre conscience individuelle et conscience collective. Leur sujet n'est ni l'individu femme avec ses droits, ni le groupe social des femmes hérité de la domination, mais bien un certain rapport à la situation des femmes, rapport qui définit le sujet politique féministe. Or, ce que révèlent les tendances subjectivistes des pédagogies féministes, c'est que la constitution de ce rapport invite à une transformation de la forme éducative qui ne se limite pas à celle de la relation pédagogique, sous peine de se dévoyer dans des pratiques dépolitisantes. La transformation doit en effet viser l'éducation dans ses institutions elles-mêmes. En tant qu'elles participent du découpage de l'espace social qui distingue et hiérarchise travail productif et travail reproductif, ces dernières seraient à reconstruire. C'est ce que permet de penser un projet politique de care à l'échelle des institutions.

This thesis examines and seeks to resolve some paradoxes in feminist conceptions of education. Dominant paradigms in first- and second-wave French feminism conceptualize education in ways that discount one of its fundamental aspects: either its social or its individual nature. While first-wave liberal feminism tends to promote a form of educational individualism, second-wave materialist feminism only considers education through the lens of socialization. Both paradigms fall prey to substantialism because they reify either the individual or society, and thus forget that the two stand in relation to each other. Contemporary Anglo-Saxon feminist pedagogies avoid these symmetrical pitfalls thanks to a relational conceptualization of education. Starting from a definition of consciousness as relation, these theories conceptualize "consciousness raising" as a dialectics between individual consciousness and collective consciousness. In this perspective, the feminist subject is neither the individual woman as rights-bearer nor the social class of women as produced by domination. Instead, the feminist political subject is defined by a specific relation to the condition of women. Nevertheless, subjectivist tendencies within feminist pedagogies reveal that building this relation requires rethinking educational institutions; otherwise feminist pedagogy can become a depoliticized practice. Because educational institutions contribute to producing the hierarchical division between productive and reproductive labor, they must be radically transformed. Such work can be done through a political project of care at the institutional level. ; Les principaux paradigmes qui se déploient dans l'histoire de la pensée féministe française portent une conceptualisation de l'éducation qui se fait aux dépens de l'un ou l'autre des deux termes que sont l'individuel et le social. Qu'il s'agisse du féminisme libéral « première vague » avec sa grille de lecture individualiste ou du féminisme matérialiste « deuxième vague » avec son constructivisme social radical, chaque modèle semble, à sa façon, succomber à une forme de substantialisme – de l'individuel ou du social, occultant la relation qui existe entre eux – ce qui fait obstacle à une pensée proprement politique de l'éducation. Les pédagogies féministes anglo-saxonnes contemporaines échappent à ces écueils symétriques car elles redéfinissent la forme même de l'éducation d'un point de vue relationnel. À partir d'une définition de la conscience comme relation, elles visent une dialectique entre conscience individuelle et conscience collective. Leur sujet n'est ni l'individu femme avec ses droits, ni le groupe social des femmes hérité de la domination, mais bien un certain rapport à la situation des femmes, rapport qui définit le sujet politique féministe. Or, ce que révèlent les tendances subjectivistes des pédagogies féministes, c'est que la constitution de ce rapport invite à une transformation de la forme éducative qui ne se limite pas à celle de la relation pédagogique, sous peine de se dévoyer dans des pratiques dépolitisantes. La transformation doit en effet viser l'éducation dans ses institutions elles-mêmes. En tant qu'elles participent du découpage de l'espace social qui distingue et hiérarchise travail productif et travail reproductif, ces dernières seraient à reconstruire. C'est ce que permet de penser un projet politique de care à l'échelle des institutions.

This thesis examines and seeks to resolve some paradoxes in feminist conceptions of education. Dominant paradigms in first- and second-wave French feminism conceptualize education in ways that discount one of its fundamental aspects: either its social or its individual nature. While first-wave liberal feminism tends to promote a form of educational individualism, second-wave materialist feminism only considers education through the lens of socialization. Both paradigms fall prey to substantialism because they reify either the individual or society, and thus forget that the two stand in relation to each other. Contemporary Anglo-Saxon feminist pedagogies avoid these symmetrical pitfalls thanks to a relational conceptualization of education. Starting from a definition of consciousness as relation, these theories conceptualize "consciousness raising" as a dialectics between individual consciousness and collective consciousness. In this perspective, the feminist subject is neither the individual woman as rights-bearer nor the social class of women as produced by domination. Instead, the feminist political subject is defined by a specific relation to the condition of women. Nevertheless, subjectivist tendencies within feminist pedagogies reveal that building this relation requires rethinking educational institutions; otherwise feminist pedagogy can become a depoliticized practice. Because educational institutions contribute to producing the hierarchical division between productive and reproductive labor, they must be radically transformed. Such work can be done through a political project of care at the institutional level. ; Les principaux paradigmes qui se déploient dans l'histoire de la pensée féministe française portent une conceptualisation de l'éducation qui se fait aux dépens de l'un ou l'autre des deux termes que sont l'individuel et le social. Qu'il s'agisse du féminisme libéral « première vague » avec sa grille de lecture individualiste ou du féminisme matérialiste « deuxième vague » avec son constructivisme social radical, chaque modèle semble, à sa façon, succomber à une forme de substantialisme – de l'individuel ou du social, occultant la relation qui existe entre eux – ce qui fait obstacle à une pensée proprement politique de l'éducation. Les pédagogies féministes anglo-saxonnes contemporaines échappent à ces écueils symétriques car elles redéfinissent la forme même de l'éducation d'un point de vue relationnel. À partir d'une définition de la conscience comme relation, elles visent une dialectique entre conscience individuelle et conscience collective. Leur sujet n'est ni l'individu femme avec ses droits, ni le groupe social des femmes hérité de la domination, mais bien un certain rapport à la situation des femmes, rapport qui définit le sujet politique féministe. Or, ce que révèlent les tendances subjectivistes des pédagogies féministes, c'est que la constitution de ce rapport invite à une transformation de la forme éducative qui ne se limite pas à celle de la relation pédagogique, sous peine de se dévoyer dans des pratiques dépolitisantes. La transformation doit en effet viser l'éducation dans ses institutions elles-mêmes. En tant qu'elles participent du découpage de l'espace social qui distingue et hiérarchise travail productif et travail reproductif, ces dernières seraient à reconstruire. C'est ce que permet de penser un projet politique de care à l'échelle des institutions.

В статті надано аналіз розвитку українського історичного кіно початку ХХІ століття через призму формування жанру в новітніх соціально-економічних та політичних умовах. Розглядається визначення історичного кіно, його основні риси, проблема ідентичного відображення реальних подій в ігрових фільмах.Автор узагальнює і доповнює визначення історичного кіно як жанру кіномистецтва, визначає його головні риси. Історичний художній фільм має свої особливості і одна із головних полягає в тому, що він не повинен відображати події минулого, або сьогодення із повною історичною документальністю, зберігаючи в той же час так званий «дух епохи» завдяки костюмам, локаціям, реквізиту, мові. Завдання цього жанру полягає в показі героїв, або героя на тлі епохи, історичних подій через світосприйняття окремих осіб, які можуть бути реальними, так і результатом режисерського вимислу. Художній історичний фільм виглядає як твір на історичну тему, у якому присутні реальні і надумані персонажі, останні при тому можуть бути головними героями, а реальні другорядними. Це твір насичений не стільки спробами екранізувати події на документальній підставі, скільки реконструювати певні історичні події на основі документів, але із авторським-режисерським прочитанням.У статті охарактеризовано українські кінострічки засновані на історичних подіях, розглядається проблема достовірності історичних процесів, відображених в українському кінематографі, особливості формування образу героя. Історичні фільми є незамінним елементом в процесі національно-патріотичного виховання, відображенні історичних подій, які були довгий час замовчувані офіційною історичною наукою за радянських часів, засобом формування національної ідентичності та історичної пам'яті. ; The article provides an analysis of the development of Ukrainian historical cinema at the beginning of the XXI century through the prism of genre formation in the latest socio-economic and political conditions. The definition of historical cinema, its main features, the problem of identical reflection of real events in feature films are considered.The author summarizes and complements the definition of historical cinema as a genre of cinematography, defines its main features. A historical feature film has its own characteristics and one of the main is that it should not reflect the events of the past or present with full historical documentation, while maintaining the so-called «spirit of the era» through costumes, locations, props, language. The task of this genre is to show the heroes, or the hero against the background of the era, historical events through the worldview of individuals, which may be both real, and the result of director's imagination. A feature historical film looks like a work on a historical theme, in which there are real and fictional characters, the latter can be the main characters, and the real - supporting. This work is full not so much of attempts to screen events on the documentary basis, as to reconstruct certain historical events on the basis of documents, but with an author's-director's viewing.The article describes Ukrainian films based on historical events, considers the problem of reliability of historical processes reflected in Ukrainian cinema, the peculiarities of the formation of the image of a hero. Historical films are an indispensable element in the process of national-patriotic education, a reflection of historical events that have long been silenced by official historical science in Soviet times, a means of forming national identity and historical memory.

En este artículo me centraré en el análisis de la película argentina XXY (2007), dirigida por Lucía Puenzo. Me interesa el debate sobre la naturaleza de la identidad de género y sobre las posibles transformaciones que dicho concepto está sufriendo hoy en día, problema que la película presenta en su crisis. Entiendo la identidad "intersex" como uno de los mayores desafíos a las estructuras sociales binarias y heteronormativas y me interesa presentar el impacto social y familiar que tiene el cuerpo intersex, tal como lo vemos en la película, cuando su condición se vuelve pública. Es la hipótesis principal de este artículo que los cuerpos hablan y se imponen en la articulación y formulación de su deseo, obligando a la familia, a la sociedad y a las estructuras legales a responder ante semejante apelación. Múltiples leyes se han generado sobre el tema y diferentes perspectivas pueden encontrarse sobre la película desde su lanzamiento, algunas de las cuales son comentadas aquí, desde las cirugías normalizadoras hasta la construcción del cuerpo siguiendo el deseo del sujeto, así como el concepto de "lo natural". No se descuida la reflexión en torno al uso del lenguaje cinematográfico elegido por la directora para expresar su visión de un tema que provoca debate y que, aunque ha generado nueva legislación que protege a los sujetos involucrados, sin embargo, también ha generado resistencia en múltiples niveles de la sociedad (las rioplatenses, uruguaya y argentina, son las representadas en la película). In this article I will focus on the analysis of the Argentine film XXY (2007), directed by Lucía Puenzo. I am interested in the debate on the nature of gender identity and on the possible transformations that this concept is undergoing today, a problem that the film presents in its crisis. I understand "intersex" identity as one of the biggest challenges to binary and heteronormative social structures and am interested in presenting the social and family impact that the intersex body has, as we see it in the film, when its condition becomes public. The main hypothesis of this article is that bodies speak and impose themselves in the articulation and formulation of their desire, forcing the family, society, and legal structures to respond to such an appeal. Multiple laws have been generated on the topic, and different perspectives can be found on the film since its launch, some of which are commented on, from normalizing surgeries to the construction of the body according to the subject's desire, as well as the concept of what is "natural.". Not neglected here is a reflection on the use of the cinematographic language chosen by the director to express her vision of a topic that provokes debate and that, although it has generated new legislation that protects the subjects involved, has also generated resistance in multiple levels of society (those from the Rio de la Plata region, Uruguayan and Argentine, are the ones represented in the film).

"Nostalgia de la Luz" [2010] y "El Botón de Nácar" [2015] son parte de una trilogía a cargo del documentalista chileno Patricio Guzmán. En estas dos películas el autor se propone una reflexión sobre la memoria histórica y política de Chile. Lo singular de su propuesta son los elementos aparentemente disímiles que participan del diálogo. Es así como los pueblos originarios del sur de Chile y los desaparecidos de la dictadura de Pinochet se urden en un entramado con el desierto de Atacama, la astronomía, las mujeres buscadoras de Calama, el agua y los botones de nácar, entre otros hilos de la historia. El resultado es un tejido del tiempo, una posible relación con este, con todo aquello que implica pensarlo –historia, ciencia, ética, territorios, relaciones– o como pensamiento de lo impensable. ¿Qué elementos traman las imágenes de lo real que Guzmán propone? ¿Cuál es la potencia de estas imágenes? Si pensamos en ellas cual vórtice que interrumpe el flujo de la corriente de las imágenes‐movimiento, ¿hacia dónde rota nuestro lazo con el mundo?, ¿qué nos depara creer con lo impensable?, ¿qué implica imaginar el caos? Para ensayar algunas respuestas posibles y de este modo dar cuenta de ciertos aspectos del problema de lo real en el documental contemporáneo, me propongo el análisis de estos dos films en función de tres vértices: 1) la creencia, 2) la imaginación y 3) el tiempo, considerando que estos trazan una cartografía de la memoria que los dos films de Guzmán visibilizan. ; ·Nostalgia de la Luz· [2010] and ·El Boton de nacar· [2015] are part of a trilogy made by the documentalist Patricio Guzman. In these two films the author proposes a reflection on Chile's historical and political memory. The singular of his proposal are the apparently dissimilar elements that participate in the dialogue. This is how the indigenous peoples of southern Chile and the disappeared of the Pinochet dictatorship get involved in the same plot with the Atacama Desert, astronomy, women seeking Calama, water and mother-of-pearl buttons, among other projections of the history. The result: A time's tissue, a possible relationship with it, with everything that implies thinking .history, science, ethics, territories, relationships. or as a thought of the unthinkable. What elements paint the images of the real that Guzman proposes? What is the power of these images? If we think of them as a vortex that interrupts the flow of the torrent of images-movement, where it rotate our relationship with the world? What does it imply to believe in the unthinkable? What does it mean to imagine chaos? In order to test some possible answers and thus to give an account of certain aspects of the real problem in the contemporary documentary, I propose the analysis of these two films in three vertices: 1) belief, 2) imagination and 3) the time, considering that these trace a cartography of the memory that the two films of Guzman visualize. ; Facultad de Bellas Artes

The work of Michelangelo Antonioni is considered as trailblazing and as a paradigmatic expression of modernism in cinema. Even today it has an impact on film style and holds a key place in the history of film art. In my contribution I discuss and enlarge upon these interpretations of his work in the context of the political character of his aesthetics. The political in his films, my thesis suggests, is found in the aesthetic experience which be- comes possible by means of his films. As Jacques Rancière has shown, aesthetic experience is closely linked to a democratic experience. Both problematize the theory that the dominant framework of meaning and the meanings of a social and cultural order are set in stone and could not be otherwise. They create an appreciation for contingency and possible changes. Following this argumentation, the political significance of Antonioni's aesthetic can be defined more closely. The open narrative structure, the autonomization of the camera, the playing with temps mort, the visual development of spaces or the gradual emptying of the image field are characteristics of his style and undermine the representative regime. By different stylistic means, he infiltrates it, leaves it standing in the background and robs it of its structuring power. Antonioni has created a dissensual cinema in which can be found the aesthetic truth of cinema, the ambiguity of dumb and ephemeral things, the texture of the world as it is. His cinema makes real the transition from the representative fiction of the plot to the aesthetic fiction of the signs. Wong Kar-wai has followed him in this. Both design sensual landscapes of the surface of the world which have broken the straight line between cause and effect and are defined by aesthetic affect. ; Delo Michelangela Antonionija velja za pionirsko in za paradigmatičen izraz moderniz- ma v kinematografiji. Še danes učinkuje na filmski slog ter zaseda ključno mesto v zgo- dovini filmske umetnosti. V svojem prispevku podrobno obravnavam razlage njegovega dela ter na njihovi osnovi razlagam njegovo delo v kontekstu političnega značaja njegove estetike. Po moji tezi se politično v njegovih delih nahaja v estetskem izkustvu, ki ga omogočijo filmska sredstva. Kot je pokazal Jacques Rancière, je estetsko izkustvo tesno povezano z demokratskim izkustvom. Oba problematizirata teorijo po kateri je prevladujoči okvir pomena in pomenov družbenega in kulturnega reda vklesan v kamen, ne da bi obstajala druga možnost. Oba tvorita vrednotenje naključnosti ter možnih sprememb. Sledeč tej argumentaciji lahko politični pomen Antonionijeve estetetike pobliže določimo. Odprta narativna struktura, avtonomizacija kamere, igranje temps mort, vizualni razvoj prostorov ali postopno praznjenje polja podobe so značilnosti tega sloga ter spodkopujejo reprezentativni režim. Vanj prodre z različnimi slogovnimi sredstvi, ga pusti stati v ozadju ter ga oropa za njegovo strukturirajoča moč Antonioni je ustvaril nesoglasni film, v katerem lahko najdemo estetsko resnico filma, dvoumnost neumnih in trenutnih stvari, teksturo sveta, kakršen je. Njegovi filmi naredi resničnen prehod iz reprezentativne fikcije zapleta do estetske fikcije znakov. Wong Kar-wai mu je v tem sledil. Oba gradita čutne pokrajine površine sveta, ki so prelomile ravne črte med vzrokom in učinkom ter so določene z estetskim učinkom.

Cet article retrace la perception du Moyen Âge à l'époque contemporaine en mettant en évidence les stéréotypes avec lesquels le Moyen Âge est proposé au grand public. Le but de cet article n'est pas de type philologique, comme celui d'indiquer des « erreurs » d'interprétation, mais plutôt d'essayer de comprendre les attitudes culturelles et idéologiques qui sous-tendent ces « erreurs ». Les sources de l'étude ont été choisies afin de couvrir une zone assez vaste, de la littérature scientifique (par exemple le fameux texte du politologue britannique Hedley Bull, 'La société anarchiste') à la littérature fantastique, des produits des médias traditionnels aux films et aux jeux de rôle. Une attention particulière a été accordée à l'analyse des thèmes liés aux Croisades. A cet égard, on a privilégié quelques films célèbres en essayant de montrer comment les topoi médiévaux peuvent être des indicateurs de la vision politique globale des auteurs et, plus précisément, un marqueur de leur vision de la relation entre l'Orient et l'Occident. ; This paper analyzes the cultural perception of the Middle Ages in the contemporary Age by highlighting the most successful stereotypes through which the Middle Ages has been proposed to the public. The aim of this essay is not to correct philologically the "errors" of interpretation, but rather to understand the cultural and ideological attitudes underlying these "errors". The sources of this study were chosen to cover a fairly large area: from scientific literature (for example the famous text of British political scientist Hedley Bull, "The anarchist society") to fantasy literature, from the products of traditional media to films and role-playing games. A particular attention has been paid to the analysis of the themes related to the Crusades; privileging the analysis of some famous films, showing how the medieval topoi used to represent the Middle Ages could be an indicator of the political ideas of the directors and, more precisely, a marker of their vision of the relationship between Western and Eastern civilizations. ; Il saggio ricostruisce la percezione del Medioevo nell'età contemporanea evidenziando quali sono gli stereotipi di maggior successo attraverso i quali viene proposto il Medioevo: lo scopo del saggio non è quello filologico di correggere gli "errori" di intepretazione ma, piuttosto, di comprendere quali atteggiamenti culturali e ideologici sono sottesi agli "errori" interpretativi. Le "fonti" sulle quali condurre lo studio sono state scelte in modo da coprire un ambito piuttosto vasto, dalla letteratura scientifica non medievistica (ad esempio il celebre testo del politologo britannico Hedley Bull "La società anarchica") alla letteratura fantasy, ai prodotti dei mass-media tradizionali, alla filmografia, ai giochi di ruolo. Una particolare attenzione è stata riservata, poi, all'analisi dei tematismi legati alle crociate, a questo proposito è stata privilegiata soprattutto la produzione cinematografica, ripercorrendo alcuni celebri film e cercando di mostrare come i topoi rappresentativi del Medioevo siano, in realtà e di volta in volta, una spia della visione politica globale degli autori e, più precisamente, un marker della loro visione del rapporto Occidente/Oriente.

Franco Basaglia ist ein populärer Psychiater, Michel Foucault ist ein bekannter Philosoph und Soziologe. In der vorliegenden Masterarbeit werden eingangs ihre Werke ?L?istituzione negata? (1968) und ?Überwachen und Strafen: Die Geburt des Gefängnisses? (1975) mittels der Themen der Exklusion, der Macht und der modernen Institutionen (Gefängnis, Psychiatrie etc.) analysiert und etwaige Parallelen erschlossen. Anhand Basaglias und Foucaults interessanten Denkweisen lassen sich aufschlussreiche Bezüge zur italienischen Literatur des 20. Jahrhunderts herstellen. Mittels der ausgewählten Romane ?L?affaire Moro? (1978), ?Memoriale? (1962) und des Films ?La meglio gioventù? (2003) wird veranschaulicht, dass die Motive der Macht und des Ausschlusses darin stark präsent sind. Die Analyse der Romane und des Films erweist sich als besonders spannend und vielfältig, da diese verschiedene Themen behandeln und diverse Institutionen (Gefängnis, Psychiatrie und Fabrik) im Mittelpunkt stehen. Folglich können die Themen der Exklusion und der Macht anhand von verschiedenen Institutionen dargestellt werden. Dabei stellt sich heraus, wie häufig und in welchen unterschiedlichen Institutionen diese Themenbereiche in der italienischen Literatur auftreten. In ?L?affaire Moro? wurde der Vorsitzende der christdemokratischen Partei, Aldo Moro von den Roten Brigaden, einer linksextremistischen Organisation entführt und im ?prigione del popolo? eingesperrt. Folglich wurde er von der Gesellschaft ausgeschlossen, wurde zum Opfer der Roten Brigaden sowie seiner eigenen Partei und unterlag einem schicksalhaften Machtspiel. In Memoriale? leidet der Protagonist, Albino Saluggia, an Tuberkulose und wird deshalb von den Ärzten von seiner Arbeit in der Fabrik ausgestoßen und in ein Sanatorium aufs Land gebracht. In ?La meglio gioventù? kommen das Leid und die Qualen, die in den Internierungshäusern psychisch kranker Menschen vorherrschen, stark zum Vorschein. ; Franco Basaglia is a popular psychiatrist, Michel Foucault is a well-known philosopher and sociologist. At the beginning of this thesis their works ?L?istituzione negata? (1968) and ?Überwachen und Strafen: Die Geburt des Gefängnisses? (1975) are going to be analysed by means of the topics of exclusion, power and modern institutions (e. g. prison, psychiatry etc.) and analogies are going to be drawn. Afterwards the elaborated topics of both works are consulted for a literature analysis. Basaglias and Foucaults way of thinking may be connected with the Italian literature of the 20th century. It is shown that power and exclusion have a strong presence in the novels ?L?affaire Moro? (1978), ?Memoriale? (1962) and in the film ?La meglio gioventù? (2003). The analysis of the novels and the film turn out to be very exciting and multifaceted due to the occurrence of different topics and distinct institutions which take a centre stage (e.g. prison, psychiatry and factory etc.). Consequently the topics of power and exclusion are described from an institutional point of view. It is emphasized that these topics appear frequently and in the context of various institutions in the Italian literature. In ?L?affaire Moro? the leader of the Christian Democratic party was abducted and imprisoned of the Red Brigades, a left-wing extremist organisation, in the so called ?prigione del popolo?. He was expelled from the public, became a victim of the Red Brigades as well as of his own party and was subjected to a fateful power game. In ?Memoriale? the protagonist Albino Saluggia suffered from tuberculosis and was therefore excluded from his work and sent to a sanatorium in a rural area. In ?La meglio gioventù? the sorrow and pain of mentally ill humans in psychiatries was elaborated. In Italian films and novels the protagonists are expelled from public and are subjected to fateful power games in different institutions. ; vorgelegt von Kathrin Egger ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Masterarb., 2010 ; (VLID)213133

Advocating for Themselves: Seeking Security Through Women's Peacebuilding Organizations in Cote d'Ivoire, is a study of the UN Security Council's Women, Peace, and Security agenda and how it is implemented in Côte d'Ivoire. I examine local and national women's security and peacebuilding organizations' understandings of security and the ways they establish and advocate for their priorities while working with the United Nations, transnational NGOs, and the national government. Much of the prior research on this topic suggests that international efforts to implement this agenda clash with national and local priorities. But I demonstrate that the reality is more complex: while multiple international and transnational discourses have sometimes-competing, sometimes-cooperating effects on the local implementation, Ivorian women's understandings of security also shape the agenda' implementation. To understand the local dynamic of women's advocacy, I interviewed local NGO, government, and UN representatives and conducted participant observation over eleven months in Cote d'Ivoire, funded by a Fulbright Fellowship. I make three central arguments. The first is that two kinds of global actors—international and transnational—try to shape the Women, Peace, and Security agenda, but they do so in distinctive ways: through the state and bypassing it, resulting in poorly coordinated directives. The second is that this agenda in Côte d'Ivoire has narrowed to a focus on security sector reform at the national level, with the assistance of international actors, which privileges mechanisms of traditional security and co-opts women into existing structures of power. Third, local women's organizations perform a pragmatic skepticism, working with international, transnational, and national actors to achieve their own goals, reclaiming some of the essentializing discourses told about them. With insights from African feminism and critical feminist peacebuilding literatures, my findings call into question the assumptions of women's roles in international security policies and the interrelation of actors in policy implementation.

Cellphones + Films (+ Intention) = Cellphilms -- Cellphones and cellphilms in the world -- Connecting to the network : theorizing cellphilm method -- Dancing on the balance beam : facilitating cellphilm-making -- Cellphilms as pedagogy -- Cellphilm ethics -- #Data : framing analysis in cellphilm method -- Going viral : cellphilm dissemination -- Media influencers : how youth are transforming cellphilm method -- Mobilizing the network : social change and future directions.

This volume provides a systematic introduction to gender studies from a cultural and literary studies perspective. Topics include gender history since 1800, theoretical approaches (Écriture féminine, Foucault, Butler), feminist debates through to the present day (#MeToo), and neighboring fields (queer studies, men's studies, postcolonial studies, film studies). It also addresses reading methods in literary and cultural studies

Wie gestalten und konstruieren Migrant*innen als Akteur*innen in globalen Bewegungsprozessen ihr Leben und ihr Selbst über territoriale Grenzen hinweg? Welche Rolle spielen digitale Kommunikationstechnologien als Brücke zwischen Herkunfts- und Migrationsland und wie kommen Musik, Theater und Film bei der Bearbeitung von Migrationserfahrungen zum Einsatz? Christina Schachtner untersucht anhand von Gesprächen mit Migrant*innen in Deutschland und Österreich die gesellschaftsverändernde Kraft von Migration. Ihre transdisziplinäre Forschung nimmt insbesondere die Mediennutzung von Migrant*innen in den Blick und umfasst soziologische, psychologische, medien- und kulturwissenschaftliche sowie geschlechtersensible Perspektiven.