Suchergebnisse

1. Toward a broader theory of deterrence -- 2. The United States and China, 1959-1966 -- 3. The Soviet Union and China, 1969 -- 4. Israel and Iraq, 1977-1981 -- 5. The United States and North Korea, 1992-1994 -- 6. The United States and Soviet Union, 1962 -- 7. Putting the pieces together.

Do the media cover men and women politicians and candidates differently? This article performs a systematic analysis of 90 studies covering over 25,000 politicians in over 750,000 media stories, and presents the accumulated knowledge in a comprehensive theoretical framework. The paper shows that there is a gender bias in the amount of coverage of politicians in proportional electoral systems, where women politicians lag behind men in media attention, but that, surprisingly, this gender bias is absent in majoritarian electoral systems. In addition, we systematically review gender differences in the content of media reports on political candidates, such as differences in attention to private life and family, viability and horse-race coverage, issue coverage, and gender stereotypes. Overall, women politicians receive more attention to their appearance and personal life, more negative viability coverage, and, to some extent, stereotypical issue and trait coverage. We conclude by pointing out promising avenues for future research.

Research on political tolerance has made substantial progress in recent years by improving the measures used to gauge public opinion. Much attention has been devoted to developing indicators that control for group affect. Controls for activity affect have not been pursued as vigorously. Indeed, much of the progress has been along the lines of specifying tolerance for unpopular political minorities rather than tolerance for unorthodox or threatening political activities. More generally, tolerance research has not been sensitive to the variety of contextual factors that determine citizen attitudes in civil-liberties disputes.A new approach to measuring political tolerance is presented in this article. The measures developed in this approach disaggregate the traditional measures of tolerance (such as Stouffer's (1955) support for "a communist making a speech in your community"). In particular, scales measuring support for freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and freedom of political association are presented. As multiple-indicator measures posing conflicts among values, these scales are related to traditional tolerance measures. However, because they reflect the complexity and conflict associated with actual civil-liberties disputes, they will no doubt serve as better predictors of opinions and behaviors in actual disputes.

The article considers some peculiarities of manipulation and pragmalinguistic aspects of political discourse. The purpose of the article is to study and make clear the role of use of manipulative and pragmalinguistic elements in political discourse. First of all, there is given comprehensive definitions of discourse, then author gradually moves to political discourse. He dwells on what kind of factors dramatically influence on manipulation in political discourse and gives exact definitions of them. Moreover author touches pragmalinguistic factors that play the main role in manipulation processes, in particular main units of pragmalinguistics such as informema and pragmema. There is given analysis of an election which was held in Kazakhstan this year and candidates' political discourse. What kind of pragmalinguistic elements do they prefer to use in their political discourses. By the end of the article, author shows the importance of political discourse in society, how it makes remarkable contribution to the society and even it creates the managing system of the country. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n6s2p254

Central bank independence (CBI) and fixed exchange rates are alternative monetary commitments that differ intransparency. While CBI is opaque and difficult to monitor, a commitment to a fixed exchange rate is easily observed. Political systems also vary in terms of transparency. I argue that the transparency of monetary commitments and the transparency of political systems aresubstitutes. Where political decision making is opaque (autocracies), governments must look to a commitment that is more transparent and constrained (fixed exchange rates) than the government itself. The transparency of the monetary commitment substitutes for the transparency of the political system to engender low inflation. Where the political process is transparent (democracies), a formal commitment to CBI can produce lower inflation because private agents and the political opposition are free to detect and punish government interference with the central bank. Statistical results indicate that (1) autocracies are more likely to adopt exchange-rate pegs than democracies, and (2) CBI is effective in limiting inflation in nations with high levels of political transparency.

Frontmatter -- CHAPTER FOUR Myth and Folktale -- CONTRIBUTORS -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- Chapter 1 GLOBALIZATION AND GOVERNANCE -- PART 1 Globalization and Changing Locations of Governance -- Chapter 2 THE LEVERAGE OF ECONOMIC THEORIES Explaining Governance in an Internationalized Industry -- Chapter 3 POLITICAL INTEGRATION AND DISINTEGRATION IN THE GLOBAL ECONOMY -- Chapter 4 GLOBALIZATION AND FISCAL DECENTRALIZATION -- Chapter 5 GLOBALIZATION AND DEMANDS FOR REGIONAL AUTONOMY IN EUROPE -- Chapter 6 MONETARY GOVERNANCE IN A WORLD OF REGIONAL CURRENCIES -- Chapter 7 GOVERNING GLOBAL FINANCIAL MARKETS International Responses to the Hedge-Fund Problem -- Chapter 8 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE GOVERNANCE IN SETTING INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS -- Chapter 9 GLOBALIZATION AND INDUSTRY SELF-REGULATION -- PART 2 Convergence in National Governance -- Chapter 10 INTERNATIONAL CAPITAL MOBILITY AND NATIONAL POLICY DIVERGENCE -- Chapter 11 GLOBALIZATION AND POLICY DIFFUSION Explaining Three Decades of Liberalization -- Chapter 12 CORPORATE GOVERNANCE Global Markets, National Politics -- Chapter 13 GLOBALIZATION, INSTITUTIONS, AND CONVERGENCE Fiscal Adjustment in Europe -- PART 3 Democratic Deficits and the Problem of Accountability -- Chapter 14 DEMOCRACY, ACCOUNTABILITY, AND RIGHTS IN SUPRANATIONAL GOVERNANCE -- Chapter 15 REDEFINING ACCOUNTABILITY FOR GLOBAL GOVERNANCE -- GLOBALIZATION AND CHANGING PATTERNS OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY -- REFERENCES -- INDEX

Armies and Political Change in Britain, 1660 - 1750 explores significant continuities and developments in the armed forces across the reigns of seven monarchs, using a vivid and extensive array of archival, literary, and artistic material to present a new perspective on the political and military history of Britain.

In this detailed survey of European communist systems. Dr. Hazan examines the formal structure of East European politics and the functions of party organizations as the true centers of power. Drawing on extensive primary sources and illustrations from the most recent period of Eastern Europe's history, he analyzes the role of the entire government infrastructure in consolidating the strength of the Communist party. He also focuses on party congresses, internal elections, organizational and personnel changes, and foreign visits against the background of the all-encompassing network of ritual that governs the political process.

Major political corruption scandals were a common occurrence in postwar Japan. After the 1990s, policy failure scandals generated by bureaucratic rather than political corruption became more common. Among the crucial ingredients in generating policy failure scandals was the role of interparty competition and the functioning of a two-party system.

This interdisciplinary Handbook provides an in-depth analysis of the complex security phenomenon of disinformation and offers a toolkit to counter such tactics. Disinformation used to propagate false, inexact or out of context information is today a frequently used tool of political manipulation and information warfare, both online and offline. This Handbook evidences a historical thread of continuing practices and modus operandi in overt state propaganda and covert information operations. Further, it attempts to unveil current methods used by propaganda actors, the inherent vulnerabilities they exploit in the fabric of democratic societies and, last but not least, to highlight current practices in countering disinformation and building resilient audiences. The Handbook is divided into six thematic sections. The first part provides a set of theoretical approaches to hostile influencing, disinformation and covert information operations. The second part looks at disinformation and propaganda in historical perspective offering case study analysis of disinformation, and the third focuses on providing understanding of the contemporary challenges posed by disinformation and hostile influencing. The fourth part examines information and communication practices used for countering disinformation and building resilience. The fifth part analyses specific regional experiences in countering and deterring disinformation, as well as international policy responses from transnational institutions and security practitioners. Finally, the sixth part offers a practical toolkit for practitioners to counter disinformation and hostile influencing.

Political trust is important for the effective functioning of government. This paper uses cross country regression analysis to see whether three different measures of economic performance matter for political trust. The results lend support to the hypothesis that political trust is influenced by economic growth, the standard of living, and the appropriate use of government spending. In addition, the paper considers two institutional variables, perceived independence of the judiciary and the degree of democracy to assess their effect on political trust. It finds that perceived judicial independence has a positive effect on political trust, but democracy has a negative effect.

This article is an examination of democracy and political apathy in Nigeria between 1999 and 2011. It attempted to find out the dangers of political apathy in Nigeria's democracy during the period under study. The article observed that political apathy manifested itself in the country between 1999 and 2011 in the following forms: one, the decline to register; two, the refusal to vote; three, failure to protest against rigging and four, failure to assist the security agents with useful information. It discovered that bad governance was responsible for political apathy. The article therefore recommended good governance as a solution to political apathy in Nigeria's democracy.