Suchergebnisse

[spa] La presente tesis doctoral se presenta como una investigación de Historia Contemporánea con raíces en la Ciencia Política. Su finalidad es comprender la identidad insular característica de las Illes Balears y de manera particular de Eivissa, ya que el tema identitario, además de cobrar relevancia en los tiempos presentes, es un concepto que ayuda a comprender la cultura política de las sociedades contemporáneas así como un elemento principal en el desarrollo del capital social de las mismas. En este sentido, el insularismo sería el concepto clave para comprender la identidad insular. Por ello se procederá a desarrollar diferentes consideraciones en torno a este concepto con el fin de hacer comprensible a cualquier residente del continente la carga simbólica de los ciudadanos de las Illes Balears. En el primer capítulo introductorio se expondrán los objetivos e hipótesis de la investigación, y en segundo capítulo se desarrollará la metodología empleada y se detallarán las fuentes estudiadas para explorar la identidad insular como característica propia del archipiélago balear. El tercer capítulo se dedicará a exponer el marco teórico y a reflexionar sobre las diferentes nociones que influyen en la conformación del concepto principal de este estudio. Le seguirá un desarrollo teórico necesario para comprender la identidad insular y todas las cargas simbólicas que se construyen en torno a dicho concepto y para abordar la relación existente entre la identidad insular y la cultura política. Esta relación explica en gran medida las relaciones existentes entre todos los elementos estudiados en esta investigación. Diferentes elementos que ayudan a explicar tanto la identidad insular predominante así como los efectos de esta identidad insular en el desarrollo político y social insular, dando así una justificación a la conexión entre todos los capítulos siguientes. El capítulo IV ofrecerá una visión macro a través del ejercicio comparado entre dos territorios insulares, el archipiélago canario y el balear, que puede ayudar a visualizar el desarrollo identitario y sus consecuencias. Servirá como referencia el estudio realizado por Eve Hepburn en el que analiza comparativamente distintas regiones insulares y sus demandas de autonomía, de soberanía o de independencia. Se utilizarán las variables que propone la autora y se estudiará el sistema de partidos balear 8 que, a diferencia del canario, carece de un partido de índole autonómico o archipielágico, lo que a posteriori se traduce en unas demandas insulares satisfechas o insatisfechas. Otra variable a destacar es el análisis de la «Linz-Moreno question», pregunta aplicada en las encuestas del CIS que suele medir el grado de identificación, nacionalismo o regionalismo y, en nuestro caso, de insularismo. Otras variables que se contemplarán en esta investigación serán los recursos económicos, las relaciones externas con el Estado y entidades supranacionales, el papel de Balears en la administración del Estado y factores asociados con el «islandness», destacando como aportación propia de este estudio la incorporación del índice del malapportionment como factor asociado al «islandness». En el capítulo V se realizará un análisis del Diario de Ibiza a partir de la teoría del nacionalismo banal de Michael Billig y del concepto de insularismo banal desarrollado teóricamente en el capítulo III. Concluirá la investigación con un análisis diacrónico del sistema político de Eivissa durante la II República aplicando una fórmula propia para poder determinar la participación absoluta en dicho periodo. En este sentido, el apartado se centra en el estudio del comportamiento electoral como un elemento clave en la cultura política. Se llevarán a cabo análisis comparados de la participación electoral a nivel estatal, autonómico e insular en los periodos mencionados, conjugando así una dimensión diacrónica y sincrónica. En el conjunto del trabajo se aprecian las conexiones entre uno y otro capítulo como fenómenos explicativos el uno del otro. ; [cat] La present tesi doctoral es presenta com una recerca d'Història Contemporània amb arrels en la Ciència Política. La seva finalitat és comprendre la identitat insular característica de les Illes Balears i de manera particular d'Eivissa, ja que el tema identitari, a més de cobrar rellevància en els temps presents, és un concepte que ajuda a comprendre la cultura política de les societats contemporànies així com un element principal en el desenvolupament del capital social d'aquestes. En aquest sentit, l'insularisme seria el concepte clau per a comprendre la identitat insular. Per això es procedirà a desenvolupar diferents consideracions entorn d'aquest concepte amb la finalitat de fer comprensible a qualsevol resident del continent la càrrega simbòlica dels ciutadans de les Illes Balears. En el primer capítol introductori s'exposaran els objectius i hipòtesis de la recerca, al segon capítol es desenvoluparà la metodologia emprada i es detallaran les fonts estudiades per a explorar la identitat insular com a característica pròpia de l'arxipèlag balear. El tercer capítol es dedicarà a exposar el marc teòric i a reflexionar sobre les diferents nocions que influeixen en la conformació del concepte principal d'aquest estudi. Li seguirà un desenvolupament teòric necessari per a comprendre la identitat insular i totes les càrregues simbòliques que es construeixen entorn d'aquest concepte i per a abordar la relació existent entre la identitat insular i la cultura política. Aquesta relació explica en gran manera les relacions existents entre tots els elements estudiats en aquesta recerca. Diferents elements que ajuden a explicar tant la identitat insular predominant així com els efectes d'aquesta identitat insular en el desenvolupament polític i social insular, donant així una justificació a la connexió entre tots els capítols següents. El capítol IV oferirà una visió macro a través de l'exercici comparat entre dos territoris insulars, l'arxipèlag canari i el balear, que pot ajudar a visualitzar el desenvolupament identitari i les seves conseqüències. Servirà com a referència l'estudi realitzat per Eve Hepburn en el qual analitza comparativament diferents regions insulars i les seves demandes d'autonomia, de sobirania o d'independència. S'utilitzaran les variables que proposa l'autora i s'estudiarà el sistema de partits balear que, a diferència 10 del canari, manca d'un partit de tipus autonòmic o arxipielàgic, la qual cosa a posteriori es tradueix en unes demandes insulars satisfetes o insatisfetes. Una altra variable a destacar és l'anàlisi de la «Linz-Moreno question», pregunta aplicada en les enquestes del CIS que sol mesurar el grau d'identificació, nacionalisme o regionalisme i, en el nostre cas, d'insularisme. Altres variables que es contemplaran en aquesta recerca seran els recursos econòmics, les relacions externes amb l'Estat i entitats supranacionals, el paper de Balears en l'administració de l'Estat i factors associats amb l'«islandness», destacant com a aportació pròpia d'aquest estudi la incorporació de l'índex del malapportionment com a factor associat a l'«islandness». En el capítol V es realitzarà una anàlisi del Diario de Ibiza a partir de la teoria del nacionalisme banal de Michael Billig i del concepte d'insularisme banal desenvolupat teòricament en el capítol II. Conclourà la recerca amb una anàlisi diacrònica del sistema polític d'Eivissa durant la II República aplicant una fórmula pròpia per a poder determinar la participació absoluta en aquest període. En aquest sentit, l'apartat se centra en l'estudi del comportament electoral com un element clau en la cultura política. Es duran a terme anàlisis comparades de la participació electoral a nivell estatal, autonòmic i insular en els períodes esmentats, conjugant així una dimensió diacrònica i sincrònica. En el conjunt del treball s'aprecien les connexions entre un i un altre capítol com a fenòmens explicatius l'un de l'altre. ; [eng] This thesis investigates contemporary history using political science as a frame of reference. Its purpose is to understand the insular identity of the Balearic Islands, with a focus on the Island of Eivissa. This issue has gained relevance in present times since it helps understand the current political culture and the development of social capital in the Island. The thesis builds its theoretical backbone on the concept of insularism since this is a key concept in the understanding of the symbolic burden of the Balearic Islands citizenship. The first chapter introduces the objectives and hypotheses of the research project, and the second chapter shows the methodology and the sources utilized to explore the insular identity as an idiosyncratic characteristic of the Balearic Islands. The third chapter focuses on the theoretical framework and on the description and analysis of important notions that influence insular identity. This is followed by a description of the theoretical framework that is required to understand the concept of insular identity, its symbolic loading and on addressing the relationship between insular identity and political culture. This relationship largely explains the relationships between all the elements studied in this research. Different elements that help to explain both the predominant insular identity as well as the effects of this insular identity in the insular political and social development, thus giving a justification to the connection between all the following chapters. The fourth chapter offers a macro view through the comparative analysis of two island territories: The Canary Islands and the Balearic Islands. This exercise helps us visualize the development of identity and its consequences. The main reference for this analysis is the study carried out by Eve Hepburn in which she comparatively analyzes different island regions and their demands for autonomy and sovereignty. Our study utilizes the same variables as Hepburn, but in addition, it also studies the impact of an autonomous archipelago party, which the Balearic Islands have but the Canary Islands do not. We also analyze the «Linz-Moreno question», which is often included in CIS surveys, that usually measures the degree of identification, nationalism or regionalism and, in our case, insularism. Other variables that will be considered in this research will 12 be economic resources, external relations with the State and supranational entities, the role of the Balearic Islands in the administration of the State and factors associated with «islandness». As an important contribution, we link this latter factor to the «malapportionment» index. In chapter V, we use Michael Billing's theory of banal nationalism and concept of banal insularism to analyze the content of Diario de Ibiza, a local newspaper. We also perform a diachronic analysis of the political system of Eivissa during the Second Republic, focusing on the study of electoral behavior as a key element in political culture. We then conclude with a comparative analyzes of electoral participation at the state, regional and island levels in the aforementioned period, thus combining a diachronic and synchronic dimension. The thesis can be seen a collection of highly interlinked phenomena that both affect and get affected by each other.

this article covers different aspects related to the spacialization of some cases of collective and participative artistic practices in specific places of three latin american cities: mexico city, bogota and medellin. therefore, the article questions the presence of different social ideologies and representations concerning the artistic field in its local and global dimensions, which establish meanings for the artistic, the political and social matters and, at the same time, fight among themselves when associating with certain contemporary artistic practices and its agents and institutions. in order to do so, it is proposed a focus that, to a certain extent, is separated from art theory and history, placing itself in a constant to and fro movement between the assumptions of artistic practices and social sciences. ; El presente artículo aborda distintos aspectos relacionados con la espacialización de algunos casos de prácticas artísticas colectivas y participativas en lugares específicos de tres ciudades latinoamericanas: México D.F., Bogotá D.C. y Medellín. El texto problematiza la presencia de distintos idearios y representaciones sociales de lo artístico en sus dimensiones local y global, que establecen significados de lo artístico, de lo político y lo social, que pugnan al asociarse a ciertas prácticas artísticas contemporáneas, sus agentes e instituciones. Para esto, propone una entrada que se aparta un poco de la teoría e historia del arte, situándose en un ir y venir constante entre los supuestos de las prácticas artísticas y las ciencias sociales. ; Cet article aborde divers aspects se référant à la spatialisation de certains cas de pratiques artistiques collectives et participatives dans des lieux spécifiques de trois villes d'Amérique latine: Mexico D.F., Bogota D.C. et Medellín. Le texte problématise la présence de distinctes idéologies et représentations sociales de l'artistique dans ses dimensions locales et globales, qui établissent des significations de l'artistique, du politique et du social, qui luttent lors de leur association à certaines pratiques artistiques contemporaines, leurs agents et institutions. Pour cela, il propose un accès qui s'éloigne un peu de la théorie et de l'histoire de l'art, en se situant dans un va et vient constant entre les hypothèses des pratiques artistiques et les sciences sociales. ; O presente artigo aborda distintos aspectos relacionados à espacialização de alguns casos de práticas artísticas coletivas e participativas em lugares específicos de três cidades latino-americanas: México D.F., Bogotá D.C. y Medellín. O texto problematiza a presença de distintos ideários e representações sociais do artístico nas suas dimensões local e global, que estabelecem significados do artístico, do político e o social, que lutam ao se associar a algumas práticas artísticas contemporâneas, os seus agentese instituições. Para isso, propõe uma entrada que se afasta um pouco da teoria e história da arte, tendo como produto um ir e vir constante entre os supostos das práticas artísticas e as ciências sociais.

Contents: History, Method, Legacy – Claudio Panella: Industrial Labor in Italian Literature and Film before Neorealism – Lorenzo Marmo: Spaces and Bodies of Industrial Labor in Italian Cinema, 1945– 1975 – Paola Bonifazio: A Short History of Sponsored Film in Italy – Jim Carter: For a New Humanism: Literary and Cultural Debate in Il Menabò di letteratura – Emanuele Zinato: The Factory as Cultural Center – Sergio Ferrarese: Alienation and Class Struggle in Italian Literature – Alessandra Diazzi: Care or Control? Psychology and Psychoanalysis in Italian Factories – Andrea Sartori: Class Struggle and Its Metamorphoses: A Path through Postwar Italian Political Thought – Ambra Zorat: Women and/ in the Factory – Piergiorgio Mori: Ecocritical Approaches to Factory Life – Paolo Chirumbolo: The City, the Countryside and the «Great Transformation» in Italian Industrial Literature – Francesca Cantore and Andrea Minuz: Against Working- Class Idols: Thieves, Vitelloni, Hunks and the Dolce Vita in 1950s Italian Cinema – Carlo Baghetti: Contemporary Returns to Questions of Industry and Labor – Malvina Giordana: Italian Cinema in the Twenty- First Century: Representing the Precarious Subject – Italian Industrial Literature – Ugo Fracassa: Luigi Davì: The Caliber of a Working- Class Writer – Fabrizio di Maio: Mechanization and Exploitation in Ottiero Ottieri: Tempi stretti (1957) and Donnarumma all'assalto (1959) – Tiziano Toracca: Giovanni Arpino's Industrial Novels: Gli anni del giudizio (1958) and Una nuvola d'ira (1962) – Silvia Cavalli: Industrial Absurdities and Utopia in Giancarlo Buzzi's Il senatore (1958) and L'amore mio italiano (1963) – Giovanni Capecchi: Failure and Solitude in the Boom Years: The Vigevano Stories of Lucio Mastronardi – Mark Pietralunga: Luciano Bianciardi and the New Frenetic Era of Labor – Daniele Fioretti: Writing the Factory: Paolo Volponi's Industrial Novels – Ricciarda Ricorda: Reversing the Coming- of- Age Story in Industrial Society: Il padrone (1965) by Goffredo Parise – Pasquale Verdicchio: When Nothing Meets the Needs of Everything: Nanni Balestrini's Vogliamo tutto (1971) – Pierpaolo Antonello: La chiave a stella (1978): Labor sub specie Faussone – Erica Bellia: Tommaso Di Ciaula's Tuta blu (1978): The Voice and Body of the Working Class – Italian Industrial Film – Paola D'Amora: «Casa e lavoro»: Southern Labor and the Housing Problem in Eduardo De Filippo's Napoletani a Milano (1953) – Anna Masecchia: Giovanna (1955) and the Others: Factory Women in Reconstruction Italy – Federico Vitella: Love Is Not a Many Splendored Thing: Pietro Germi's L'uomo di paglia (1958) – Valerio Coladonato and Dalila Missero: Rocco e i suoi fratelli (1960): Patterns of Labor, Space and Integration – Veronica Pravadelli: Il posto (1961) and the Gender of Italian Modernity – Lucia Cardone: Earth and Water: The Market of Bodies in La ragazza in vetrina (1961) – Andrea Mariani: The Working Class in Post- Neorealist Italian Cinema: Times and Politics of Mario Monicelli's I compagni (1963) – Eleonora Lima: The Factory as a Work of Art and an Alienating Force in Michelangelo Antonioni's Deserto rosso (1964) – Luca Peretti: Italiani nel mondo (1965): The Glorification of Italian Labor Abroad – Louis Bayman: A Spanner in the Works: Elio Petri from Il maestro di Vigevano (1963) to La classe operaia va in paradiso (1971) – Ilaria A. De Pascalis: The Seduction of a Worker in Lina Wertmüller's Mimì metallurgico ferito nell'onore (1972) – Mattia Lento: Migration, Industry and Class Struggle in Trevico- Torino: Viaggio nel Fiat- Nam (1973) – Appendix: Italian Industrial Literature and Film – A Tentative Canon.

This volume considers the important and timely question of criminal justice as a method of addressing state violence committed by non-democratic regimes. The book's main objectives concern a fresh, contemporary, and critical analysis of transitional criminal justice as a concept and its related measures, beginning with the initiatives that have been put in place with the fall of the Communist regimes in Europe in 1989.The project argues for rethinking and revisiting filters that scholars use to interpret main issues of transitional criminal justice, such as: the relationship between judicial accountability, democratisation and politics in transitional societies; the role of successor trials in rewriting history; the interaction between domestic and international actors and specific initiatives in shaping transitional justice; and the paradox of time in enhancing accountability for human rights violations. In order to accomplish this, the volume considers cases of domestic accountability in the post-1989 era, from different geographical areas, such as Europe, Asia and Africa, in relation to key events from various periods of time. In this way the approach, which investigates space and time-lines in key examples, also takes into account a longitudinal study of transitional criminal justice itself. About the book'Transitional justice nowadays is an industry which produces hundreds of texts each year and it is difficult to turn our attention to an intellectual product. This book is well-balanced and will find recognition in readers and students of transitional justice, as well as researchers on social transformation. It is a collection in the best tradition of socio-legal research. The book is recommended for two reasons: its serious treatment of criminal justice as a part of transitional justice, and its approach, which locates the problem of transitional justice in post-communist Europe in a broader, comparative context.' Prof. Dr. Adam Czarnota, Scientific Director of the International Institute for the Sociology of Law, Oati, Spain'By carefully considering how criminal justice relates to democratization, collective memory, internationalist concerns, and the passage of time since violations occurred, this volume contributes importantly to the evolving transitional justice literature. The questions it raises are timely and theoretically grounded, and the choice of cases diverse and illuminating. Its authors richly contextualize their examinations, complementing recent broad comparative studies that explore large numbers of cases with little detail. This in-depth study critically advances our understanding of the challenges of justice on the fraught terrain of transitioning societies.' Nadya Nedelsky, Associate Professor and Chair, International Studies, Macalester College, Saint Paul, MN.'A collection of provocative, thoughtful and superbly documented contributions to our understanding of the dilemmas of transitional justice in post-dictatorial societies. The authors argue that democratic communities cannot function properly if they do not address past crimes and abuses. Genuine reconciliation cannot take place if memory and justice are ignored and denied. With its insightful comparative perspective, this book is highly recommended to all those who care about the relationship between human rights and democracy.' Vladimir Tismaneanu, University of Maryland (College Park)

SUMMARY: The article looks at the ways in which different forms of imperialism and neo-Eurasianism in contemporary Russian art and politics have combined geopolitical notions with a neoclassical aesthetics and, at the same time, with a vision of the Soviet past and the late Soviet underground as a closed space untainted by consumerism and globalization. It focuses, in particular, on the work of the postmodern imperialist writer Pavel Krusanov and the public performances of the group he led, the Petersburg Fundamentalists. By looking at the sources of this group's artistic strategies, to be found in the work of the cult underground artists and performers Timur Novikov and Sergey Kuryokhin, the article argues that, among some nationalist circles, perestroika and the 1990s are associated with the disaster produced by a "Western cultural colonization" of Russia – but are also seen, nostalgically, as a time of intellectual freedom, creativity, and radicalism not yet contaminated by the boredom and conformism of the neoliberal world order. The paradoxical combination of conservatism and postmodern irony informing the Fundamentalists' imperial imagination is indicative of a transitional moment within post-Soviet literature and public culture, when fringe political ideas move farther and farther into the mainstream, and when the irony, aesthetic provocations, and performativity of the late Soviet underground – originally oriented toward a deconstruction of Soviet grand narratives – develop into new political technologies and forms of mass manipulation. The article concludes that although the Petersburg Fundamentalists anticipated these larger cultural trends, their work should not simply be seen as a symptom of Russia's decline into populism, but rather as an experiment in political imagination and a reaction to the fundamental disengagement and depoliticization of Russian society after the end of the Soviet Union. Резюме: В статье рассказывается о том, как различные формы имперских фантазий и неоевразийства в современном российском искусстве и политике сочетают геополитические проекции с неоклассической эстетикой и одновременно со взглядом на советское прошлое и позднесоветский андеграунд как закрытое пространство, незапятнанное потребительством и глобализацией. Конкретнее, речь идет о творчестве постмодернистского писателя-имперца Павла Крусанова и публичных выступлениях возглавляемой им группы "Петербургских фундаменталистов". Истоки художественной стратегии этой группы обнаруживаются в творчестве культовых художников и музыкантов андеграунда Тимура Новикова и Сергея Курехина. Анализируя эту генеалогию, автор утверждает, что в некоторых националистических кругах перестройка и 1990-е годы воспринимаются как катастрофа, связанная с "западной культурной колонизацией" России. Но одновременно эта эпоха вызывает у них ностальгию по интеллектуальной свободе, творчеству и радикализму, еще не загрязненным скукой и конформизмом неолиберального мирового порядка. Парадоксальное сочетание консерватизма и постмодернистской иронии, питающее имперское воображение фундаменталистов, свидетельствует о переходном моменте в постсоветской литературе и общественной культуре. Маргинальные политические идеи становятся все более мейнстримными, а ирония, эстетические провокации и перформативность позднесоветского андеграунда, изначально ориентированные на деконструкцию советских больших нарративов, трансформируются в политические технологии и формы массовой манипуляции. В статье делается вывод, что, хотя петербургские фундаменталисты предвосхитили эти масштабные культурные тренды, их работу следует рассматривать не просто как симптом скатывания России к популизму, а скорее как эксперимент политического воображения и реакцию на фундаментальное размежевание и деполитизацию российского общества после распада СССР.

AbstractSeveral important studies of New York City's fiscal crisis of the 1970s identify the city's deindustrialization as a key component. The flight of manufacturers from New York fostered a racialized unemployment crisis while eroding the city's tax base, undermining its ability to meet increasing demands for social services, creating incentives for policymakers to focus on real estate development as the motor of the city's political economy, and weakening the institutions, especially labor unions, that had served as bulwarks of the city's unique (by American standards) brand of municipal social democracy.This article explores the roots of deindustrialization in one of New York City's most important industries, the manufacture of clothing. Capital flight, in the form of "runaway shops," began as early as the teens, when the International Ladies' Garment Workers Union (ILG) established itself through a series of key battles. The handmaiden to runaway shops was the reemergence of contracting, whereby the assembly of garments was disaggregated in terms of time, space, and legal identity.The twin forces of contracting and runaways threatened the existence of the ILG by draining garment work out of its New York City stronghold. I trace efforts to combat it through their culmination in what I call the "New Deal settlement," a stabilization of the industry across what contemporary analysts called the "New York Production Area." This settlement, I argue, was at once geographical, political, cultural, and economic. Its goal was to limit competition and establish a new equilibrium in the garment industry, one that could permit manufacturers acceptable profits without resort to the sweatshop. I borrow the notion of a "regulating capital" from the economist Anwar Shaikh to describe these attempts to engineer a reproducible cost structure.As soon as the New Deal settlement emerged, manufacturers began working to collapse it. I trace the dispersion of garment work to places like northeastern Pennsylvania, where manufacturers enlisted the wives and daughters of unemployed anthracite miners to sew their garments. Factory owners, sometimes linked to organized crime, sought to establish a new regulating capital rooted in relationships of domination, protected by authoritarian local governments. When imported garments arrived in the 1950s, a new regulating capital rooted in a worldwide sweatshop economy forced manufacturers to leave Pennsylvania for the US South, the Caribbean, and beyond. In an attempt to link political economy with social history, I stress that the currency of regulating capitals, particularly in labor-intensive industries, is political domination.Throughout, I illustrate these processes with reference to Judy Bond, the blousemaker whose departure for the US South prompted a widely publicized but unsuccessful national boycott led by the ILG. In terms of the historiography of New York City's deindustrialization, this account offers an alternative emphasis to that of Robert Fitch, whose influential account emphasized "a conscious policy" to deindustrialize the city, overseen by the real estate industry. Instead, I show how deindustrialization was rooted in significant ways in the dynamics of competition themselves, shaped at each stage by particular social relationships, state policy, and world politics.

Las relaciones entre política y comunicación no son nuevas, pero parecen haber suscitado recientemente un renovado interés desde el punto de vista académico. Las transformaciones que han afectado a las sociedades democráticas contemporáneas, como la digitalización o el auge de la desinformación, explican la preocupación por estos asuntos. Una de las cuestiones de mayor interés son las elecciones, como momento en el que se materializa la democracia participativa. En ese contexto dinámico, esta investigación pretende revisar las principales investigaciones sobre comunicación política y elecciones en el ámbito ibérico (España y Portugal), identificando posibles similitudes y divergencias. El objetivo es conocer las tendencias investigadoras (temas y métodos), para plantear después los retos pendientes. Con este fin, se desarrolla una revisión bibliográfica en profundidad de investigaciones publicadas durante el período 2008-2021 en WoS, Scopus y libros de referencia. Como resultados, se observan semejanzas en la preferencia metodológica por el análisis de contenido, si bien los temas abordados difieren en función de circunstancias nacionales, más allá de cierta coincidencia en el análisis de los comicios legislativos de índole nacional. En España se ha tratado especialmente la acción de los nuevos partidos en redes sociales, mientras que en Portugal prevalece el interés por la televisión. Asimismo, la explosión de producción científica en España contrasta con el menor número de estudios en el caso portugués. Los investigadores de ambos países tienen el reto de ofrecer estudios comparativos entre elecciones, así como implementar una mayor pluralidad metodológica que permita ahondar en las motivaciones de las acciones comunicativas. ; The relationship between politics and communication is not new, but it seems to have sparked renewed academic interest in recent years. The transformations that have affected contemporary democratic societies, such as digital technologies or the rise of disinformation, explain the concern about these issues. One of the topics of greatest interest are the elections, as the moment in which participatory democracy takes place. In this changing context, this study aims to carry out a review of the main research on political communication and elections in the Iberian area (Spain and Portugal), identifying possible similarities and divergences. The objective is to know the research trends (topics and methods) in order to later pose pending challenges. An in-depth bibliographic review was conducted of research published during 2008-2021 in WoS, Scopus and reference books. As results, similarities are observed in the methodological preference for content analysis, although the topics addressed differ depending on national circumstances, beyond a certain coincidence in the analysis of national legislative elections. In Spain, the action of the new parties on social networks has been especially addressed, while in Portugal the interest in television prevails. Likewise, the breakthrough of scientific production in Spain contrasts with the lower number of studies in the Portuguese cases. Researchers from both countries face the challenge of offering comparative studies between elections, as well as implementing a higher methodological plurality that allows to delve into the reasons of communicative actions. ; Universidad de Sevilla VIPPIT-2020-IV.3 ; Universidade da Beira Interior PTDC/COM-JOR/3866/2020

Las relaciones entre política y comunicación no son nuevas, pero parecen haber suscitado recientemente un renovado interés desde el punto de vista académico. Las transformaciones que han afectado a las sociedades democráticas contemporáneas, como la digitalización o el auge de la desinformación, explican la preocupación por estos asuntos. Una de las cuestiones de mayor interés son las elecciones, como momento en el que se materializa la democracia participativa. En ese contexto dinámico, esta investigación pretende revisar las principales investigaciones sobre comunicación política y elecciones en el ámbito ibérico (España y Portugal), identificando posibles similitudes y divergencias. El objetivo es conocer las tendencias investigadoras (temas y métodos), para plantear después los retos pendientes. Con este fin, se desarrolla una revisión bibliográfica en profundidad de investigaciones publicadas durante el período 2008-2021 en WoS, Scopus y libros de referencia. Como resultados, se observan semejanzas en la preferencia metodológica por el análisis de contenido, si bien los temas abordados difieren en función de circunstancias nacionales, más allá de cierta coincidencia en el análisis de los comicios legislativos de índole nacional. En España se ha tratado especialmente la acción de los nuevos partidos en redes sociales, mientras que en Portugal prevalece el interés por la televisión. Asimismo, la explosión de producción científica en España contrasta con el menor número de estudios en el caso portugués. Los investigadores de ambos países tienen el reto de ofrecer estudios comparativos entre elecciones, así como implementar una mayor pluralidad metodológica que permita ahondar en las motivaciones de las acciones comunicativas.//The relationship between politics and communication is not new, but it seems to have sparked renewed academic interest in recent years. The transformations that have affected contemporary democratic societies, such as digital technologies or the rise of disinformation, explain the concern about these issues. One of the topics of greatest interest are the elections, as the moment in which participatory democracy takes place. In this changing context, this study aims to carry out a review of the main research on political communication and elections in the Iberian area (Spain and Portugal), identifying possible similarities and divergences. The objective is to know the research trends (topics and methods) in order to later pose pending challenges. An in-depth bibliographic review was conducted of research published during 2008-2021 in WoS, Scopus and reference books. As results, similarities are observed in the methodological preference for content analysis, although the topics addressed differ depending on national circumstances, beyond a certain coincidence in the analysis of national legislative elections. In Spain, the action of the new parties on social networks has been especially addressed, while in Portugal the interest in television prevails. Likewise, the breakthrough of scientific production in Spain contrasts with the lower number of studies in the Portuguese cases. Researchers from both countries face the challenge of offering comparative studies between elections, as well as implementing a higher methodological plurality that allows to delve into the reasons of communicative actions.

El artículo propone un diálogo Sur-Sur acerca de los desafíos que plantea el campo político en la actualidad. Además de las coordinadoras Joice Barbosa y Moira Pérez, participan Silvana Tapia Tapia de Ecuador, Abdourahmane Seck de Senegal y Verónica Figueroa Huencho de Wellmapu (Chile), quienes se desempeñan tanto en el ámbito académico como en el campo social mediante el activismo político y/o comunitario, desde el cual producen conocimientos colectivos de carácter situado. A lo largo de la conversación se analizan temas tales como la expresión de formas contemporáneas de neoconservadurismo y autoritarismo, las disputas de los movimientos sociales con la institucionalidad, sus tensiones con un Estado que tiende a la cooptación pero también mantiene profundas lealtades capitalistas y coloniales, y las posibilidades y experiencias de formas alternativas de organización colectiva y comunitaria. Además, se explora cuál es y cuál puede ser en este escenario el rol de la academia y de quienes trabajan en ella, en la tensión entre los compromisos institucionales y la política radical. ; This paper proposes a South-South dialogue around some of the challenges currently encountered in the political sphere. In addition to its coordinators Joice Barbosa Becerra and Moira Pérez, the round table gathers Silvana Tapia Tapia from Ecuador, Abdourahmane Seck from Senegal and Verónica Figueroa Huencho from Wellmapu (Chile). These scholars work both in academia and in the social field through political and/or community activism, from which they produce collective, situated knowledge. The conversation addresses issues such as the expression of contemporary forms of neo-conservatism and authoritarianism, the disputes of social movements with institutionality, their tensions with a state prone to co-optation which nevertheless maintains its deep capitalist and colonial loyalties, and the possibilities and experiences of alternative forms of collective and community organisation. Furthermore, participants explore what is —and what could be— the role of the academy and those who work in it in this scenario, in the tension between institutional commitments and radical politics. ; Cet article propose un dialogue Sud-Sud sur les défis posés par le champ politique contemporain. En plus des coordinatrices Joice Barbosa Becerra et Moira Pérez, à cette conversation participent Silvana Tapia Tapia de l'Équateur, Abdourahmane Seck du Sénégal et Verónica Figueroa Huencho de Wellmapu (Chili). Ces trois personnes travaillent à la fois dans le milieu académique et dans le domaine social, car elles exercent un activisme politique et/ou communautaire à partir duquel elles produisent des connaissances collectives et situées. La conversation aborde entre autres les sujets suivants: l'expression des formes contemporaines du neoconservatisme et de l'autoritarisme, les conflits entre les mouvements sociaux et les institutions, leurs tensions avec un État qui tend à la cooptation mais qui maintient également de profondes loyautés capitalistes et coloniales, et les possibilités et expériences de formes alternatives d'organisation collective et communautaire. L'article explore également le rôle du monde académique et des personnes y travaillant, prises par une tension entre les engagements institutionnels et la politique radicale.

Recent decades have shown that the relationship between religion and modernity has gone beyond classical theses in the West. In this article I argue that the link between these two constructs is one of complex coexistence, particularly in Catholicism. Through internal transformations, the institution has built a field from which to continue influencing the management of politics and law. Since the 1980s, Christian-inspired collectives have been articulated at the global level and among civil society, making use of their participants´ dual condition of laypersons and believing citizens, to influence the normative ordering of societies from a deprivatizing perspective. Based on the theoretical apparatus proposed by José Casanova, I argue that this deprivatization movement is a strategy in the face of the growing process of societal secularization and the tension of the privatization/deprivatization dichotomy through contemporary dynamics of political mobilization. In order to understand this movement through the laity, the article focuses on the study of Christian-inspired discourses from members of Spanish Neo-conservative collectives. The fieldwork was carried out between 2017 and 2018 in Madrid, Bilbao and Pamplona, three of the most active cities in Christian-inspired mobilizations. Based on the discourse analysis of interviews, of non-participant observations of such mobilizations, and of Vatican documents and deprivatization collectives, the article allows us to understand how this institution has stimulated the laity to mobilize in the public space in defence of Catholic worldview as a form of political repositioning. ; Las últimas décadas han mostrado que la relación entre religión y modernidad ha desbordado las tesis clásicas en Occidente. En este artículo sostengo que la vinculación entre estos dos constructos es de compleja coexistencia, particularmente en el catolicismo, pues mediante transformaciones internas, la institución ha construido un campo desde el que continuar influyendo en la gestión de lo político y el derecho. Alineadas con este movimiento, desde la década de 1980 se han articulado colectivos de inspiración cristiana que, a nivel global y de la sociedad civil, hacen uso de la doble condición de laico/a y ciudadano/a creyente de sus participantes para influir en el ordenamiento normativo de las sociedades desde una perspectiva desprivatizadora. A partir del aparato teórico propuesto por José Casanova defiendo que este movimiento desprivatizador es una estrategia frente al creciente proceso de secularización societal, y al tensionamiento de la dicotomía privatización/desprivatización mediante contemporáneas dinámicas de movilización política. Para comprender este movimiento a través del laicado, el artículo se centra en el estudio de los discursos de agrupaciones y miembros de colectivos neoconservadores españoles de inspiración cristiana. El trabajo de campo ha sido realizado entre los años 2017 y 2018 en Madrid, Bilbao y Pamplona, tres de las ciudades más activas en las movilizaciones de inspiración cristiana. A partir del análisis de discurso de entrevistas, de observaciones no participantes de las movilizaciones y de documentos vaticanos y de colectivos desprivatizadores, el artículo permite comprender cómo dicha institución ha estimulado al laicado a movilizarse en el espacio público en defensa de la cosmovisión católica como forma de reposicionamiento político. ; - ; - ; -

La presente investigación tiene como objetivo central realizar una cartografía del estado actual de la filosofía en función de comprender el debate vigente sobre la verdad, el conocimiento y la ciencia en un mundo signado por la tecnología y sus correspondientes implicaciones en la educación. En este sentido, usando el método genealógico, se analiza la emergencia del concepto 'tecnología' en función de identificar las condiciones de posibilidad tanto históricas como conceptuales que permiten apreciar cómo la aplicación y consolidación de la moderna ciencia motivaron una ruptura en lo que hasta entonces se conocerá como técnica para dar lugar a la denominada tecnología en la actualidad. De este modo, la relación de la tecnología y el ser humano es analizada bajo la confrontación de dos ópticas opuestas, por un lado, se tomarán las reflexiones realizadas por Heidegger y, por otro, las planteadas por Ortega y Gasset con el objeto de visibilizar la disputa de la visión de la tecnología. Los frutos de este debate permitirán apreciar las implicaciones de la revolución tecnológica y científica en la educación considerando sus límites y posibilidades. Entre los principales hallazgos se encuentra que la ciencia moderna impactó directamente en la consolidación de la tecnología frente a la tradicional técnica bajo criterios positivistas que han monopolizado el concepto y conocimiento de la verdad, dejando de lado otros ámbitos como el arte, la política o el amor. Esto ha desembocado en un crecimiento de posiciones relativistas culturales. Estos aspectos han marcado el mundo contemporáneo con un impacto radical en el campo educativo.//First, this research will be done a cartography about main streams of philosophy to understand present discussion about truth, knowledge and science considering a world marked by technology and the corresponding implications in education. In this sense, using the genealogical method I analyze the emergence of the technology concept to identify both the historical and conceptual conditions of possibility. This allows us to appreciate how the application and consolidation of modern science caused a break in the conception of technique to move to technology. In this way, the relationship between technology and the human being is analyzed under the confrontation of two opposite perspective, on the one hand, the reflections made by Martin Heidegger and on the other hand, the approaches made by Ortega y Gasset to make visible the dispute of the vision of technology. The results of this debate will allow us to appreciate the implications of the technological revolution in different fields of education, considering its limits and possibilities. Among the main findings is that modern science direct influences on the consolidation of technology as opposed to the traditional technique under positivist criteria that have monopolized the concept and knowledge about truth, set aside other spheres such as art, politics, or love. This has led to a growth of relativistic cultural positions. In addition, these aspects have marked the contemporary world, also affecting the educational field.

As a former imperial capital, Vienna has attracted immigrants throughout the second half of the 20th century, providing not only a space of life, but also a space where various cultural organizations could be established. Throughout the Cold War, its role as a gate towards the West additionally contributed to its urban melting pot environment. One of the important phenomena in Viennese immigrant history are guest workers (Gastarbeiter) coming from bordering socialist Yugoslavia. In 2016 the 50th anniversary of the contract between the Republic of Austria and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia regulating voluntary migration of Yugoslav workers, was marked by an exhibition entitled Ajnhajtclub and held in frei__raum Q21 exhibition space in Museumsquartier in Vienna. Curated by Bogomir Doringer, exhibition presented an array of artistic installations which problematized the status of Yugoslav guest workers in Austrian capital and their (guest) culture. Importantly, an integral part of the exhibition was also the official opening, which featured a performance of Hor 29. Novembar, an amateur selforganized choir initially founded as a choir of Yugoslav guest workers in Vienna with a pronounced left and inclusive political platform. Following Bojana Kunst's essay on the "artist at work" (2015), in this paper I will analyze this exhibition, particularly focusing on the preparatory stage and rehearsals of the opening performance of the choir and their interaction with the "art in making". I will show how the idea of "inclusion" dissipated through the process of the "staging" of the performance engulfed with bureaucratic issues and artistic pretensions, but also through the permeative presence of social and symbolic borders which are part and parcel of the Yugoslav community itself. I will particularly emphasize the choir's own self-reflectivity of this political situation and their struggle to use their position as "amateurs at work" in order to act political subjects and escape the "proximity of art and capitalism", which Kunst convincingly traces in her study. ; Conference Description: The empires that once defined the political geography of Europe are no more. One cannot meet a Prussian, Romanov, Habsburg, or Ottoman today; these dusty categories of affiliation have ceded to myriad national identities. Yet it would be mistaken to assume that Europe's bygone empires have become mere relics of history. Imperial pasts continue to inspire nostalgia, identification, pride, anxiety, skepticism, and disdain in the present. The afterlives of empires as objects of memory exceed historical knowledge, precisely because these afterlives shape and recast the present and the future. Simultaneously, present-and future-oriented imperatives accentuate imperial pasts in selective ways, yielding new configurations of post-imperial amnesia as well as memory. Our conference brings together an interdisciplinary group of scholars working on post-imperial legacies in relation to a variety of specific cities, including Vienna, Istanbul, Budapest, Sarajevo, Trieste, Thessaloniki, Zagreb, and Belgrade. Our contributors pursue the politics and cultures of memory in relation to two general, interrelated questions: What are the effects of imperial legacies on contemporary cities? and, How do present-day urban processes reshape the forms of post-imperial memory and forgetting?

Note: The remaining poems in this folio are linked below. Emilie Collyer, Body in Question, TEXT SPECIAL ISSUES Number 58 April 2020 and The Incompleteness Book published Recent Work Press November 2020 http://www.textjournal.com.au/speciss/Issue58.pdf https://recentworkpress.com/books/product/the-incompleteness-book/ Emilie Collyer: white space, Cordite Poetry Review: NO THEME 10: 1 May 2020 http://cordite.org.au/poetry/notheme10/white-space/ Emilie Collyer, Letter of the Law, The Victorian Writer: Wordsmith Issue March-May 2021 Emilie Collyer, Clot, Poet Laureates of Melbourne, published 8 August 2020 (Melbourne City of Literature) https://mailchi.mp/119055501042/july25th2020-4267946?e=8b7801e811 Emilie Collyer, under bridges, Booth (online), 5 March 2021 https://booth.butler.edu/2021/03/05/under-bridges/ Emilie Collyer, Three Poems on Daisy Noyes (Curve, Flame, Skin), The Ekphrastic Review, published online 22 December 2020 https://www.ekphrastic.net/ekphrastic-journal/three-poems-on-daisy-noyes-by-emilie-collyer Emilie Collyer, Quiet hook, Stilts (online), June 2021 https://www.stiltsjournal.com/single-post/quiet-hook-emilie-collyer Emilie Collyer, Everyday Antigone, Borderless: A Transnational Anthology of Feminist Poetry published Recent Work Press 2021 https://recentworkpress.com/product/borderless/ Background: Throughout 2020 and 2021 I have been researching contemporary feminist poetics, exploring the various ways feminism manifests in poetry via language and aesthetic, with a particular interest in how feminist writing intersects with affect theory. My interest in this intersection aligns with Pedwell and Whitehead's assertion that 'feminist engagement with affective politics' has the capacity to attend to 'the ways in which feelings can (re)produce dominant social and geo-political hierarchies and exclusions'. By this I mean I seek to make poetry that is responsive to affect in a deliberately feminist way; that seeks to make visible and articulate broad questions of socio-political tensions and power dynamics. Contribution: Each of these poems responds to a concrete stimulus. It may be an historical or literary figure, a personal medical event, a news story, a series of photographs about mothering during lockdown, a court case. I use the techniques of poetry, including use of line, space, rhythm, repetition, formal traditions and visual layout, to render the affective qualities of these stimulus via a feminist lens. I do this by the aspect of the stimulus I focus on and the way I use language, such as satirising legal jargon, or building a poem that attempts to mirror the sense of being trolled online. By creating these focussed, feminist poems, I invite the reader to also question the structures and situations the poems evoke and, perhaps, those around them in everyday life. Significance: These poems have been published in prestigious Australian literary journals: Rabbit, Cordite, TEXT and Stilts; in two American poetry journals: The Ekphrastic Review and Booth; and in three Australian poetry anthologies: Borderless and The Incompleteness Book (both published by Recent Work Press) and the Melbourne City of Literature Poet Laureates Anthology. Poem 'white space' was commended in the Melbourne Poets Union International Poetry Competition 2021.

Nature's rights approaches are being developed as an alternative legal means to secure justice for nature and, oftentimes, for humans, too. As a nascent phenomenon, most studies examine nature's rights as an eco-centric legal theory. This study fills a gap in academic literature by examining nature's rights governance approaches which seek to secure justice for both humans and nature. This study examines Colombia's two seminal court-ordered nature's rights approaches to determine to what degree they have satisfied their aims to secure justice for humans and nature simultaneously. Each case recognizes an ecosystem – the Atrato River Basin (est. 2016) and the Colombian Amazon (est. 2018) – as a legal subject with the rights to be protected, maintained, conserved, and restored. Developed as a remedy for human rights violations, both cases provide an opportunity to explore variations in nature's rights approaches and the relationship between efforts to secure justice for humans and nature. To meet the overall objective, I have conducted a qualitative analysis, using comparative, narrative, and thematic approaches to examine available research materials. Materials include primary data collected from interviews with those involved in the formation and implementation of the Atrato and Amazon court rulings. I also examined official progress reports and transcripts from Public Audiences reviewing compliance, additional government documents and gray literature (i.e., media coverage). Analysis was supported by reference to two fields of academic enquiry, environmental justice (justice between humans in nature) and ecological justice (justice for nature) theories. As such, I have sought to consider the strength of nature's rights approaches as a means to secure justice for humans and nature. Drawing from evidence regarding implementation efforts, I argue that the Atrato River Basin and Colombian Amazon nature's rights approaches currently fall short of their aims to secure justice for both humans and nature. While both rulings contained some essential elements of both environmental and ecological justice theories, interpretation and implementation of the rulings have yet to enable justice and, in some cases, have perpetuated injustices. Examination has identified some of the impeding factors influencing justice outcomes, characterized as a politics of neglect. Low levels of compliance in both cases evidences a permeating disregard for the significant, ongoing threats imposed on both humans and nature in the Atrato and Amazon regions. Both approaches emerged within an incompatible culture of impunity, noncompliance, and a militarized extractive complex, which remain the prime barriers to securing any justice. Analysis of both approaches also suggests that efforts to secure justice for humans and nature may be ultimately compatible, as they share common opportunities (i.e., secure pathways to protect nature's ecological health and interdependent human rights) and adversaries (i.e. militarized extractive complex). I conclude that environmental and ecological injustices are co-occurring symptoms of a broader injustice and, thus, require an intersectional justice approach to help overcome adversarial factors. This argument is supported by evidence gleaned from analyzing the approaches within their historical and contemporary contexts, against their aims to secure justice for both humans and nature. ; M-IES

Title: Negotiating ludic normativity in Facebook meme pages Author: Ondřej Procházka Affiliation: Department of Culture Studies, Tilburg School of Humanities and Digital Sciences This thesis explores the capacity of Internet memes to inflect social realities in the communities organized around them on social media, particularly Facebook. Memes are not mere playful 'jokes' or 'parodies' spreading virally on the Internet in countless variations, they are also powerful tools for political investment aimed to sway public attention and opinions. Memes have been increasingly documented as a vital component in the unprecedented spread and 'normalization' of hateful sentiments and ideologies characterized by 'fake news' and 'post-truth' politics appealing to emotions rather than 'facts' in the digital mainstream. Based on author's more than five-year observation of communities around Countryball memes, this work argues that much of the socio-cultural and communicative dynamics involving memes can be understood in terms of ludic play. The object of the study – Countryballs memes – are simple meme-comics featuring ball-shaped creatures in colors denoting nation-states while satirically reinventing international 'drama' through the prism of socio-cultural and linguistic stereotypes. Having become a household name among memes, Countryballs offer communicative resources to playfully engage not only with wider socio-political issues, but also to with the linguistic, semiotic and ideological boundaries of our communicative norms shaped by the affordances of social media. The present work demonstrates how play can be used as a useful concept for understanding not only how matters of public attention are packed, framed and transmitted in the digital culture via (Countryball) memes, but more importantly how such matters are in fact interpreted by those who engage with them. More specifically, it shows how play enables alternative modes of expression and meaning making with different normative patterns and preferences which stand outside 'standard', 'rational' or 'civil' expectations. And it is precisely ludic play that fosters different types of communication and sociality which are often done 'just for fun', however serious or offensive their effects may be. To identify these effects and their implications in the contemporary digital age, the thesis employs a discourse-analytical methodology informed by current advances in digital ethnography and sociolinguistics. It focuses on negotiations among participants in memetic communities about what counts as 'appropriate', 'acceptable' or 'correct' in their socio-communicative behavior. Together in four case studies, the present work provides a comprehensive account of how participants articulate, police, break and re-construct ludic normativity in connection with recent socio-political issues and digital culture at large. This includes the role of memes in the newly emerging forms of communication, in the rise of populism and nationalism, algorithmic manipulation and exploitation, curating digital content and more. The concept of play is continually revisited throughout the discussion against the developments in the scholarship on Internet memes and their ludic genealogy. In doing so, the thesis also revisits some of the traditional concepts such as the notion of 'community' and 'communicative competence' to arrive at more precise accounts of the concrete processes of globalization and digitalization in our societies and their effects.